E.H.LEWINSKI-CORWIN 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

SAN  DIEGO 


withdrawn 


THE 

POLITICAL    HISTORY 

OF 

POLAND 


By 
EDWARD  H.  LEWINSKI-CORWIN,  Ph.  D. 


"GLI    UOMINI   LlBERI   SONO    FRATELLI." 
Motto  of  the  Polish   Legions  of  the  Napoleonic  Era. 


NEW  YORK 

THE  POLISH  BOOK  IMPORTING  COMPANY 

1917 


Copyright,   1917 

By  EDWARD  H:    LEWINSKI-CORWIN 


Preface 

The  Great  War  has  placed  the  Polish  Question  foremost 
among  the  political  problems  which  must  be  solved  at  the  close 
of  the  present  hostilities. 

With  the  progress  of  the  war  has  come  increased  oppor- 
tunity for  a  just  and  equitable  recognition  of  Poland's  national 
and  political  rights.  Russia  and  the  Central  Powers  have  been 
outbidding  each  other  in  their  promises  to  Poland.  As  a  mat- 
ter of  expediency,  by  their  act  of  November  5,  1916,  the  Central 
Powers  allowed  that  part  of  Poland  which  was  under  Russian 
rule  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war  to  be  organized  into  a 
Polish  state.  The  contingencies  of  the  war  as  well  as  the 
pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  the  governments  of  Germany 
and  Austria-Hungary  by  the  Poles  forced  the  two  Emperors 
to  proclaim  this  act.  They  did  it  reluctantly  and  after  long 
delay,  realizing  that  it  was  a  step  toward  a  truly  independent 
Polish  state  and  that  such  a  state  is  unthinkable  without  an 
outlet  to  the  sea  which  can  be  obtained  only  by  the  cession  of 
the  Polish  possessions  now  held  by  Prussia  and  without 
Galicia,  where  Polish  national  life  has  had  its  fullest  and  most 
intense  expresLion.  During  the  present  war  Galicia  has  borne 
the  same  relation  to  Poland's  independence  as  Piedmont,  in 
Cavour's  time,  bore  to  the  unification  and  liberation  of  Italy. 

Whatever  motives  the  Central  Powers  may  have  had  in 
proclaiming  Poland's  independence  and  whatever  plans  they 
might  have  laid  for  its  future  undoing,  by  this  act  they  have 
put  the  Polish  Question  on  an  international  basis  and  have 
made  Russia's  earlier  promises  for  Polish  autonomy  under 
Russian  sovereignty  appear  very  insignificant.  What  is  more 
important,  however,  is  that  they  have  thus  made  it  possible  for 
Poland  to  express  in  no  mistaken  terms  her  demand  for  com- 
plete independence  and  to  take  the  preliminary  steps  toward 
the  organization  of  her  own  political  state. 

As  Mr.  J.  H.  Harley,  editor  of  the  "Polish  Review,"  pub- 


lished  in  London,  says:  "Poland  is  fully  abreast  of  the  most 
progressive  western  ideas,  and  by  'independence'  she  does  not 
mean  simply  freedom  of  speech  or  power  to  regulate  her  own 
economic  system,  not  simply  the  power  of  administering  laws 
made  for  her  by  another,  but  the  free  and  unfettered  liberty 
to  realize  her  own  legislative  ideas,  the  right  to  raise  and  con- 
trol her  own  army  and  to  manifest  her  own  public  policy  amid 
the  nations  of  Europe."  * 

The  Poles  have  fully  demonstrated  that  they  are  well  able 
to  resume  an  independent  state  existence,  not  only  by  their 
accomplishments  in  Galicia  under  home  rule,  but  by  the  re- 
markable achievements  in  the  other  sections  of  Poland  as  well, 
despite  the  indescribable  oppression  of  Russia  and  Prussia. 
During  the  course  of  the  present  war,  with  most  meagre  re- 
sources, unaided  they  have  accomplished  wonders  of  organ- 
ization by  enlightened  self-help  and  unity  of  purpose. 

To  quote  Mr.  Herbert  Adams  Gibbons :  "In  considering 
the  fitness  for  independence  it  is  just  as  absurd  to  hark  back 
to  the  weakness  and  the  faults  of  Poland  of  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries,  as  to  judge  Germany  and  Italy  of 
to-day  by  the  Germans  and  Italians  of  two  hundred  years  ago. 
It  is  what  the  Poles  are  to-day  that  counts.  The  reconstitution 
of  Poland  as  an  independent  state  is  not  only  a  wise  political 
step  in  establishing  a  durable  peace,  but  is  also  an  act  of  justice 
to  one  of  the  largest  and  best  races  of  Europe,  which  has  pur- 
chased the  right  to  be  free  by  heroic  sacrifices  willingly  made 
and  by  the  abiltiy  amply  demonstrated  to  survive  and  thrive 
through  four  generations  of  persecution . .  .  The  creation  of 
an  artificial  buffer  state  closely  allied  in  race  and  sympathies 
with  one  or  the  other  of  the  rival  powers  or  too  weak  to  resist 
her  neighbors  would  be  a  makeshift  and  a  farce.  But  the 
Poles  are  neither  pro-German  nor  pro-Russian,  nor  are  they 
weak.  In  numbers,  in  brains,  in  vitality,  in  wealth,  in  unity 
of  spirit,  they  are  stronger  to-day  than  ever  in  their  history, 

"The  Polish  Review,"  London,  January  1917,  p.  15. 

VI 


and  as  an  independent  nation  would  very  rapidly  become  the 
seventh  great  power  of  Europe."  * 

The  present  volume  has  been  undertaken  with  a  view  of 
presenting  an  accurate  account  of  the  political  and  social  evolu- 
tion of  Poland,  based  especially  and  largely  on  Polish  sources 
of  information.  There  are  very  few  works  in  the  English 
language  which  reveal  a  true  understanding  of  Polish  history. 
They  are  either  prejudiced  and  unfriendly  or  sentimental  and 
uncritical. 

The  author  of  this  volume  strove  to  steer  clear  of  ex- 
tremes. It  has  been  his  endeavor  to  present  to  the  American 
public  a  coherent  and  yet  not  too  extended  account  of  the 
development  of  the  country  and  to  indicate  the  causes  of  the 
phenomenal  growth  and  the  subsequent  decline  and  disappear- 
ance of  the  Polish  state.  He  also  endeavored  to  give  his  read- 
ers a  description  of  Polish  life  and  struggles  during  the  period 
following  the  partitions  of  the  country  and  to  construct,  from 
the  fragments  he  was  able  to  gather,  as  accurate  and  complete 
-a  picture  as  possible  of  the  events  which  took  place  in  Poland 
from  the  beginning  of  the  war  until  the  overthrow  of  the  autoc- 
racy of  Russia  and  the  entry  of  the  United  States  into  the 
war,  the  two  outside  circumstances  which  will  have  a  powerful 
bearing  upon  the  equitable  solution  of  the  Polish  Question. 

As  long  as  Russia  continued  to  be  a  rapacious,  imperial- 
istic autocracy,  Poland's  future  could  only  be  a  dark  one.  The 
relations,  however,  of  an  independent  Polish  state,  within 
properly  drawn  boundaries,  to  a  truly  democratic  and  unag- 
gressive  Russian  republic  cannot  be  anything  but  neighborly 
and  harmonious.  The  participation  of  the  United  States  in  the 
war  assures  to  it  a  potent  influence  in  the  post-bellum  settle- 
ment of  European  questions,  which  will  be  exercised  for  the 
promotion  of  justice  and  democracy.  What  the  attitude  of  the 
United  States  toward  the  Polish  Question  will  be,  has  been 


*  "The    Future   of   Poland,"   The    Century    Magazine,    New   York, 
December  1916,  pp.  191-192. 

VII 


foretold  in  the  memorable  address  of  President  Wilson  to  the 
Senate  on  January  22,  1917,  when  he  spoke  for  a  "united,  inde- 
pendent and  autonomus"  Poland.  It  is  the  hope  of  the  author 
that  this  volume  may  contribute  in  a  modest  measure  to  the 
understanding  of  the  life  and  aspirations  of  the  Polish  nation. 

In  order  to  vivify  the  text  and  to  visualize  some  of  the 
cultural  achievements  of  Poland,  the  book  has  been  very  fully 
illustrated.  The  selection  of  illustrations  has  been  the  best 
that  could  be  made  under  conditions  obtaining  during  the  war, 
which  rendered  communication  with  Poland  very  difficult. 
Only  such  material  was  available  as  could  be  obtained  in 
America. 

Thanks  are  due  to  the  publishers  for  the  painstaking  ef- 
forts in  securing  the  illustrations  and  also  to  all  those  who 
co-operated  in  this  as  well  as  in  other  respects. 

The  author  is  under  obligation  to  Professor  Franklin  H. 
Giddings  and  Professor  James  T.  Shotwell  of  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, and  to  Mr.  Clarence  M.  Abbott,  who  read  large  parts 
of  the  manuscript,  for  their  encouragement  and  valuable  sug- 
gestions. 

He  also  wishes  to  express  sincere  chanks  to  all  his  friends 
who  helped  in  proof-reading  and  in  the  preparation  of  the 
index. 

Few  references  have  been  given  throughout  the  book  be- 
cause the  great  majority  of  the  works  consulted  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  the  volume  are  in  Polish.  It  was  considered  inadvisable 
to  distract  the  reader's  attention  by  reference  to  sources  which 
he  could  not  consult.  It  may,  however,  be  added  that  the 
recognized  standard  histories  of  Poland  and  only  the  most 
reliable  sources  were  used. 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  pronunciation  of  Polish  names  a 
key  to  pronunciation  has  been  appended  to  the  volume. 

E.  H.  L-C. 

New  York,  April,  1917. 

VIII 


Contents 

Page. 
CHAPTER  I. — Early  Poland. 

First   Settlements   of  the    Slavs    1 

Growth  of  Military  Organization  5 

Social  and  Political  Structure  of  Early  Slavic  Life 8 

Religion  of  the  Early  Slavs 10 

CHAPTER  II. — Beginnings   of  the   Polish  State. 

Influence  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 12 

Growth  of  the  State 16 

Relation  of  Poland  to  the  German  Empire 21 

Alliance  with  the  Holy  See 24 

Polish   Laws   of   Inheritance •. 26 

CHAPTER  III. — The  Decline  of  Monarchical  Power. 

Prerogatives  of  the   Grand   Duke   of  Cracow 30 

Restriction  of  the  Sovereign  Power  of  the  Princes 34 

German  Settlements   in   Poland 35 

Jewish  Immigration  to  Poland 40 

CHAPTER  IV. — The  Consolidation  of  Poland. 

Acquisition   of    Pomerania 42 

Polish  Crusade  Against  the  Prussians 45 

Causes  of  Political  Consolidation 46 

Difficulties  with  the  Knights  of  the  Cross  and  the  Disloyalty  of  the 

German    Settlers 49 

Lokietek's  Proclamation  of  Poland's   Political  Sovereignty  and  the 

Ensuing    Wars     52 

Acquisition  of  Ruthenian  Territories 55 

Internal    Reforms     55 

CHAPTER  V. — The  Union  with  Lithuania. 

Extinction  of  the  Piast  Dynasty 64 

Origin  of  Special  Concessions  in  Favor  of  the  Nobility 66 

First  Civil  War  Over  Royal  Succession 66 

Union  with  Lithuania  in  Defence  Against  Teuton  Aggressiveness..  68 

Social  and  Political  Significance  of  the  Union 69 

University    of    Cracow 71 

Importance  of  the  Union  for  Lithuania 77 

Defeat  of  the  Order  of  the  Cross 80 

IX 


Page. 
CHAPTER  VI. — Oligarchal  Rule  in  Poland. 

Settlement  of  Difficulties  with  Lithuania 85 

Growth  of  the  Special  Privileges  of  the  Nobility 86 

Ascendency  of  Ecclesiastical  Power 89 

Suppression  of  Hussitism  in  Poland 91 

Turkish  Campaign  for  the  Liberation  of  the  Balkan  Slavs 92 

Subordination  of  the  Church  to  the  State 94 

Struggle  with  the  Oligarchy 97 

Prussia's  Request  for  Admission  into  the  Polish  State 98 

Extension  of  Polish  Influence  to  Hungary  and  Bohemia 101 

Turkish  and  Muscovite  Perils 101 

Humanism  in  Poland 102 

CHAPTER  VII. — The  Republic  of  Nobles. 

Beginning  of  Serfdom 106 

Growth  and  Decline  of  the  Polish  Cities ;  . . .  108 

Growth  of  Political  Power  of  the  Nobility 122 

Mazovia 131 

Duchy  of  East  Prussia 131 

Ukraine 133 

Lack  of  Adequate  Miltary  Preparedness 136 

CHAPTER  VIII. — The  Protestant  Reformation  and  the  Golden  Age 
in  Poland. 

Precursors   of  the   Reformation 137 

Growth  of  the  Reformation  Movement 139 

Unpopularity  of  the  Movement  Among  the  Lower  Classes 142 

Cultural  Effects  of  the  Reformation 142 

Protestant  Sects 150 

Collapse  of  the  Effort  to  Establish  a  National  Church 151 

CHAPTER  IX. — The  End  of  the  Jagiellon  Dynasty  and  the  Begin- 
ning of  the  Era  of  Popular  Election  of  Kings. 

Zygmunt    II    August,    1548-1572 153 

Restitution    of    Alienated    Crown    Lands 156 

Cities  Ruined  by  Unwise  Economic  Legislation 157 

War  with  Ivan  the  Terrible,  1562-1571 158 

Acquisition  of  Inflanty  or  Livonia,  1561 159 

Hereditary  Union  of  East  Prussia  with  Brandenburg,  1563 160 

Union  of  Lublin,  1569 160 

Death  of  the  Last  Jagiellon,  1572 164 

Cowl   Confederacy 164 

X 


Page. 

"Viritim"  Elections 166 

Warsaw  Confederacy  and  the  Statute  of  Religious  Tolerance,  1573. . .   166 

Election  of  Henri  Valois,  1573 167 

King's  Flight  in  1574 168 

Royal    Elections    Afforded    Opportunity    for    Foreign    Monarchs    to 

Meddle  in  Polish  Internal  Affairs 169 

"i  •    i  ii '^ 

CHAPTER  X. — The  Catholic  Reaction. 

Reforms  of  Stefan  Batory,  1576-1586 170 

Bigotry  of  Zygniunt  Vasa,  1587-1632 177 

Growth  of  Jesuit  Influence 180 

Rebellion   Against  the   King 184 

War  with  Muscovy 185 

Echoes  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War 186 

Uniate    Church 188 

CHAPTER  XI. — The  Polish  Constitution. 

The  Polish  Republic 192 

The    King 193 

The    Elections 193 

Powers  and  Duties  of  the  King 195 

Offices    196 

Incompatibilia     198 

The    Diet 198 

Canfederacies    201 

Administration  of  Justice 203 

Finances    204 

National  Defence 205 

Legal  Status  of  the  Various  Classes  of  the  Population 208 

CHAPTER  XII.— The  Cossack  Wars. 

Political  and  Economic  Conditions  of  the  Country  in  the  First  Half 

of  the  XVIIIth  Century 224 

Entanglements  of  Foreign   Policy 230 

Conditions  on  the  Ukrainian  Frontier 234 

Chmielnicki's  Rebellion,  1648 239 

Further  Cossack  Wars 241 

CHAPTER  XIII. — The    Passing    of    Poland's    Position    as    a    Great 
Power. 

Causes  of  the  War  with  Sweden,  1655-1660 249 

Treason   of   the    Polish    Nobility 250 

Uprising  of  the  People , 251 

XI 


Page. 

Swedish  Alliance  and  the  Polish  League 253 

Defeat  of  Sweden  and  the  Peace  of  Oliva,  1660 255 

Growth  of  Religious  Fanaticism 255 

Causes   of  the   War   with   Muscovy,    1658-1667 256 

Rebellion  of  Lubormirski,  1666 257 

Truce    of    Andrushov 260 

Ascending  Star  of  John  Sobieski 260 

Abdication  of  King  John  Kazimir,  1668 261 

Political  Corruption 261 

King  Michael  Korybut  Wisniowiecki,  1669-1673 262 

Turkish  War  and  the  Treaty  of  Buczacz,  1672 263 

Golomb  Confederacy 264 

Victory  Over  the   Turks   at   Chocim,   1673 264 

King  John  III    Sobieski,  1674-1696 265 

Peace  of  Zoravno,  1676 268 

Alliance   With  Austria,  March,   1683 269 

Battle   of   Vienna,    1683 270 

Holy  League  Against  Turkey 273 

Political  Anarchy  and  Sobieski's  Death,  1696 274 

CHAPTER  XIV. — The  Disintegration  of  Political  Sovereignty. 

Election  of  August  of  Saxony,  1697 276 

Close  of  Hostilities  with  Turkey,  1698 277 

Beginning  of  the  Northern  War,  1700-1721 278 

Election  of  Leszczynski    1704,  and  the  Civil  War 281 

Abdication  of  August  II,  1706 281 

Russian  Campaign  and  the  Battle  of  Poltava,  1709 282 

Withdrawal  of  Leszczynski,  1710 283 

Russian  Intervention  in  Poland 283 

The  Civil   War,   1715-1717 284 

First  Dumb  Diet,  1717 285 

Religious   Intolerance 285 

Union  of  the  "Three  Black  Eagles,"  and  August's  Death,  1773 286 

Interregnum,  1733-1735,  and  the  Second  Election  of  Leszczynski 287 

Russian  Interference  and  August  III , 288 

Dzikow  Confederacy,   1734 289 

August  III,  1733-1763,  and  his  times 289 

Intellectual   and   Political   Awakening 291 

Stanislav    Konarski 293 

Reform    Parties 294 

Last   Royal   Election,   May   7,   1764 296 

Stanislav  August  Poniatowski,  1764-1795 300 

XII 


Page. 

Reforms   of  the   "Family" 300 

Russian  Intrigue  Against  the  "Family" 301 

Radom  Confederacy,  1767 302 

Second  Dumb  Diet,  1768 303 

Bar  Confederacy,  1768-1772 304 

CHAPTER  XV. — The  Three  Partitions. 

First  Partition,  August  5,  1772 310 

End  of  the  Bar  Confederacy 312 

Spoils    of    Russia,    Prussia    and    Austria 312 

Diet  of  1773  and  the  Treaty  of  Cession 314 

First  State  Board  of  Education  in  Europe 315 

Changes  in  the  Constitution  and  the  Permanent  Council 319 

Improvement  in  Economic  and  Social  Conditions 321 

Renaissance  in  Art  and  Science 323 

The  Reform  Party 328 

The  Opposition 329 

Political  Conferences  with  Catherine  at  Kaniow 330 

Project  of  a  Russo-Polish  Alliance 331 

The  Four  Years'  Diet,  1788-1792 332 

Alliance  with  Prussia,  1790 332 

Accomplishments  of  the  Four  Years'  Diet 334 

Constitution  of  May  3,  1791 336 

Provisions  of  the  New  Constitution 339 

Foreign  Hostility  to  the  New  Constitution 342 

Confederacy  of  Targowica 343 

Second  Partition  of  Poland,  1793 345 

The    Last    Diet 346 

The  Rising  of  Kosciuszko,  1794 349 

Third  Partition  of  Poland,  1795 355 

CHAPTER  XVI. — Napoleon  and  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw. 

Attitude  of  England  and  France  Toward  the  Polish  Tragedy 356 

Post  Partition  Regime  in  Poland 357 

Hopes  and  Plans  of  the  Polish  Patriots 359 

The  Polish  Legions 361 

Pro-Russian  Turn  in  Polish  Politics  and  Czartoryski's  Plans 368 

Defeat  of  Prussia  and  Napoleon's  Promises  to  Poland 372 

Treaty  of  Tilsit,  1807 374 

The  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  1807-1815 375 

Economic  Problems 381 

War  with  Austria  and  the  Conquest  of  Galicia,  1809 382 

XIII 


Page. 

Franco-Prussian    War 386 

End  of  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw 389 

CHAPTER  XVII. — The   Congress   of  Vienna   and  the  Kingdom  of 
Poland. 

Fifth   Partition  of  Poland 396 

Republic  of  Cracow 399 

Grand  Duchy  of  Posen 401 

Galicia  402 

The  Constitution  of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland 403 

The  Reaction 411 

Secret  Patriotic  Societies 415 

Persecutions  in  Lithuania 417 

Trial  of  Members  of  the  Polish  National  Patriotic  Society 420 

Coronation  of  Nicholas  I    at  Warsaw 422 

The  Outbreak  of  the   Uprising 423 

CHAPTER  XVIII. — The  War  with  Russia  and  the  Aftermath. 

Causes  of  the  Polish  Failure 426 

Dilatory  Tactics 427 

The  Uprising  Turns  into  a  Regular  War 431 

Deposition  of  Tsar  Nicholas  1 432 

The  Dictatorship  of  Skrzynecki 434 

The  Close  of  the  War 441 

Immediate  Consequences  of  the  War 443 

Reflection  in  Literature  of  the  National  Tragedy 446 

Adam  Mickiewicz 447 

Juliusz    Slowacki 451 

Zygmunt  Krasinski 454 

The  Emigrants 458 

The  Further  Consequences  of  the  Polish  War  with  Russia 461 

Revolutionary   Activities 463 

End  of  the  Cracow  Republic  and  the  Slaughter  of  the  Galician  Gentry  464 

The  Year  1848 466 

The  Reaction 468 

Illegal   Annexation   of  the   Congressional   Kingdom   to   the   Russian 

Empire    470 

CHAPTER  XIX. — The  Uprising  of  1863  and  the  Era  of  Positivism. 

Shattering  of  Polish  Hopes  by  Tsar  Alexander  II 471 

Political  Demonstrations 474 

Wielopolski's  Administration 479 

XIV 


Page. 

Rising  of  the  Revolutionary  Tide 481 

Shortlived  Polish  Home-Rule 484 

The  Revolution  of  1863 487 

The  End  of  the  War 493 

Vengeance  of  the  Russian  Government 494 

The  Lot  of  Lithuania 496 

The  Censorship 499 

The  Era  of  Positivism  and  Its  Reflection  in  Literature 502 

Social  and  Economic  Changes  Following  the  Collapse  of  the  Revolution  513 

Socialism  and  the  People's  Party : 518 

Brutality    of    the    Prussian    Regime 521 

Galician  Home-Rule 527 

The  Ruthenian  Problem 541 

CHAPTER  XX. — Constitutional  Russia  and-  the  Poles. 

Russo-Japanese  War  and  the  Political   Awakening  of  Russia 546 

Severity  of  the  Russian  Rule 549 

Suppression  of  Polish  Educational  Activities 551 

Attitude  of  the  Duma  Toward  the  Poles 554 

Polish    Representation    in    the    Duma 557 

The    Jewish    Problem 559 

CHAPTER  XXI. — The  Polish  Question  and  the  Great  War. 

The  Re-Opening  of  the  Polish  Question 668 

The  Polish  Policy  and  Military  Preparedness 570 

The  Supreme   National   Committee 575 

The  Manifesto  of  Grand  Duke  Nicholas 578 

The  Growth  of  the  Polish  Legions 581 

The  International  Status  of  the  Polish  Question 585 

Russian    Rule    During    the    War 586 

The  Fall  of  Warsaw  and  the  Dubious  Policy  of  the  Central  Empires. .  589 

Polish  Self-Help  During  the  War 59i 

The   Heroism  of  the   Polish   Legions 595 

Joseph  Pilsudski  and  the  Forcing  of  the  Polish  Issue 598 

The  Proclamation  of  Poland's  Independence,  November  5,  1916 603 

The    Provisional    Polish    Government 605 

The  Solution  of  the  Polish  Question 609 

KEY  TO  PRONUNCIATION 615 

INDEX  .   617 


XV 


FIG.   1 — HISTORICAL,  PROCESSION 

Sculpture  by  W.  Szymanowski. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Early  Poland  •-.  -  !  /    . 

The  classical  and  generally  accepted  historical 

theory  designates  central  Europe  and  the  mountain 

sides  of  the  Carpathians  as  the  habitat 

of   the    Slavs    several    centuries   before 

Settlements  „,,  .  , .  »  •        i  i 

of  the  Slavs  Christ.  According  to  this  theory,  the 
Prussians,  Lithuanians,  Letts,  Jadz- 
wings  and  Zmuds  lived  to  the  north  and  east  of  the 
Slavs,  and  the  Ugro-Finnish  peoples  surrounded 
them  in  a  great  semicircle  from  the  north  of  Riga  to 
the  lower  Volga. 

Recent  studies  based  on  linguistic  data  and  on 
geographic  nomenclature  indicate  that  the  distribu- 
tion of  peoples  in  the  east  of  Europe  was  different 
from  what  was  hitherto  believed.  According  to  these 
later  studies,  the  Carpathians  were  originally  in- 
habited by  the  Teutons;  close  to  them  on  the  west 
were  the  Celts;  the  Prussians,  Lithuanians  and  Letts 
lived  to  the  north,  in  the  region  now  known  as  the 
province  of  Minsk.  The  Ugro-Finns  had  their  settle- 
ments along  the  middle  Volga,  stretching  from  there 
through  what  is  now  central  Russia  to  northern 
Poland  and  Prussia.  Wedged  in  between  these 
peoples  were  the  ancient  aboriginal  Slavs,  with  their 
settlements  along  the  River  Niemen.  The  oldest 
names  of  these  settlements  were  of  an  Indo-European 
and  not  Ugro-Finnish  origin.  It  was  only  much  later, 
about  the  beginning  of  our  era,  that  the  Slavs,  pressed 


THE' POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


by  the  Ugro-Finnish  peoples,  who  originally  oc- 
cupied the  middle  course  of  the  Volga,  moved  further 
south,  and  occupied  the  abandoned  settlements  of  the 
Teutonic  and  Celtic  peoples,  who  migrated  further 


EARLY  POLAND  3 

west.  It  was  then  only  that  the  Carpathians  and  the 
Vistula  became  the  cradle  of  the  Slavs,  whence  they 
spread  in  all  directions  in  the  first  century  after 
Christ.  They  reached  the  Don  on  the  east,  the  Baltic 
on  the  north,  the  Adriatic  on  the  south,  and  went  as 
far  as  the  River  Rhine  on  the  west. 

Archeology  has  not  as  yet  determined  the  west- 
ern-most boundaries  of  Slavdom.  The  primitive  cus- 
tom of  the  Slavs  of  burning  their  dead,  which  lasted 
throughout  the  Stone  Age  and  well  into  the  Bronze, 
has  deprived  us  of  the  oldest  anthropological  ma- 
terials. It  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  Iron 
Age  that  burial  was  added  to  the  ancient  custom  of 
incineration.  In  time,  burial  superseded  the  older 
custom  almost  completely  and  osseous  remains,  to- 
gether with  abundant  decorations,  implements,  uten- 
sils and  arms  are  found  in  the  tier  graves  of  the  west- 
ern Slavs  as  well  as  in  the  mounds  of  the  east.  For  a 
long  time  the  differences  between  the  Slavic  and  Fin- 
nish graves  in  the  east,  and  between  the  Slavic 
and  Teutonic  graves  in  the  west,  could  not  be  defi- 
nitely established.  Thanks  to  the  painstaking  labors 
of  the  Danish  archeologist,  Sophus  Miiller,  our 
knowledge  of  the  matter  has  become  more  exact,  and 
we  can  now  distinguish  between  the  Slavic  and  the 
Teutonic  graves  of  the  earlier  (incineration)  as  well 
as  of  the  later  (burial)  periods.  The  distinguishing 
features  of  the  Slavic  graves  are  ear  chains  made  up 
of  a  number  of  circular  "chopper-links"  (Hacker- 
ringe),  rings  and  earrings,  made  of  twisted  bronze 
wire,  wooden  pails  with  iron  hoops,  urns  and  earthen- 
ware of  a  peculiar  shape,  with  carved,  undulating  and 
linear  ornamentation  on  the  outside  surface.  This 
contribution  of  archeology  has  thrown  great  light 
on  the  prehistoric  anthropology  of  the  Slavs  and 
changed  the  view  that  the  prehistoric  Slav  was  of  a 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.    2 


FIG.    3 

OBJECTS   FOUND   IN   SLAVIC   GRAVES   BY  WHICH   THEY  CAN    BE   DIS- 
TINGUISHED  FROM   TEUTON   AND   FINNISH   GRAVES 

(Reproduced   from   Prof.   J.   Talko-Hryncewicz.  i 

brachocephalic  type.  This  was  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  the  brachocephalic  type  is  prevalent  among 
the  present  day  Slavs.  The  dolichocephalic  skulls 
found  in  the  excavations  in  Russia  and  Poland  were 


EARLY  POLAND  5 

attributed  to  the  Teutons,  and  no  attention  was  paid 
to  the  objects  found  with  the  skulls.  Modern  criteria 
established  the  fact  that  the  Slav  settlements  existed 
not  only  at  the  mouth  of  the  Vistula  and  on  the 
shores  of  the  Baltic  along  the  Elbe  and  Oder,  but  ex- 
tended as  far  as  the  Rhine. 

The  westernmost  outposts  of  the  Slavs  were  very 
early  annihilated  by  the  Teutons,  who  pushed  the 
Slavs  toward  the  east.  This  early  German  "Drang 
nach  Osten"  was  halted  by  the  Slavic  tribes  living 
along  the  Warthe,1  Oder2  and  Netze3  Rivers,  called 
Poloni  by  the  early  Latin  chronicles.  They  called 
themselves  Polanie  or  inhabitants  of  the  plains 
or  fields,  "pole"  meaning  field  in  the  Slavic  lan- 
guages. They  were  a  strong,  sturdy  race,  predomi- 
nantly agricultural.  Their  extensive  and  fertile  lands, 
reclaimed  from  primitive  forests,  stretching  amidst 
the  great  chain  of  lakes  and  riverlPfnade  possible  an 
early  intercourse  between^hese  peoples,  who  thereby 
attained  a  higher  economic  and  social  structure.  It 
was  in  this  region  that  the  nucleus  of  the  Polish 
Nation  was  formed. 

Owing  to  the  frequent  raids  of  the  Norsemen 
the  people  of  this  region  early  organized  an  effective 
military  force  of  defense.  Under  the 
protection  of  the  military  bands  and 
Organization  their  chiefs  the  fields  could  safely  be 
cultivated,  and  the  little  fortified  towns 
(grody),  which  became  places  for  the  transaction  of 
intratribal  business  and  barter,  for  common  worship 
and  for  the  storage  of  goods  during  a  foreign  in- 
vasion, could  be  successfully  defended  and  the  wrongs 
of  the  people  redressed.  The  military  bands  and  their 
leaders  soon  became  the  unifying  force,  and  the  forti- 


*i,2,3,  in  Polish  these  rivers  are  known  as:  Warta,  Odra  and  Notec. 


6  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

fied  towns  the  centres  of  a  larger  political  organiza- 
tion, with  the  freeman  (Kmiec  or  Kmeton)  as  its 
base.  The  first  historical  town  of  this  nature  was  that 
of  Kruszwica,  on  the  Lake  of  Goplo.  It  soon  gave 
place  to  that  of  Gniezno  (called  Gnesen  by  the  Ger- 
mans) or  Knezno,  further  west,  which  by  its  very 
name  indicates  that  it  was  the  residence  of  a  Knez, 
or  prince  or  duke.  In  time  Poznan  (Posen)  became 


FIG.    4— AN   ANCIENT   HISTORICAL,   TOWER    AT   KRUSZWICA. 
(MYSIA   WIE2A.) 

the  princely  town,  and  the  principality  began  to  as- 
sert itself  and  to  grow  westward  to  the  Oder,  south- 
ward to  the  Barycza  and  eastward  to  the  Pilica 
Rivers.  In  the  east  this  territorial  expansion  met  with 
the  armed  opposition  of  another  large  tribe,  the 
Lenczanians,  which  was  similarly  organized  under  a 
military  ruler  and  which  occupied  the  plains  between 
the  Warta,  Bzura  and  Pilica  Rivers.  Further  east, 
in  the  jungles  of  the  middle  course  of  the  Vistula  to 
the  north  of  Pilica,  lived  the  most  savage  of  the  Pol- 
ish tribes,  the  Mazurs.  This  tribe  was  the  latest  to 


EARLY  POLAND  7 

come  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  principality  which 
began  its  political  existence  on  the  bank  of  the  Goplo 
Lake  under  the  leadership  of  the  wheelwright  Piast, 
whose  dynasty  ruled  the  country  till  1370.  To  the 
north  of  the  Netze  River,  between  the  Oder  and  the 
Baltic,  lived  the  northernmost  of  the  Polish  tribes, 
known  as  the  Pomorzanie,  or  people  living  by  the  sea. 
"Po"  in  Polish  means  "by"  and  "morze"  the  sea; 
hence  the  name  of  the  province — Pomorze,  later 
changed  by  the  Teutons  to  Pomerania. 

Some  historical  writers  attribute  the  change  in 
the  political  organization  of  the  primitive  Polanie 
tribe  to  the  influence  of  foreign  commerce  which  for 
geographic  reasons  had  early  centered  around  the 
Goplo.  At  that  period  the  lake  was  a  very  large  body 
of  water  with  a  level  at  least  ten  feet  higher  than 
at  present.  The  many  small  lakes  now  existing  in 
the  region  were  in  all  probability  a  part  of  Goplo,  and 
the  valleys  of  the  vicinity  constituted  the  bottom  of 
the  lake.  There  are  many  reasons  to  believe  that  such 
was  the  hydrography  of  the  section  in  that  remote 
age.  In  his  description  of  Goplo,  written  five  hundred 
years  ago,  Dlugosz,  a  Polish  historian,  speaks  of  a 
vast  body  of  water,  leading  us  to  believe  that  the  lake 
then  was  much  larger  than  it  is  at  the  present  time. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  five  hundred  years 
previous  to  this  historian's  time,  before  the  primeval 
forests  were  cut,  the  lake  was  still  larger.  The  sup- 
position that  Goplo  at  the  time  of  its  highest  level 
was  connected  by  means  of  small  navigable  streams 
with  the  rivers  Warta,  Oder  and  the  Vistula  is  quite 
plausible.  The  constructive  fancy  of  the  economic 
historian  sees  flotillas  of  the  Pomeranian  merchants 
moving  to  and  fro  from  Stettin  down  the  Oder  and 
Netze.  Here  they  met  merchants  from  the  east,  the 
southeast  and  the  southwest  of  Europe.  The  Byzan- 


8  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

tian,    Roman    and    Scandinavian    cultures    met    at 
Kruszwica,  the  largest  town  on  the  banks  of  this 
vast  internal  sea  of  Poland,  and  exercised  a  revo- 
lutionary effect  upon  the  modes  of  thought  and  the 
political  institutions  of  the  tribe.    Otherwise  the  sud- 
den transformation  which  took  place  from  the  tribal 
and  communal  organization  of  the  people,  which  still 
existed  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century,  to 
the  militaristic   structure  of  society  with   a   strong 
princely  power,  as  is  known  to  have  existed  in  the 
ninth  century,  becomes  almost  unaccountable.    The 
pressure  from  the  west  and  north  was,  no  doubt,  an 
important  element,  but  it  alone  would  hardly  seem 
sufficient  to  explain  the  change.    Economic  and  cul- 
tural reasons  had  unquestionably  exercised  a  great 
influence  in  the  rapid  moulding  of  a  new  form  of 
political  life  which  was  more  adapted  to  conditions 
that  had  arisen  since  the  change  from  nomadic  pur- 
suits to  settled  agriculture. 

Though  somewhat  differing  in  civilization,  the 

tribes   which   later   formed   the   Polish   nation   were 

kindred  in  their  social,  moral  and  reli- 

The  Social          gious    ideas.     They   were   scattered    in 

Structure'0  ^^  danS   O1"  SeilteS>   boimd   by   ties   Ol 

of  Early  blood.    The  lands  belonging  to  a  group 

Slavic  Life  or  family  were  held  in  common.  The 
work  was  done  in  common  under  the 
direction  of  the  "starosta,"  the  elder  or  patriarch  of 
the  gens.  He  was  the  chief  executive,  and  had  con- 
trol over  the  crops  and  the  allotments  of  work.  It 
must,  however,  be  noted  in  this  connection  that  since 
the  earliest  times  there  existed  private  property  in 
movables,  especially  in  tools.  The  Polish  Slavs,  un- 
like the  others  and  especially  the  Southern  Slavs, 
never  had  the  so-called  "zadrugas"  or  great  com- 


EARLY  POLAND  9 

munal  households.    From   their  early  history  they 
exhibited  a  strong  individualistic  propensity. 

Important  matters  were  decided  by  a  popular 
assembly  called  "Wiec,"  to  which  belonged  all  the 
male  adults  of  the  community.  It  is  impossible  to 
determine  accurately  the  relation  between  the  power 
of  the  Wiec  and  that  of  the  starosta.  It  varied  from 
place  to  place  and  from  time  to  time;  sometimes  the 
popular  assembly  maintained  supreme  power;  some- 
times the  starosta  gained  ascendency  and  endeavored 
to  make  his  office  hereditary.  In  many  instances  he 
was  successful. 

As  elsewhere  in  a  similar  primitive  social  organ- 
ization the  individual  did  not  exist  outside  of  his 
clan.  The  solidarity  of  the  members  of  the  clan  was 
the  basis  for  protection  and  any  injury  sustained  by 
a  member  of  the  clan  at  the  hands  of  an  outsider  was 
an  offense  against  the  whole  community.  The  prin- 
ciple of  blood  vengeance  prevailed.  He  who  did  not 
belong  to  a  clan  had  no  protection  and  either  perished 
or  was  made  a  slave,  becoming  the  property  of  the. 
clan  as  a  unit,  and,  in  later  stages,  of  certain  individ- 
uals within  the  community.  The  slaves  were  recruited 
chiefly  from  among  the  prisoners  of  war,  but  some 
were  bought.  In  some  instances  murder  was  punish- 
able by  slavery.  The  children  of  slaves  were  retained 
by  the  masters  as  slaves. 

Concomitant  with  the  growth  of  the  "grody" 
and  the  increased  demands  of  the  military  princes, 
came  the  agglomeration  and  greater  economic  ex- 
ploitation of  the  slaves  in  the  interests  of  the  small 
fortified  towns  and  their  garrisons.  Settlements 
given  over  entirely  to  slaves  sprang  up  around  the 
"grody,"  and  certain  specified  tasks  were  assigned  to 
the  inhabitants.  Some  settlements  ground  grain, 
some  supplied  bread  or  fish,  others  cared  for  horses 


10  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

and  cattle,  built  boats  or  made  shields,  and  the  settle- 
ments were  named  for  the  industry  in  which  the  in- 
habitants engaged.  This  distribution  of  occupations 
among  the  settlements  lasted  well  into  the  twelfth 
century,  the  occupations  having  become  hereditary 
from  father  to  son.  The  names  of  many  such  "pur- 
posely created  "  (narokowe)  villages  have  survived 
until  the  present  day. 

We  do  not  possess  adequate  sources  of  informa- 
tion as  to  the  primitive  religion  of  the  Polish  Slavs. 
Like  all  primitive  peoples  they  deified 
the  forces   and   phenomena   of  nature. 
Early  Slavs         The  surrounding  world  was  filled  with 
supernatural    beings:    gods,    goddesses 
and  spirits.    It  seems  that  none  of  the  Slavic  peoples 
had  any  idea  of  a  god  as  a  supreme  being  ruling  the 
whole  world.     In  some  places  certain  deities  were 
worshipped   more    than    others,   but    there   was    no 
gradation  or  hierarchy  of  gods.     One  feature  of  the 
Slavic  religion  that  distinguishes  it  from  that  of  the 
Teutons  was  the  calmness  and  serenity  of  the  Slavic 
gods,   a   difference   which   emphasizes   the   peaceful 
character  of  the  Slavs. 

The  most  generally  recognized  deity  was  Swia- 
towit  (Indra),  the  Slavic  Zeus.  He  was  pictured  with 
four  faces,  hence  seeing  everything;  with  a  cornu- 
copia in  his  right  hand  a  sword  in  his  left  hand.  He 
was  worshipped  particularly  in  Pomorze  (Pomera- 
nia)  and  on  the  Island  of  Rugia  (Rugen).  The  other 
well-known  deities  were  Perun,  the  god  of  storms; 
Welles,  the  god  of  cattle;  Lada,  the  goddess  of  order 
and  beauty;  Marzanna,  the  goddess  of  death;  Dzie- 
wanna,  the  goddess  of  spring;  Radegast,  the  protec- 
tor of  merchants  and  guests.  In  addition,  the  woods 
and  waters  were  filled  with  nymphs,  sirens  and 
fauns.  The  Slavs  believed  in  the  immortality  of 


EARLY  POLAND 


11 


the  soul  and  in  an  afterworld,  with  punishment  and 
reward.  The  dead  were  the  objects  of  particular  care, 
and  funerals  were  very  elaborate  and  carried  on  with 
great  pomp.  Certain  days  of  the  year  were  set  aside 
for  offerings  and  prayers  to  the  dead.  Some  people, 
particularly  women,  had  special  powers  of  communi- 


FIG.   5 


TWO   STATUES   OF   SWIATOVIT 


FIG.    6 


cation  with  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  and  their  services 
as  intermediaries  were  often  sought.  Generally 
speaking,  however,  this  class  of  sorcerers  and  magi- 
cians did  not  develop  into  a  permanent  priestly  class. 
The  only  exception  to  this  rule  were  the  Slavs  on  the 
Elbe  and  in  Rugia  among  whom  a  class  of  profes- 
sional priests  is  known  to  have  existed. 


FIG.   7— VIEW  OF  GNIEZNO 


CHAPTER  II. 
Beginnings  of  the  Polish  State 

The  recorded  political  history  of  the  Polish  Na- 
tion  begins   with   the   conversion   of   the   people   to 
Christianity,   which   took   place   in   the 
The  year  963  A.D.,  when  the  Polish  Prince 

influence  Mieszko   I,   960-982,   facing  a   German 

of  the  Roman        .  ,       ,    '        .  ,     &r  ,.     r      « 

Catholic  invasion,  forsook  the  faith  of  his  fathers 

Church  and  by  so  doing  halted  the  march  of 

ruthless  extermination  by  the  Germans, 
ostensibly  undertaken  in  the  name  of  Christianity. 
Exhausted  by  previous  wars  with  his  northern 
neighbors  and  realizing  that  he  could  not  withstand 
the  triumphant  armies  of  Otto  I  of  Saxony,  founder 
of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  conqueror  of  France, 
Denmark,  Burgundy  and  Bohemia,  Mieszko  prompt- 
ly recognized  the  sovereignty  of  the  German  Em- 
peror and  embraced  the  new  faith.  Closely  follow- 
ing the  official  introduction  of  Christianity  and  the 
establishment  of  the  first  Bishopric  in  Poznan 
(Posen)  comes  the  overweening  influence  of  the  west- 
ern world. 

The    monasteries    established    in    Poland    were 
branches  of  Italian,  French  and  German  abbeys.  The 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE 


13 


(J.  Mateykoi 


FIG.    S — MIESZKO   I    (960-982; 


14  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

foreign  methods  of  organization  and  of  agriculture 
brought  over  by  them  from  the  west  exercised  a  very 
powerful  and  beneficent  influence  upon  the  product- 
iveness of  the  Polish  farmer  and  upon  his  modes  of 
life.  He  was  taught  the  use  of  more  developed  agri- 
cultural implements  and  was  shown  how  to  drain 
swamps,  build  better  houses,  plant  orchards,  and  do 
many  other  things  which  he  had  not  known. 

The  establishment  of  a  monastery  was  almost 
invariably  accompanied  by  an  influx  of  foreign  labor- 


FIG.    9 — THE    CATHEDRAL    OP   POSEN 


ers.  They  were  brought  over  to  produce  certain 
things  which  the  natives  could  not,  and  which  were 
needed  by  the  friars.  The  craftsmen,  however,  were 
not  the  only  foreign  working  element  which  arrived 
in  Poland  at  the  time.  The  country  was  changing 
from  its  former  basis  to  more  intense  agriculture,  and 
this  change  necessitated  a  larger  labor  force,  and 
many  German  peasants  settled  in  Poland.  Moreover, 
the  grants  of  land  given  to  the  monasteries  in  the 
various  sections  of  the  principality  did  not,  as  a  rule, 
include  the  right  to  the  population  settled  on  these 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE  15 

donated  domains.  To  do  the  necessary  work  on  their 
extensive  estates  the  monasteries  were  oftentimes 
compelled  to  resort  to  foreign  labor  which,  when  im- 
ported by  them,  was  chiefly  non-free  in  character. 
In  this  way  the  monasteries,  which  at  the  time  of 
their  introduction  into  Poland  were  the  only  large 
private  landowners,  supplied  an  example  of  organiza- 
tion of  large  manors  and  the  utilization  of  the  half 
free  class  of  foreign  peasants  who  became  attached 
to  the  soil  (adscriptitii). 

By  adopting  the  Church  of  Rome,  Poland,  like 
Bohemia,  Moravia  and  Croatia,  joined  the  common- 
wealth of  the  nations  of  western  Europe  and  became 
spiritually  as  well  as  socially  separated  from  the  rest 
of  Slavdom.  The  double  set  of  influences  at  work, 
the  Byzantian  and  the  Roman,  not  only  cleft  the 
Slavic  peoples  in  twain,  but  created  two  entirely  dis- 
tinct civilizations  which  frequently  clashed  with  each 
other  in  a  very  severe  manner. 

Since  the  days  of  Mieszko  I  the  Polish  forms  of 
political  and  spiritual  life  have  been  consciously 
moulded  according  to  western  models.  In  the  in- 
ternal administration  of  the  Polish  principality  the 
organization  of  the  German  burgwards  was  followed. 
The  patriarchal  form  of  life  was  gradually  dissolving 
and  the  "grody"  were  combined  into  counties  admin- 
istered by  governors  called  "castellans,"  from  the 
Latin  word  "castellum"  or  castle.  These  officials 
were  the  personal  representatives  of  the  Prince,  and 
were  recruited  chiefly  from  the  descendants  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  subjugated  tribes  or  the  earls  of  the 
former  democratic  townships.  They  soon  formed  the 
nucleus  of  a  feudal  aristocracy.  The  political  life  of 
the  people  became  more  centralized,  and,  as  in  west- 
ern Europe,  more  subjected  to  the  power  of  the  feudal 
lords. 


]6  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

With  the  growth  of  the  power  of  the  Prince  the 
burdens  of  the  people  grew  heavier.  Mieszko  was 
compelled  to  maintain  a  large  and  permanent  stand- 
ing army  to  preserve  the  unity  of  his  principality. 
The  taxes  of  the  people  had  to  be  increased  for  the 
maintenance  of  this  army.  In  addition  to  the  support 
of  the  army,  of  the  Prince  and  his  Court,  and  the  re- 
quirement of  supplying  them  with  food,  forage  and 
lodging,  greater  personal  services  were  requested  for 
the  building  and  up-keep  of  the  fortified  towns  and 
roads.  Furthermore,  the  introduction  of  tithes  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  churches  and  the  clergy,  most- 
ly foreign  and  whom  the  people  hated,  added  much 
to  the  pressure  put  upon  them. 

In  compensation  for  the  added  economic  burdens 
came  a  powerful  swing  of  national  development  and 
political  consolidation.  Boleslav  the 

Brave'   982-1025   A-D'»   the   oldest   son 
of    Mieszko,    having    disposed    of    his 

brothers,  with  whom  he  was  joint  heir  to  the  domains 
of  his  father,  became  the  single  ruler  of  Poland  and 
determined  to  push  her  boundaries  far  and  wide. 
After  having  successfully  checkmated  the  Bohemian 
and  Ruthenian  invasions,  Boleslav  defeated  the 
Pomeranians  and  conquered  the  Baltic  seacoast.  In 
the  year  999  A.D.  the  old  commercial  town  of  Cracow 
was  annexed,  and  after  beating  back  a  Hungarian 
invasion,  Boleslav  added  Trans-Carpathian  Slavonia 
to  Poland. 

With  the  death  of  Emperor  Otto  III  (1002  A.D.) 
the  imperial  branch  of  the  House  of  Saxony  became 
extinct,  and  during  the  interregnum  a  period  of  in- 
ternal dissension  ensued  in  Germany  and  Italy.  At 
the  same  time  a  civil  war  was  in  progress  in  Bohemia, 
and,  taking  advantage  of  the  situation,  Boleslav  en- 
tered Prague,  proclaimed  himself  Prince  of  Bohemia, 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE 


17 


FIG.   10— BOLESI.AV  THE   FRAVE    (982-1025) 


(J.  Mateyko) 


POLAND 

in  the  year  992 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE  19 

and  fused  the  two  principalities  into  one  State  (1003 
A.D.).  But  this  did  not  prove  to  be  a  lasting  con- 
quest, as  very  soon  after  Henry  II  of  Bavaria  became 
the  German  Emperor,  and  a  joint  expedition  of  Ger- 
mans and  Bohemians  was  sent  against  Boleslav.  A 
bloody  and  devastating  war  began  which  lasted  four- 
teen years.  Boleslav  was  compelled  to  abandon  his 
claims  to  Bohemia.  He  retained,  however,  most  of 
the  conquered  territory  of  the  other  Slavic  peoples  on 
the  west  and  east,  the  German  marks  between  the 
Oder  and  the  Elbe,  the  City  of  Kieff  and  many  towns 
of  Red  Russia.  At  the  end  of  his  reign  Poland  ex- 
tended from  the  Baltic  on  the  north  to  the  Danube 


FIG.   11 — THE  SWORD  OF  BOLESLAV  THE  BRAVE 
(In  the  Ermitage  Museum  at  Petrograd) 

on  the  south,  and  from  the  rivers  Bug  and  Dniester 
in  the  east  to  the  Elbe  in  the  west. 

In  addition  to  his  qualities  as  a  warrior,  Boleslav 
was  a  statesman  and  diplomat  of  conspicuous  ability. 
He  realized  that  his  achievements  would  not  be  last- 
ing unless  the  ancient  Slavic  law  of  equal  rights  of 
inheritance  of  all  the  male  heirs  was  changed  to  that 
of  primogeniture.  This  could  be  achieved  only  by 
making  the  Polish  principality  a  kingdom.  The  Pope, 
desirous  of  curbing  the  power  of  the  German  Em- 
peror but  fearing  him,  deferred  giving  his  consent. 
Another  reason  for  his  hesitancy  to  acquiesce  in 
Boleslav's  request  was  his  disinclination  to  concede 
to  the  Polish  monarch  the  power  of  nominating  bish- 
ops, which  his  investment  with  royal  prerogatives 


POLAND 

at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Boleslavthe  Brave  982-1025 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE  21 

would  carry.  Not  awaiting  the  Pope's  final  decision, 
the  impetuous  Boleslav  convoked  the  Polish  bishops 
at  Gniezno  (Gnesen),  the  seat  of  the  archbishopric, 
and  was  crowned  there  by  the  archbishop  amid  great 
splendor,  and  in  the  presence  of  his  feudatories  and 
his  great  army  of  twenty  thousand  warriors.  This 
was  a  bold  defiance  to  the  German  Emperor,  whose 
sovereignty  he  ceased  to  recognize  (1024  A.D.). 


FIG.  12— COIN  OF  BOLESLAV  THE  BRAVE 

A  coalition  of  the  German  Empire  with  Bohemia 
and  all  the  other  conquered  countries  which  came 

under  the  rule  of  Boleslav,  led  to  a  war 
The  Relation  which,  by  the  year  1040,  left  Poland 
th^Germa  stripped  of  almost  all  her  previous  con- 
Empire  quests.  The  internal  strife  between  the 

two  sons  of  Boleslav  the  Brave  and  the 
revolt  of  the  people  against  oppressive  taxation  and 
brutal  treatment,  experienced  at  the  hands  of  the 
Church  and  the  feudal  lords,  contributed  to  the  Polish 
defeat  and  plunged  the  country  into  a  state  of  chaos 
and  dissolution  which  for  a  time  threatened  its  very 
existence.  Cities,  castles,  churches  and  monasteries 


22 


were  burned  and  demolished,  and  in  many  places  the 
people  reverted  to  paganism  after  having  murdered 
the  hated  priests  and  monks. 


FIG.    13— THE   MONUMENT   OF   MIESZKO   I   AND   BOLESLAV  THE    BRAVE 
IN   THE   GOLDEN   CHAPEL   AT   POSEN 

As  in  many  other  instances,  so  in  this  crisis  in 
Polish  history,  outside  circumstances  averted  the  dis- 
ruption of  the  Kingdom  of  Boleslav.  The  growing 
power  of  Bohemia  aroused  the  fears  and  disquietude 
of  the  German  Emperor,  Henry  III.  A  strong  Poland 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE  23 

was  needed  to  curb  the  Bohemian  ambitions.  The 
Germans  lent  their  aid  to  Kazimir  the  Restorer  (1040- 
1058  A.D.),  who,  with  the  help  of  his  loyal  feudato- 
ries, reconquered  some  of  the  lost  provinces,  restored 
unity  and  peace,  and  began  to  devote  himself  to  in- 
ternal reorganization  along  German  lines.  He  estab- 


(J.  Mateyko) 
FIG.    14 — KAZIMIR   THE   RESTORER    (1040-1058) 


lished  a  bureaucracy  and  an  ecclesiastical  hierarchy, 
rebuilt  cities  and  churches,  and  imposed  very  heavy 
taxes  and  duties  on  the  people  in  an  effort  to  reduce 
them  into  complete  subjugation  to  the  warriors  and 
clergy.  In  compensation  for  the  aid  of  Germany, 
Kazimir  recognized  the  sovereignty  of  the  German 
Emperor  and  renounced  the  title  of  King. 

The  political  history  of  Poland  from  the  intro- 
duction of  Christianity  to  the  end  of  the  Xllth  cen- 


24  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

tury  turns  around  the  relation  of  the  Polish  sover- 
eigns to  the  German  emperors.  The  suzerainty  of 
the  German  Emperor  was  recognized  by  the  rulers 
of  Poland  only  when  the  Germans  were  in  a  position 
to  force  them  into  this  relation.  As  soon  as  either 
internal  dissensions  or  foreign  wars  enfeebled  the 
power  of  the  German  Empire,  the  Polish  state  imme- 
diately tried  to  secure  emancipation. 


(J.  Mateyko) 
FIG    15— BOLESLAV  THE  BOLD   (1058-1079) 

It  fell  to  the  lot  of  Boleslav  the  Bold,  or  Gener- 
ous, the  successor  of  Kazimir  (1058-1079  A.D.),  a 
man  of  power  and  strong  will,  to  restore 

the  £lory  of  the  Kingdom  of  Boleslav 
Holy  See  tne  Brave  by  an  alliance  with  the  Pope. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  existence  of 
the  Polish  state,  Mieszko  I,  in  an  endeavor  to  loosen 
the  ties  binding  him  to  the  German  Empire,  had 
sought  to  establish  an  entente  with  the  Pope,  John 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE  25 

XV,  and  confided  Poland  to  the  protection  of  the 
Apostolic  See.  In  token  of  this  relation  an  annual 
gift,  known  as  St.  Peter's  pence,  was  sent  to  the  Pope 
by  the  King.  In  establishing  direct  relations  with 
the  Pope,  Poland  endeavored  to  eliminate  the  inter- 
vention of  the  Emperor  in  her  foreign  relations.  At 
times  under  the  pressure  of  the  Emperor,  the  rela- 
tions with  Rome  became  less  intimate,  but  no  oppor- 
tunity was  missed  to  re-establish  them.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  annual  St.  Peter's  pence  was  regularly 
sent  to  Rome  until  the  end  of  the  Xllth  century. 

During  the  reign  of  Boleslav  II  the  Bold,  oc- 
curred that  famous  struggle  for  supremacy  between 
Pope  Gregory  VII,  Hildebrand  and  the  Emperor 
Henry  IV.  In  recognition  of  the  assistance  shown 
him  in  this  conflict,  the  Pope  crowned  Boleslav  as 
independent  King  in  1076  A.D.  Seeking  revenge,  the 
Emperor  recognized  the  Bohemian  ruler  as  King  and 
offered  him  the  Polish  provinces  of  Cracow  and 
Silesia.  A  war  followed  which  led  to  internal  dis- 
sensions in  Poland.  In  carrying  out  rigorously  the 
reforms  of  Hildebrand,  the  King  made  many  enemies 
among  the  clergy.  His  despotic  character  was  also 
resented  by  the  nobility.  Under  the  leadership  of  the 
king's  brother,  Wladyslav  Herman,  a  revolution 
broke  out.  The  Bishop  of  Craco'w  interdicted  the 
king  and  joined  the  Bohemians.  For  this  he  paid 
the  penalty  of  death.  The  story  goes  that  the  in- 
furiated king  personally  murdered  the  Bishop  in  the 
church  at  mass.  Recent  studies,  however,  show  that 
the  bishop  was  tried  for  treason  by  the  King's  Court, 
was  found  guilty  and  was  executed. 

The  civil  war  resulted  in  the  king's  defeat  and 
he  fled  the  country.  Cracow  and  southern  Poland 
went  to  Bohemia,  and  Poland  once  more  became  a 
feudatory  of  the  German  Empire,  and  the  new  ruler, 


26  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Wladyslav  Herman  (1070-1102  A.D.),  lost  his  title 
of  king. 

By  a  skillful  playing  off  of  Poland  and  Bohemia 
against  each  other,  and  by  the  active  encouragement 
of  internal  hereditary  strifes,  the  German  Emperors 
kept  both  of  these  western  Slavic  nations  from  devel- 
oping into  powerful  states. 


(J.  Mateyko) 
FIG.    16—  Wt.ADYSt.AV   HERMAN    (1070-1102) 

A  principal  cause  for  the  constantly  recurring 
civil  wars  was  the  Slavic  laws  of  inheritance,  which 
Boleslav  the  Brave  failed  to  abolish,  and 
which  Kazimir  tried  to  modify  by  estab- 
iiiheritance         lishing    the    so-called    seniorate.     This 
was  a  system  of  inheritance  whereby 
all  sons  were  equal  sharers  in  their  father's  estate,  but 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE  27 

the  oldest  son,  the  senior,  became  the  supreme  lord 
over  all  of  them.  It  was  a  compromise  measure  de- 
signed to  retain  the  old  customs  and  laws  of  Poland, 
and  to  preserve  at  the  same  time  the  political  unity, 
which  was  gravely  threatened  after  the  death  of  each 
ruler. 


FIG     17 — THE  SEAL  OF  WLADYSLAV   HERMAN 
(The  Oldest  Known  Seal  of  a  Polish  Prince) 


The  years  following  the  death  of  Wladyslav 
Herman  witnessed  one  of  these  terrific  internal 
strifes  which,  in  this  instance,  was  aggravated  by  a 
German  invasion,  finally  repelled  by  Boleslav  the 
Wrymouthed  (1102-1138  A.D.),  who  succeeded  also 
in  conquering  Pomerania  and  extending  the  Polish 
possessions  on  the  Baltic  Seaboard,  far  across  the 
Oder  up  to  and  including  the  Island  of  Rugia 
(Rugen).  He  died,  however,  a  feudatory  of  the  Ger- 
man Emperor. 


POLAND 

at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Boleslav  theWrymouthed  1138 


BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  POLISH  STATE  29 

Mindful  of  the  dangers  of  another  civil  strife 
after  his  death,  he  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  Em- 
peror and  of  the  Pope  to  the  Kazimirian  principle  of 
seniorate.  The  aristocracy  of  the  land,  which  had 
grown  during  the  years  in  wealth  and  class  con- 
sciousness, was  opposed  to  a  strong  centralized  gov- 
ernment. They  preferred  a  number  of  smaller  prin- 
cipalities, which  precluded  the  centralization  of 
power  in  one  ruler,  and  gave  more  offices  and  free- 
dom to  themselves.  It  was  due  to  their  antagonism 
that  the  imperial  and  Papal  sanction  of  the  seniorate 
failed  to  bring  the  desired  results. 


FIG.    18— WAWEL,    THE   ROYAL   CASTLE   AT   CRACOW 

CHAPTER  III. 
The  Decline  of  Monarchical  Power. 

Following  his  theory  of  seniorate,  Boleslav  the 
Wrymouthed  divided  the  country  into  five  principali- 
ties— Silesia,  Great  Poland,*  Mazovia, 
The  Preroga-  Sandomir  and  Cracow.  The  first  four 
Grand' Duke  provinces  were  divided  among  his  four 
of  Cracow  sons  who  became  independent  rulers. 

The  fifth  province,  that  of  Cracow,  was 
to  be  added  to  the  senior  among  the  Princes  who,  as 
the  Grand  Duke  of  Cracow,  was  the  representative  of 
the  whole  of  Poland.  No  sooner  did  Boleslav  die 
than  his  oldest  son,  Wladyslav,  conceived  the  idea  of 
restoring  Poland's  unity  by  depriving  his  brothers  of 
their  shares.  He  met  with  the  determined  opposition 
of  the  Church  and  the  magnates,  who  clearly  recog- 
nized that  a  centralized  power  was  detrimental  to 
their  interests  and  influence.  The  Archbishop  of 
Gnesen  hurled  an  anathema  at  Wladyslav  and  two 

*  The  name  was  not  meant  to  indicate  that  the  principality  was 
larger  than  the  others,  but  that  it  was  "older,"  "original"  Poland.  The 
Latin  name  Major  Polonia  was  mistakenly  translated  as  "Great  Po- 
land." The  principalities  of  Cracow  and  Sandomir,  having  come  later 
into  the  fold  of  the  Polish  state,  were  named  "younger  Poland,"  but 
in  the  course  of  time,  in  contrast  to  the  misnomer  "Great  Poland," 
became  popularly  known  as  "Little  Poland." 


THE  DECLINE  OF  MONARCHICAL  POWER  31 

powerful  potentates  organized  an  army  against  him. 
A  civil  war  ensued,  which,  despite  the  help  received 
from  outside  and  the  interference  of  Friedrich  Bar- 
barossa,  ended  in  the  defeat  of  the  Grand  Duke  of 
Cracow.  This  marks  the  beginning  of  the  era  of  dis- 
integration of  the  young  Polish  state  and  the  decline 
of  monarchical  power  in  Poland.  The  principalities 
of  Silesia,  Great  Poland  and  Mazovia  had  become 
divided  into  smaller  units,  with  further  sub-divisions 
and  occasional  fusions.  Separatist  interests  and  jeal-, 
ousies  led  to  almost  incessant  warfare. 

The  ruler  of  Cracow  retained  the  title  of  Dux 
Polonise,  the  Duke  of  Poland,  but  the  security  of  his 
office  depended  upon  his  relations  with  the  aristoc- 
racy and  clergy.  Kazimir  the  Just  (1177-1194)  had 
been  obliged  to  summon  a  council  of  nobles  and 
clergy  and  to  surrender  certain  of  his  rights  and 
privileges.  He  was  also  compelled  to  promise  to  call 
such  councils  when  important  matters  of  state  were 
to  be  decided  upon.  At  the  Council  or  Synod  of  Len- 
czyca,  held  in  1180,  the  Church,  under  the  threat  of 
an  interdict,  enjoined  the  Duke  from  the  exercise  of 
his  right  to  the  personal  property  of  deceased  bishops 
(lus  Spolii)  and  to  certain  levies  for  his  officials  and 
representatives.  In  return  for  these  concessions  or 
immunities  the  Council  abolished  the  seniorate  and 
vested  in  the  line  of  Kazimir  the  Just  the  perpetual 
right  to  the  principality  of  Cracow.  Thus  the  right 
of  seniority  in  the  House  of  Piast  the  Wheelwright 
gave  way  to  the  law  of  primogeniture  in  the  line  of 
Kazimir  the  Just.  This  right  was  frequently  con- 
tested by  armed  interference.  The  authority  of  the 
Duke  of  Cracow  was  not  adequately  defined  by  law 
and  was  nil  in  actual  practice.  The  heads  of  the 
smaller  principalities  were,  in  fact,  independent 
rulers.  They  were  free  to  establish  alliances  for  de- 


32 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.    l!i      J:OI,l<;si,A  V   THE   WRYMOL'THED    (. 


POLAND 

as  subdivided amongthesonsofBoleslavtheWrymouthed 


34 


THE-POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


fensive  and  offensive  warfare,  to  make  treaties  and 
to  maintain  independent  customs  barriers.  In  other 
words,  Poland  of  the  XIII  century  was  no  longer  one 
solid  political  entity.  The  sovereignty  of  the  former 
state  became  diffused  among  a  number  of  smaller 
independent  political  units,  with  only  the  common 
bonds  of  language,  race,  religion  and  tradition. 


(J.  Mateyko) 
FIG.   20— KAZIMIR  THE  JUST   (1177-1194) 

The  princely  power  was  theoretically  unlimited. 

By  the  "grace  of  God"  the  princes  were  absolute  lords 
of  their  dominions.  Actually,  the  exer- 
cise of  their  power  depended  on  the 
strength  or  weakness  of  the  barons  and 
clergy,  and  on  their  own  skill  in  playing 
off  the  interests  of  the  one  against  those 
of  the  other.  The  barons  and  the  clergy 

became  very  powerful  in  the  XHIth  century.     Both 


The  Restric- 
tion of  the 
Sovereign 
Power  of  the 
Princes 


THE  DECLINE  OF  MONARCHICAL  POWER  35 

classes  acquired  large  land  holdings  with  jurisdiction 
over  their  subjects.  The  Church  grew  constantly 
stronger  on  account  of  its  splendid  organization,  its 
accumulation  of  wealth  and  the  moral  control  it  exer- 
cised over  the  people.  Then,  too,  it  had  become  more 
independent  since  the  adoption  of  the  Gregorian  re- 
forms, which  deprived  the  king  of  the  power  to  ap- 
point bishops.  By  their  presence  at  the  Councils  of 
the  Prince,  called  "Colloquia,"  they,  in  conjunction 
with  the  barons,  exercised  direct  control  over  the 
affairs  of  the  principality.  The  Colloquium  was  called 
at  such  times  as  state  business  demanded.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  relatives  of  the  prince,  the  barons  and  pre- 
lates were  invited  to  attend  it,  and  at  these  gather- 
ings matters  of  foreign  policies,  as  well  as  of  internal 
administration,  were  determined.  The  granting  of 
franchises,  the  fixing  of  taxes  and  matters  of  like 
nature  were  decided  at  these  meetings,  and  at  times 
the  Colloquium  also  served  as  the  Prince's  Court. 
The  Colloquium  was  the  nucleus  of  what  later  devel- 
oped into  the  Senate. 

Synchronous    with    the    metamorphosis    in    the 

structure  of  the  Polish  State  and  sovereignty  was 

an  economic  and  social  impoverishment 

German  Q£  ^    countrv    Harassed  by  civil  strifes 

Settlements  ,    ,  •?  ...    J    •  .     . 

in  Poland  an(^  foreign  invasions,  like  that  ot  the 

Tartars  in  1241  A.D.,  the  small  prin- 
cipalities became  enfeebled  and  depopulated.  The 
incomes  of  the  Princes  began  to  decrease  materially. 
This  led  them  to  take  steps  toward  encouraging  im- 
migration from  foreign  countries.  A  great  number 
of  German  peasants,  who,  during  the  interregnum 
following  the  death  of  Friedrich  II  Hohenstaufen, 
suffered  great  oppression  at  the  hands  of  their  lords, 
were  induced  to  settle  in  Poland  under  certain  very 


36  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

favorable  conditions.  German  immigration  into  Po- 
land had  started  spontaneously  at  an  earlier  period, 
about  the  end  of  the  XI  century,  and  was  the  result 
of  overpopulation  in  the  central  provinces  of  the  Em- 
pire. Advantage  of  the  existing  tendency  had  al- 
ready been  taken  by  the  Polish  Princes  in  the  Xllth 
century  for  the  development  of  cities  and  crafts.  Now 
the  movement  became  intensified. 

Studies  of  the  development  of  the  German  settle- 
ments in  Poland  indicate  that  they  sprang  up  along 
the  wide  belt  which  was  laid  waste  by  the  Tartars  in 
1241.  It  was  a  stretch  of  land  comprising  present 
Galicia  and  Southern  Silesia.  Prior  to  the  Tartar 
invasion  these  two  provinces  were  thickly  settled  and 
highly  developed.  Through  them  ran  the  commercial 
highways  from  the  East  and  the  Levant  to  the  Baltic 
and  the  west  of  Europe.  Cracow  and  Breslau  were 
large  and  prosperous  towns.  After  the  Tartar  bar- 
barians retired  the  country  was  in  ruins  and  the  popu- 
lation either  scattered  or  exterminated.  Large  num- 
bers were  taken  prisoners.  The  refugees  went  north 
and  helped  to  colonize  the  sparsely  inhabited  areas 
and  to  clear  the  forests  to  the  east  of  the  Vistula  in 
Mazovia.  On  the  heels  of  the  receding  Tartars  came 
the  Germans.  Theirs  was  a  movement  along  the  line 
of  least  resistance.  The  new  settlers  were  spared  the 
hard  labor  of  the  pioneers  as  the  soil  they  occupied 
had  been  used  for  arable  purposes  centuries  before. 
There  was  no  need  of  clearing  primeval  forest  or 
colonizing  an  utter  wilderness. 

It  would  be  a  mistake  to  think  that  all  the  new- 
comers were  Teutons.  Slavic  tribes,  at  that  time, 
separated  Poland  from  Germany,  and  the  Germans 
who  came  to  Poland  went  through  this  Slavic  screen 
and  brought  with  them  numerous  autochthons  of  the 


THE  DECLINE  OF  MONARCHICAL  POWER  37 

border  Slavic  lands.  Upon  arriving  in  Poland  the 
settlers  from  the  west  restored  agriculture,  rebuilt 
the  cities  and  came  into  the  possession  of  all  the  ad- 
vantages the  fertile  soil  and  the  favorable  geographic 
position  gave  them. 

The  entrepreneur  (known  by  the  Latin  name  of 
villicator),  who  brought  over  a  number  of  settlers, 
received,  in  addition  to  the  compensation  for  his 
services,  a  piece  of  land  for  the  colony  of  which  he  be- 
came the  chief  (woyt),  with  hereditary  right  to  cer- 
tain taxes.  These  rights  he  could  concede  or  sell.  He 
was  also  the  judge  of  the  colony.  He  was  free  from  all 
duties  except  those  of  a  knight  and  a  tax  collector, 
and  responsible  to  nobody  except  to  the  Prince.  The 
settlers,  after  dividing  among  themselves  the  land 
granted  to  them  by  the  Prince,  proceeded  to  build  the 
city  with  its  town  hall,  market-place  and  church  in 
the  centre.  The  streets  ran  radius-like  from  the 
centre.  The  town  was  surrounded  by  a  mound  and 
ditch,  beyond  which  lay  the  arable  fields,  pastures 
and  woods.  The  settlers  were  given  every  privilege 
of  building  the  towns  in  the  way  to  which  they  were 
accustomed,  and  to  govern  themselves  according  to 
the  practice  of  their  native  country.  For  a  number 
of  years,  varying  in  each  case,  the  settlers  were  free 
from  all  taxes  or  duties.  After  the  expiration  of  the 
term  of  years  they  had  to  pay  a  stipulated  annual  tax 
into  the  Prince's  treasury.  The  tax  was  to  be  paid  in 
money,  not  like  that  of  the  Polish  grody,  in  kind  and 
services.  In  addition  they  were,  in  some  instances, 
required  to  maintain  defensive  walls,  towers  and 
gates,  and  to  supply  impedimenta  for  war  and  armed 
servants.  In  their  internal  affairs  they  were  given 
full  home  rule  and  were  free  from  all  interference  by 
representatives  of  the  Prince.  They  governed  them- 


38  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

selves  according  to  German  law,  the  chief  (woyt)  and 
a  chosen  jury  constituting  the  court.  Appeals  from 
the  decisions  of  this  court  could  be  taken  to  the  Court 
of  the  Prince  or  to  the  higher  courts  in  the  German 
cities.  The  administration  was  in  the  hands  of  a 
City  Council,  consisting  of  the  burgomaster  and  ad- 
visors, either  elected  by  the  people  or  appointed  by 
the  Prince,  this  depending  on  the  terms  of  the  char- 
ter. The  artisans  established  guilds  which  regulated 
the  quality  and  price  of  products.  The  Prince  had  the 
sole  authority  to  grant  town  charters.  Sometimes  he 
gave  this  power  to  the  feudal  and  ecclesiastical  lords 
of  the  principality. 

In  this  way  beside  the  Polish  "grody"  sprang 
into  existence  a  large  number  of  towns,  with  Ger- 
man laws,  customs  and  institutions.  The  ancient 
towns  of  Cracow,  Lwow,  Poznari,  Plock  and  others 
received  a  large  admixture  of  German  population, 
and  became  regarded  by  the  metropolitan  towns  in 
Germany  as  their  branches  and  as  outposts  of  Ger- 
man trade  and  civilization  in  Poland.  The  common 
law  of  the  country  was  supplanted  by  the  Magdeburg 
and  Halle  law,  German  silver  coins  became  the 
money  of  the  country,  and  all  municipal  records  be- 
gan to  be  kept  in  the  German  language.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  Tartar  invasion,  Polish  towns  would 
have  developed  normally  and  created  a  city  popula- 
tion truly  Polish,  which  would  have  been  organically 
allied  to  the  whole  social  and  national  fabric.  As  it 
was  the  cities  became  oases  for  a  foreign  element, 
hostile,  or  at  least  indifferent,  to  the  country,  and 
this  condition  became  responsible  in  a  measure  for 
the  excessive  prerogatives  gained  in  the  future  by 
one  class  of  the  Polish  nation,  the  nobility,  who  alone 
bore  the  brunt  of  national  defence. 


THE  DECLINE  OF  MONARCHICAL  POWER  39 

Similar  to  the  growth  of  German  towns  was  the 
development  by  colonization  of  villages  based  on 
German  law.  To  induce  settlers  in  the  unoccupied 
areas  the  Prince  granted  tracts  of  land  exempt  from 
taxes  for  a  number  of  years.  All  the  settlers  on  these 
lands  were  absolutely  free.  The  only  obligation  was 
the  payment  of  an  annual  rent  to  the  Prince,  collected 
for  him  by  the  organizer  of  the  settlement,  who,  in 
compensation  for  his  work,  received  in  hereditary 
right  a  large  grant  of  land,  a  flour  mill  or  tavern.  In 
addition  to  the  duties  of  a  tax  collector  the  organizer, 
called  soltys,  was  to  render  military  service  and  act 
as  the  police  officer  of  the  village.  He  was  also  the 
presiding  officer  of  the  jury  chosen  by  the  villagers. 
In  all  administrative  matters  the  village,  like  the  city, 
had  complete  home  rule.  Except  for  the  town  hall 
and  the  town  council  the  villages  did  not  differ  much 
from  the  towns.  With  the  consent  of  the  Prince, 
barons  and  prelates  could  either  establish  new  free 
settlements  or  change  the  legal  basis  of  the  already 
existing  native  villages  in  their  domains  from  the 
Polish  to  the  German  law. 

On  account  of  the  advantages  that  the  German 
method  of  settling  gave  to  land  owners,  it  became 
very  popular  with  them  and  exercised  a  great  in- 
fluence upon  the  administrative,  economic  and  par- 
ticularly, political  life  of  the  country.  The  influx  of 
great  masses  of  the  German  element,  that  had  all 
the  support  of  their  native  country  as  well  as  of  the 
military  Teutonic  Orders,  which  settled  on  the  Baltic 
seacoast  in  the  beginning  of  the  Xlllth  century  and 
from  its  earliest  days  engaged  in  a  ruthless  war  of 
extermination  on  the  autochthonous  population  under 
the  guise  of  spreading  Christ's  gospel,  destroyed 
political  cohesion. 


40  tHE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

An  additional  foreign  element  began  to  settle  in 

Poland  in  great  numbers  at  the  same  time.  The  Jews, 

persecuted  all  over  Europe  during  the 

Jewish  Crusades,   fled   to   Poland   where   they 

Immigration  '.        ,  .  .      ,  . 

to  Poland  were  received  in  a  most  hospitable  man- 

ner. They  settled  in  the  towns  and  be- 
gan to  carry  on  commerce  and  banking.  As  illus- 
trative of  the  friendliness  of  the  Poles  toward  these 
newcomers  may  be  cited  the  statue  of  Kalisz,  pro- 
mulgated by  Prince  Boleslav  in  the  year  1246 
by  which  the  Jews  received  every  protection  of  the 
law  and  which  imposed  heavy  penalties  for  any  in- 
sults to  their  cemeteries,  synagogues  and  other  sanc- 
tuaries. About  the  same  time  Prince  Henry  IV  of 
Wroclaw  (Breslau)  imposed  heavy  penalties  upon 
those  who  accused  Jews  of  ritual  murder.  Anyone 
who  made  such  an  accusation  had  to  prove  it  by  six 
witnesses,  three  Gentiles  and  three  Jews,  and  in  case 
of  his  inability  to  prove  the  charge  in  a  satisfactory 
manner  he  was  himself  found  guilty  and  subject  to 
severe  pnuishment. 

While  the  Jews  adapted  themselves  to  their  new 
environment  and  coalesced,  to  a  degree,  with  the 
native  population,  the  German  element,  backed  by 
their  government,  became  aggressive  and  sought  to 
dominate  the  country.  The  rich  German  town  people 
were  supported  in  their  endeavors  by  the  clergy,  who 
arrived  from  Germany  in  great  numbers  and  oc- 
cupied prominent  church  positions.  It  was  with  the 
aid  of  the  Germans  that  the  dauntless  but  German- 
ized Leszek  the  Dark  (1278-1288),  and  after  him 
Henry  Probus  (1289-1290),  who  joined  the  ancient 
Polish  Duchy  of  Silesia  to  the  German  Empire, 
ascended  the  throne  of  Cracow.  The  German 
influence  grew  disquietingly.  A  strong  antagonistic 
movement  arose  and  the  clash  of  the  two  forces  con- 


THE  DECLINE  OF  MONARCHICAL  POWER 


41 


stitutes  the  pith  of  Polish  history  during  the  next 
century.  The  conflict  resulted  in  complete  Poloniza- 
tion  of  the  German  element  and  among  the  descend- 
ants of  these  settlers  there  have  been  many  of  the 
most  ardent  Polish  patriots.  This  is  eloquent  testi- 
mony of  the  great  assimilative  powers  of  the  people 
and  of  the  state  building  capabilities  of  the  Poles. 


FIG.   21 — THE   MARKET  PLACE   OF  CRACOW 


The  Aquisi- 
tion  of 
Pomerania 


CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Consolidation  of  Poland 

That  part  of  the  Baltic  seaboard  which  lies  be- 
tween the  Vistula  in  the  east  and  the  Oder  in  the 
west,  and  bounded  by  the  Notec  on  the 
south,  was  inhabited  by  the  Pomera- 
nians, a  cognate  Slavic  people,  who, 
separated  from  Poland  by  virgin  forests, 
long  resisted  the  numerous  armed  attempts  to  bring 
them  into  the  fold  of  the  Polish  state.  No  regular 
wars  could  be  carried  on  with  them  but  guerilla  war- 
fare, resembling  that  of  Charlemagne  with  the  Sax- 
ons, lasted  for  over  a  century.  Finally  in  1109,  by  a 
brilliant  victory  near  the  town  of  Naklo  on  the  Notec 
River,  Boleslav  the  Wrymouthed  succeeded  in  forc- 
ing the  Pomeranian  princes  to  recognize  the  sover- 
eignty of  Poland. 

The  administration  of  the  newly  acquired  terri- 
tory was  left  to  the  native  princes.  The  people  of  the 
southern  part  of  Pomerania  accepted  Christianity 
and  became  incorporated  into  the  diocese  of  Great 
Poland. 

The  advantages  secured  by  the  accession  of  the 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND  43 

seacoast  could  not  be  immediately  exploited  by  the 
Poles,  for  it  was  necessary  to  defend  vital  national 
interests  against  a  new  German  invasion,  sent  by  the 
Emperor  Henry  V  in  the  year  1109.  After  a  defeat 
at  Wroclaw  (Breslau)  the  Germans  were  forced  to 
retreat,  having  devastated  a  large  area  of  Poland 
and  exterminated  many  prosperous  towns.  In  this 
war  the  city  of  Glogow  (Glogau)  became  famous 
for  its  desperate  defense,  in  the  course  of  which  the 
children  of  the  town,  captured  by  the  Germans  and 
carried  in  front  of  their  siege  machines,  were  killed 
by  their  fathers. 

After  the  war  with  the  German  Empire  Pome- 
rania  again  claimed  the  attention  of  the  Polish 
sovereign.  Aided  by  the  Prussians,  a  neighboring 
people  on  their  east,  the  Pomeranians,  under  the 
leadership  of  Swietopelk  of  Naklo,  rebelled.  The  re- 
bellion was  crushed  and  Pomerania,  together  with 
the  cities  of  Naklo,  Santok,  Czarnkow,  Uscie  and 
others,  was  incorporated  into  the  Duchy  of  Great 
Poland.  Suspecting  other  princes  to  the  east  of 
Pomerania  to  be  in  sympathy  with  Swietopelk,  the 
victorious  Boleslav  the  Wrymouthed  crossed  the 
Oder,  conquered  the  Lutics,  another  Slavic  tribe  on 
the  Baltic,  took  their  chief  city  of  Stettin  and  went 
further  west,  vanquishing  the  Slavic  peoples  of  Meck- 
lenburg and  Brandenburg  and  along  the  Baltic  sea- 
coast  up  to  and  including  the  Holy  Island  of  Rugia 
(Rugen)  in  1121.  Since  that  time  the  name  of  Pome- 
rania has  been  applied  to  the  whole  stretch  of  the 
Baltic  seacoast  extending  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Vistula  to  the  Isle  of  Rugia. 

Boleslav  endeavored  to  introduce  Christianity 
into  the  conquered  territories  but  all  attempts  proved 
futile  until  the  arrival  of  the  mission  of  St.  Otto,  the 
chaplain  of  Boleslav's  father,  who,  instead  of  appear- 


44 


ing  as  a  poor  ascetic,  came,  aided  by  the  power  of  the 
Polish  sovereign,  in  full  dazzling  splendor  of  a  prince 
of  the  Church  and  won  the  hearts  of  the  people  by 
his  gifts  and  kindness.  By  1130,  when  the  first  bishop- 
ric in  Pomerania  was  established  at  Wolin,  and  the 
people  of  the  country,  who  had  so  persistently  fought 
Christianity,  were  all  converted  by  the  apostolic  en- 
deavors of  the  Polish  ruler  and  his  saintly  bishop. 

Further  extensions  of  Polish  influence  to  the 
west,  or  even  a  firm  grounding  of  the  Poles  in  the 
newly  conquered  territories,  were  rendered  impos- 
sible, first  by  an  unfortunate  war  with  Hungary,  1132- 
1135,  and  then,  after  the  death  of  Boleslav  the  Wry- 
mouthed  in  1138,  by  the  above  described  division  of 
Poland  into  five  independent  principalities  with  the 
ensuing  civil  strifes  and  the  disappearance  of  a  con- 
structive political  polity. 

About  the  year  1147  the  Margrave  Albrecht  the 
Bear,  Henry  the  Lion  of  Saxony,  and  the  Danish 
King  Waldemar  the  Great  organized  a  joint  expedi- 
tion against  the  Northwestern  Slavs.  The  expedition 
crowned  the  centuries  long  efforts  to  subdue  the 
Slavs.  On  the  Slavic  lands,  between  the  Elbe  and  the 
Oder,  Albrecht  founded  a  new  German  Duchy  called 
Brandenburg  from  the  old  Slavic  town  of  Branibor, 
and  settled  it  with  Teuton  colonizers,  mostly  from 
the  Netherlands.  The  Saxon  Prince  and  the  Danish 
King  divided  the  Slav  territories  on  the  lower  Elbe 
and  the  Island  of  Rugia.  The  Lutic  Prince  of  Stettin 
became  at  first  a  feudatory  of  the  Saxon  Prince  and 
later  of  the  German  Emperor.  The  autochtonous 
Slavic  population  of  these  regions  was  either  exter- 
minated or  pushed  into  Poland,  which  lost  all  of  the 
seacoast  west  of  the  Vistula.  Following  this,  a  con- 
siderable number  of  German  colonizers  occupied  the 
lands  watered  by  the  lower  course  of  the  Vistula. 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND  45 

To  offset  the  losses  in  the  west  the  Polish  princes 

turned  their  attention  to  the  Prussians  who  occupied 

the  Baltic  seaboard  from  the  right  shore 

The  Polish         of  the  Vistula  to  the  Niemen,  and  ex- 


Crusa  s  tended  south,  through  bogs  and  forests, 

* 


Pussians  as  ^ar  as  tne  Narev.     Further  south  of 

them,  on  the  Narev  and  the  right  shore 
of  the  Bug,  west  of  the  Mazurs,  lived  the  Jadz- 
wings,  a  tribe  closely  related  to  the  Prussians. 
Both  the  Prussians  and  the  Jadzwings  came  under 
partial  Polish  suzerainty  by  the  end  of  the  XHIth 
century  during  the  reign  of  Kazimir  the  Just,  1177- 
1194,  but  this  did  not  prevent  their  constant  ferocious. 
raids  on  Mazovia,  which  proved  most  exasperating 
to  the  Mazurian  princes.  All  Christian  missions 
among  the  Prussians  were  unavailing.  They  clung 
tenaciously  to  paganism.  In  order  to  make  it  pos- 
sible to  wage  constant  and  unrelenting  war  against 
these  heathens,  Pope  Honorius  III  relieved  the  Poles 
from  expeditions  to  Palestine  and  proclaimed 
throughout  Germany  a  crusade  against  the  Prus- 
sians. Two  such  crusades  were  undertaken,  one  in 
1219  and  another  in  1222,  but  both  without  percep- 
tible success. 

After  a  defeat  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  fierce 
Prussians,  Conrad,  Prince  of  Mazovia,  decided  to 
The  Political  turn  for  help  to  the  Knights  of  the 
Aggressive-  Cross,  the  German  order,  which  after 
ness  of  the  returning  from  Palestine  settled  on  the 

Knights  of  the  Baltic  in  the  early  part  of  the  Xlllth 
century  soon  after  the  Knights  of  the 
Sword  established  themselves  at  the  estuary  of  the 
Dvina  for  the  purpose  of  converting  the  Lithuanians. 
For  their  help  in  the  campaign  against  the  Prus- 
sians, Conrad  granted  to  them  the  districts  of 
Chelmno  and  Nieszawa  in  Mazovia.  It  was  custom- 


46  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

ary  for  princes  in  those  days  to  bestow  such  large  ter- 
ritorial gifts  on  ecclesiastical  corporations,  but  the 
grants  did  not  involve  the  loss  of  princely  sovereignty 
over  them.  Not  so  did  the  Knights  of  the  Cross  re- 
gard this  cession.  Their  ambition  from  the  first  was 
to  found  -an  independent  state  on  Polish  territory, 
and  in  pursuance  of  this  design  they  obtained,  prior 
to  the  receipt  of  the  grants  of  Conrad,  a  charter  from 
Emperor  Friedrich  II  to  organize  all  the  lands  they 
might  acquire  or  conquer  into  a  feudal  state  of  the 
German  Empire.  They  also  obtained  from  Pope 
Gregory  IX  the  privilege  of  complete  freedom  from 
any  church  intervention  in  their  territories. 

With  such  plans  in  mind  they  arrived  in  Mazovia 
in  1228.  They  were  received  with  open  arms  by  the 
rulers  and  the  people,  and  were  supported  most  loyal- 
ly throughout  their  campaign  against  the  Prussians, 
which  lasted  over  half  a  century,  until  the  whole  of 
Prussia  as  far  as  the  Niemen  was  conquered.  Having 
finished  with  the  Prussians  they  turned  against  the 
heathen  Lithuanians  who  lived  to  the  east  of  Prus- 
sia, along  the  middle  Niemen  and  its  tributaries. 
They  soon  began  to  exhibit  their  real  designs  with 
reference  to  the  Poles,  who  were  not  heathens,  and 
who,  through  the  Mazurian  prince,  had  induced  them 
to  undertake  the  crusade  against  the  Prussians  and 
who  had  bestowed  upon  them  help  and  friendship. 

The  pressure  of  Brandenburg  in  the  northwest 

and  of  the  Order  of  the  Cross  in  the  northeast  led  to 

a  realization,  on  the  part  of  the  Poles, 

T,h*  *? Vsef         of  the  imminent  danger  from  the  Teu- 

of  Political  , . 

Consolidation  tons  an(^  tne  need  of  concerted  action 
against  them.  Moreover,  the  constant 
civil  wars  between  the  Polish  princes  were  ruining 
the  people  and  thwarting  the  economic,  social  and 
political  progress  of  the  country.  The  need  of  a 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND 


47 


fusion  of  the  small  political  units  into  a  powerful 
kingdom  became  apparent,  particularly  among  the 
clergy,  who  were  the  most  enlightened  and  educated 
people  of  the  time  and 'who  by  their  church  organiza- 
tion formed  the  one  truly  Polish  institution. 

This  budding  tendency  toward  the  unification 
of  the  state  was  strongly  supported  by  the  cities,  as, 


FIG.  22— PRZEMYSLAV  I   (1295-1296) 


in  addition  to  the  wars,  the  various  tariff  restrictions 
and  the  multifarious  other  taxes  hampered  the  devel- 
opment of  commerce  and  industry. 

The  period  preceding  the  unification  of  the  coun- 
try abounded  in  warfare  and  bloodshed.  Prince 
Przemyslav,  of  Great  Poland,  with  the  consent  of  the 


48 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


Pope,  crowned  himself  King  of  Poland  in  Gniezno 
(Gnesen)  in  1295,  but  a  few  months  later  was  mur- 
dered by  the  agents  of  Brandenburg.  After  his  death 
the  struggle  between  the  various  princes  who  strove 
for  the  high  dignity  again  became  acute.  As  a  com- 


(J.  Mateyko) 
FIG.   23— WACI-.AV  I   (1300-1305) 


promise  Waclav,  King  of  Bohemia,  was  crowned 
King;  of  Poland  in  1300.  All  Poland,  except  Mazovia, 
came  under  his  sceptre.  The  unification,  however, 
entailed  the  loss  of  national  independence  and  sub- 
jected Poland  to  a  rigid  administrative  rule  of  Bohe- 
mia and  to  a  strong  German  influence,  which  at  that 
time  had  already  become  predominant  in  Bohemia. 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND 


49 


One  of  the  princes  of  Great  Poland,  Wladyslav 
Lokietek,  1306-1333,  an  able  and  enterprising  man, 
who,  by  the  unification  lost  his  title  to 
sovereignty,  fled  abroad,  enlisted  the 
help  of  the  powerful  Pope  Boniface 
VIII,  and,  chosing  an  appropriate 
moment  when  Bohemia  became  in- 
volved in  a  war  with  Hungary,  ap- 
peared in  Poland.  He  met  with  a  cor- 
dial reception  in  all  the  parts  of  the 
country.  Cracow  and  the  whole  of 
Little  Poland,  Kujawy  at  the  lower  course  of  the 


The  Difficul- 
ties with  the 
Knights  of 
the  Cross  and 
the  Disloyalty 
of  the  German 
Settlers 


FIG.   24 — A   GENERAL  VIEW   OF  THE   MALBORG  CASTLE 

Vistula,  and  Pomerania,  joined  him.  Great  Poland 
alone  chose  another  prince  of  their  own,  and  Mazovia 
did  not  participate  in  the  struggle. 

At  this  juncture  the  Markgrave  of  Brandenburg 
invaded  Pomerania  and  conquered  it.  Lokietek,  at 
war  with  Great  Poland,  asked  the  Order  of  the  Cross 
to  help  him  against  the  Markgrave.  This  they  did, 
but  after  defeating  the  Brandenburgians  turned 
against  the  Pomeranians.  Following  a  most  cruel 


50 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


slaughter  of  the  population,  the  province  was  annexed 
by  the  Knights,  who  established  there  at  the  city  of 
Malborg,  on  the  Vistula,  their  permanent  capital. 

They  immediately  proceeded  to  Germanize  this 
newly  conquered  province.  By  joining  hands  with 
the  other  German  order  they  formed  an  extensive 
and  powerful  Teutonic  Empire.  In  this  way  Poland 
became  isolated  from  the  sea  by  a  formidable  foe  who 


FIG.    25 — THE  CASTLE   OF   THE   KNIGHTS  OF   THE   CROSS  AT   MALBORG 

commanded  at  the  time  the  admiration  of  all  Europe. 
Lokietek  hesitated  to  risk  a  war  with  the  Order.  The 
case  was  submitted  to  the  Pope  who  issued  a  decree 
commanding  the  Knights  to  restore  Pomerania  and 
repay  to  Lokietek  all  war  expenditures.  This  they 
refused  to  do. 

While   the   difficulties   with   the   Knights   were 
growing,  the  German  element  in  the  city  of  Cracow 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND 


51 


(J.  Mateyko) 


FIG.   26— WLADYSLAV  LOKIETEK   (1306-1333) 


52  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

succeeded  in  organizing  a  rebellion  against  Lokietek 
in  favor  of  a  Germanized  prince.  The  rebellion,  led 
by  the  mayor  and  the  bishop,  was  crushed  and  the 
Germans  dealt  with  very  severely.  The  city  was  de- 
prived of  its  home  rule  and  was  for  a  time  governed 
by  appointive  officers  of  the  prince.  The  severe 
punishment  of  Cracow  had  a  discouraging  effect  upon 
the  German  troublemakers  in  other  Polish  cities. 
They  soon  abandoned  their  nationalistic  political  as- 
pirations and  returned  to  peaceful  vocations. 

Similarly  successful  were  Lokietek's  expeditions 
against  his  enemies  in  Great  Poland.  Before  long 
all  the  Polish  principalities  united  into 
Lokietek's  one  political  state.  The  inherently  con- 

Proclamation  structive  force  of  the  Polish  genius  as- 
PohPtk1aind'S  serted  itself  despite  the  powerful  in- 
Sovereignty  fluences  that  were  arrayed  against  it. 
and  the  Lokietek  was  but  an  incarnation  of  the 

Ensuing  Wars  national  spirit  that  had  produced  Boles- 
lav  the  Brave  and  Boleslav  the  Wry- 
mouthed  and  that  revealed  itself  most  powerfully  in 
the  days  of  Jagiello  and  on  many  subsequent  occa- 
sions in  the  course  of  Polish  history.  The  union 
brought  about  by  the  leadership  of  Lokietek  was, 
however,  personal  at  first.  The  severeign  was  the 
only  bond  that  kept  the  various  provinces  together. 
In  their  internal  organization  the  component  parts  of 
the  unified  state  were  completely  autonomous  and 
governed  in  exactly  the  same  way  as  they  had  been 
before  the  consolidation  took  place.  To  give  to  the 
political  unity  an  adequate  outward  expression 
Lokietek  strove  for  royal  dignity.  With  the  consent 
of  the  Pope  he  was  crowned  in  1320  in  Cracow  as  an 
independent  King  of  Poland. 

This  act  led  to  a  prolonged  and  costly  war  with 
the  German  Emperor,  who  was  antagonistic  to  the 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND  53 

Pope,  and,  having  renewed  the  struggle  of  the  Em- 
perors against  Rome,  still  regarded  Poland  as  his 
vassal.  Emperor  Ludwig  joined  forces  wih  John  of 
Luxemburg,  King  of  Bohemia,  who,  as  a  son-in-law 
of  Waclav,  claimed  the  right  to  the  throne  of  Poland, 
and  with  the  Markgrave  of  Brandenburg  declared 
war  on  Poland. 

Foreseeing  the  war,  Lokietek  forged  a  chain  of 
friendships:  first  with  the  Scandinavian  countries, 
then  with  Hungary,  by  giving  away  in  marriage  his 
daughter  Elizabeth  to  the  Hungarian  King,  Karl 
Robert.  He  also  approached  the  heathen  Lithuani- 
ans, which  was  a  bold  step  for  a  Christian  prince  to 
take,  and  in  1325  his  only  son,  Kazimir,  married 
Anna  Aldona,  the  daughter  of  the  Lithuanian  Grand 
Duke  Gedymin. 

The  struggle  began  in  1327  and  was  not  termi- 
nated at  the  time  of  Lokietek's  death  in  1333.  The 
war  proved  disastrous.  By  the  treaty  of  Trenczyn 
in  Hungary,  the  new  Polish  King  Kazimir,  1333- 
1370,  acknowledged  the  right  of  Bohemia  to  suze- 
rainty over  Silesia  and  Mazovia.  The  pearl  of  the 
Polish  crown,  the  westernmost  province  of  Silesia, 
was  thus  forever  torn  from  Poland.  Kazimir,  how- 
ever, succeeded  in  retaining  Polish  spiritual  influence 
over  the  province  by  insisting  that  it  be  not  severed 
from  the  Archbishopric  at  Gneseii,  and  Mazovia  soon 
reverted,  in  1355,  into  the  fold  of  the  Polish  state  as 
a  feudatory  of  the  Crown. 

Final  peace  with  the  Knights  of  the  Cross  was 
established  in  1343  after  a  drawn-out  suit  brought 
against  them  by  the  order  of  the  Pope  Benedict  XII 
for  the  recovery  of  Pomerania  and  other  occupied 
territories.  Demands  had  also  been  made  for  com- 
pensation for  their  inhuman  treatment  of  the  native 
population  and  their  wanton  destruction  of  life  and 


54 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.   27— KAZIMIR  THE  GREAT   (1333-1370) 


(J.  Mateyko) 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND  55 

property.  The  court  rendered  a  verdict  in  favor  of 
Poland.  Conscious  of  their  superior  military  power 
they  refused  to  obey  the  verdict  and  Poland  had  to 
submit  to  the  loss  of  Pomerania.  Kujawy,  however, 
and  the  other  occupied  territories  were  returned  to 
Poland. 

Kazimir  could  not  undertake  another  war  for  the 
restoration  of  Pomerania,  as  the  country  was  ex- 
hausted and  as  his  attention  was  direct- 
The  Acquisi-        e(j  ^0   Ruthenia  where,   on   account   of 
Ruthenian  t^ie  extmction  of  the  reigning  dynasty 

Territories  ne  na<^  to  press  his  claims  as  against 
those  of  other  pretenders.  After  a  pro- 
longed war  with  the  Tartars  and  Lithuanians,  the 
western  part  of  Volhynia  was  annexed  to  Poland 
and  the  Prince  of  Podolia  recognized  the  overlord- 
ship  of  the  Polish  sovereign.  Kazimir  endeavored 
to  reach  the  seacoast  of  the  Black  Sea  but  his  ex- 
pedition was  unsuccessful. 

The  acquisition  of  new  lands  in  the  east  with  a 
population  element  different  in  religion  and  lower  in 
civilization,  together  with  the  chaos  that  existed  in 
the  internal  affairs  of  the  country  ruined  by  internal 
dissensions  and  by  long  and  bloody  foreign  wars,  led 
Kazimir  to  devote  his  thoughts  and  energy  to  the 
material  upbuilding  of  the  land,  and  to  the  restora- 
tion of  law  and  order  in  his  vast  domains. 

The  law  of  the  country  was  a  compound  of  the 

native  common  law  and  of  the  German  law.     It  was 

differently  interpreted  in  the  different 

localities.     The  chaos  gave  rise  to  in- 

Reforms  ....  «•        •        •    <<•    «   •    «  1 

justice  in  the  application  of  the  law  and 
its  enforcement,  and  pointed  very  clearly  to  the  acute 
need  of  uniformity  and  of  establishing  a  firm,  well 
defined  judicial  and  administrative  system.  In  1347 


POLAND 

in  the  year  1341  Reign  of  Kazimir  the  Great 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND 


57 


a  special  council  was  called  to  Wislica  to  improve 
the  laws.  The  results  of  their  labors  of  many  years, 
known  as  the  Statutes  of  Wislica,  where  a  body  of 
uniform  laws  with  special  regard  for  the  local  condi- 
tions of  the  several  sections  of  the  country.  It  may 
be  noted  in  this  connection  that  Poland  in  the  time 
of  Kazimir  had  a  large  number  of  eminent  writers 


PIG.   28— THE  STATE  SEAT,  OF 


and  jurists.  Janko  of  Charnkov  wrote  a  valuable 
contemporary  history  in  the  form  of  chronicles,  simi- 
lar to  that  of  Gallus,  who  wrote  in  the  Xllth  century 
during  the  time  of  Boleslav  the  Wrymouthed. 

By  the  time  the  Wislica  statutes  were  drafted, 
slavery  had  ceased  to  exist  in  all  parts  of  Poland,  but 
the  relations  of  peasants  to  landowners  were  not 
uniform  throughout  the  country.  They  differed  from 


58 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


place  to  place.  Almost  universally  the  taxes  in  kind 
had  ceased  to  exist.  It  may  be  of  interest  to  note  that 
in  Kazimir's  time  the  exigencies  of  commerce  de- 
manded a  regulation  of  the  monetary  problem  and 
.that  the  Wislica  statutes  provided  that  "there  shall 
be  throughout  the  country  uniform  money  of  a  con- 
stant value  and  weight."  One  of  the  reasons  for  this 


FIG.    29— THE   CROWN,    SCEPTRE   AND   MOUND    OP   KAZIMIR   THE    GREAT, 
FOUND  IN  HIS  GRAVE  IN  1869 

requirement,  as  given  in  the  statute,  was  "that  the 
state  might  not  look  like  a  many-headed  monster." 
Both  taxes  and  tithes  were  paid  in  money.  The 
peasant  was  free  to  make  contracts  with  the  land- 
owner for  the  use  of  leased  land,  but  he  was  often- 
times helpless  in  preventing  the  landlord  from  exact- 
ing more  than  the  contract  stipulations  provided, 
especially  when  the  settlements  were  based  on  Ger- 
man law  and  the  landlord  was  the  "soltys,"  or  the 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND  59 

chief  and  judge  of  the  village.  In  many  instances  the 
peasants  were  leaving  the  settlements  and  taking 
with  them  all  the  stock  received  from  the  landlord. 
Such  migrations  were  frequent  at  that  time.  The 
tracts  of  land  laid  waste  by  the  Knights  of  the  Cross 
in  the  lake  region  of  Prussia  and  the  country  for- 
merly occupied  by  the  Jadzwings,  whom  the  Cheva- 
liers completely  exterminated,  offered  opportunities 
for  advantageous  settlement.  Polish  colonization  of 
these  regions  was  going  on  very  rapidly.  A  similar 
colonizing  movement  was  taking  place  in  the  ac- 
quired provinces  of  Ruthenia.  The  Polish  peasant 
was  settling  there  on  the  German  law  basis  and  was 
bringing  with  him  western  civilization  to  these  re- 
mote eastern  regions.  Likewise  many  of  the  towns- 
people and  of  the  nobility  settled  in  Ruthenia  and 
became  in  time  the  natural  bond  between  the  natives 
of  these  provinces,  whose  faith  bound  them  to  Con- 
stantinople, and  the  rest  of  the  empire  whose  tastes 
and  connections  were  those  of  the  west. 

Although  Kazimir  realized  that  unity  in  religion 
would  be  most  desirable  for  the  solidarity  of  the  na- 
tion, and  with  that  in  view  founded  Roman  Catholic 
bishoprics  in  Przemysl,  Wlodzimierz  (Vladimir  Vol- 
hynski)  and  Chelm,  and  established  two  religious 
orders  in  Ruthenia,  yet  he  gave  complete  freedom 
and  encouragement  to  the  prevailing  Greek  religion. 
The  Ruthenian  bishopric  at  Halicz  was  raised  to  the 
dignity  of  a  metropolis  to  make  it  independent  of  the 
See  of  that  Church,  recently  moved  from  Kieff  to 
Moscow.  His  religious  tolerance  was  well  exhibited 
in  his  relations  with  the  Jews,  who,  persecuted  prac- 
tically all  over  Europe,  settled  in  large  numbers  in 
the  Polish  cities.  The  protection  afforded  to  them 
in  the  XTIIth  century  in  Kalisz  and  Great  Poland  was 
extended  by  Kazimir  throughout  his  kingdom. 


60  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  German  settlers  in  the  villages,  forming 
small  foreign  islets  in  a  great  native  sea,  had  in  the 
course  of  time  become  completely  amalgamated  with 
the  native  population.  In  the  cities,  however,  where 
they  clustered  in  large  groups,  they  preserved  their 
distinct  identity  and  had  strong  German  attachments. 
Shielded  by  their  independent  municipal  organiza- 
tions they  remained  entirely  foreign  to  the  country  of 
their  adoption.  They  formed  an  anomaly  in  the  body 
politic,  which  proved  dangerous  in  times  of  war. 


FIG.    30 — THE   SEAL.  OF   KAZIMIR   THE   GREAT 

Kazimir  like  his  father  Lokietek  who  had  to  face  an 
open  rebellion  on  the  part  of  the  German  city  element, 
well  realized  the  gravity  of  the  situation  and  strove 
to  modify  the  relations  of  the  cities  to  the  crown.  In 
1356  Kazimir  established  in  Cracow  a  court  for  city 
affairs,  to  which  appeals  from  local  municipal  courts 
were  to  be  taken.  This  court  was  established  to 
obviate  the  need  of  appealing  to  the  Courts  of  Mag- 
deburg and  Halle. 

By  special  protection  of  the  rights  and  safety  of 
merchants  Kazimir  gave  an  additional  stimulus  to 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND  61 

Polish  commerce.  Poland  was  and  still  is  the  natural 
bridge  between  Europe  and  the  East.  Commercial 
routes  between  the  Baltic  and  the  Black  Sea,  between 
Russia  and  the  Hanseatic  cities  cross  in  Poland. 
Some  of  the  Polish  cities,  like  that  of  Kalisz,  ruined 
during  the  recent  war  operations,  were  known  in 
antiquity.  In  the  XlVth  century  a  number  of  large 
and  prosperous  cities,  like  Wroclaw  (Breslau)  and 
Cracow  were  in  constant  touch  with  the  largest  trad- 


FIG.    31 — SUKIENNICE,    THE   ANCIENT   CLOTH    HALL    OF    CRACQW 

ing  centres  of  the  world.  The  products  of  Polish  in- 
dustries were  at  the  time  successfully  competing  with 
those  of  other  industrial  countries  and  Polish  cloth 
(polenschen  Laken)  compared  favorably  with  that  of 
Flanders.  Famous  were  the  cloth-halls  of  Poland, 
and  that  still  standing  in  Cracow  is  a  magnificent 
example  of  Polish  municipal  architecture  of  the 
middle  ages. 

To  increase  the  natural  advantages  of  the  Polish 
cities,    Kazimir    improved    the    roads,    constructed 


62  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

bridges,  suppressed  highway  robbery,  and  built  large 
storehouses  in  the  cities  and  along  the  roads  and 
navigable  rivers.  Through  colonization  he  founded  a 
large  number  of  new  towns,  encouraged  industries 
and  navigation.  He  strengthened,  by  walls  and 
castles,  the  defenses  of  the  country.  To  protect  the 
native  merchants  he  promulgated  a  law  whereby  for- 
eign merchants  were  debarred  from  retail  sales.  In 
the  development  of  the  cities  and  in  the  growth  of 
their  wealth  and  importance  he  saw  a  support  of  the 
kingly  power  against  the  disquietingly  growing 
might  and  lawlessness  of  the  magnates  and  nobility 
and  the  independence  of  the  church. 

Kazimir's  reforms  and  particularly  the  strong 
executive  arm  of  the  government  were  strongly  op- 
posed by  both  the  magnates  and  the  clergy,  and  a 
number  of  armed  uprisings  were  organized,  all  of 
which  were  suppressed  by  the  King.  He  realized, 
however,  that  reforms,  no  matter  how  wise  or  bene- 
ficial, cannot  be  forced  upon  a  nation  by  the  superior 
will  of  a  sovereign,  and  that  law  and  order  cannot  be 
enforced  unless  they  have  the  respect  of  the  people. 
To  educate  political  leaders  he  founded  an  Academy 
of  Sciences  in  Cracow  in  the  year  1364.  This  was  the 
second  academy  of  the  kind  in  Europe,  that  of  Prague 
preceding  it  by  a  few  years  only.  For  purposes  of 
comparison  it  may  be  of  interest  to  state  that  the 
University  of  Vienna  was  founded  a  year  later,  and 
that  of  Heidelberg  two  years  later.  The  University 
of  Erfurt  was  established  in  1392,  of  Leipzig  in  1409, 
of  Cologne  and  of  Rostock  in  1419,  of  Halle  in  1694, 
of  Breslau  in  1702,  of  Gottingen  in  1736  and  of  Berlin 
in  1809.  The  University  of  Moscow  was  founded  in 
the  year  1755  and  that  of  St.  Petersburg  in  1819. 
Even  before  the  founding  of  the  Cracow  Academy  a 
number  of  writers  and  scientists  of  high  attainment 


THE  CONSOLIDATION  OF  POLAND  63 

and  originality  appeared  in  Poland.  The  most  dis- 
tinguished of  them  was  Ciolek,  known  by  his  Latin 
name  of  Vitellio,  who  is  considered  as  the  founder  of 
the  science  of  optics. 

By  the  end  of  Kazimir's  reign  Poland  was  unified 
politically,  not  only  in  the  person  of  the  King,  but 
through  the  legal,  economic  and  social  reforms  which 
he  had  been  able  to  bring  about.  Well  aware  of  the 
profound  changes  which  were  taking  place  in  the  life 
of  contemporary  Poland,  he  and  his  advisors  endeav- 
ored to  frame  legislation  that  would  meet  adequately 
the  new  conditions.  Expression  was  given  to  the 
really  true  conception  of  the  function  of  all  legisla- 
tion in  the  opening  sentences  of  the  Wislica  Statute 
which  stated  that  "no  one  should  wonder  or  con- 
demn if,  with  the  change  of  times,  the  customs  and 
laws  also  change."  The  evolutionary  conception  of 
law,  as  thus  expressed  in  this  first  Polish  Statute,  is 
truly  remarkable.  The  principle  served  as  a  guide  for 
future  generations  and  Polish  political  thought  indeed 
never  recognized  immutability  or  fixity  of  state  or- 
ganization or  of  traditional  legal  concepts.  The  life 
of  the  citizen  was  never  fettered  by  rigid  law  en- 
actments. On  the  contrary,  laws  were  made  to  meet 
newly  arising  conditions  as  soon  as  they  became  dis- 
cernible. This  explains  the  fullness  of  Polish  life 
which  so  often  puzzled  foreign  observers,  brought  up 
as  they  were  under  the  traditions  of  absolutism.  It 
explains  also  both  the  strength  and  the  weakness  of 
the  Polish  Republic. 

Though  Kazimir's  foreign  policy  failed  to  bring 
back  into  the  Polish  fold  the  lost  provinces,  yet  for  his 
wise  administration  and  peaceful  achievements  he  is 
known  in  Polish  history  as  Kazimir  the  Great,  who 
"found  Poland  of  wood  and  left  her  of  stone." 


FIG.  32 — GENERAL,  VIEW  OF  GRODNO 


CHAPTER  V. 
The  Union  with  Lithuania 

With  Kazimir  the  Great  the  Polish  dynasty  of 
the  Piasts  came  to  an  end  in  1370.  Kazimir  was  mar- 
ried thrice  but  left  no  male  heir.  Long 
don  o^thT  before  his  death  the  matter  of  succes- 
Piast  Dynasty  Slon  to  the  throne  was  widely  discussed. 
Realizing  the  growing  dangers  to  the 
country  from  the  Order  of  the  Cross  on  one  side,  and 
from  the  German  Empire,  Bohemia  and  Branden- 
burg, all  united  under  one  dynasty,  on  the  other,  the 
King  and  the  country  saw  the  need  of  a  permanent 
union  with  another  strong  nation.  The  Hungarian 
King  Ludwig,  son  of  Karl  Robert  and  Elizabeth, 
Kazimir's  sister,  was  chosen  heir  to  the  Polish 
throne.  In  acceding  to  this  choice  in  preference  to 
a  native  Prince  of  the  House  of  Piast  the  magnates 
demanded  certain  guarantees  from  Ludwig.  First, 
that  he  would  restore  the  lost  provinces,  particu- 
larly Pomerania,  to  Poland;  second,  that  no  Polish 
troops  would  be  used  in  wars  carried  on  in  the  inter- 
ests of  Hungary;  third,  that  the  public  offices  in 
Poland  would  be  given  to  Poles  exclusively;  and 
fourth,  that  there  would  be  no  interference  with  home 


THE  UNION  WITH  LITHUANIA  65 

rule  and  with  the  privileges  and  exemptions  in  force 
at  the  time.  After  having  sworn  to  all  the  above 
named  guarantees,  Ludwig  was  proclaimed  heir  to 
the  Polish  throne  without  any  opposition  on  the  part 
of  the  numerous  Piast  princes. 


(J.  Matey ko) 
FIG.  33— LUDWIG  (1370-1382) 


In  1370  Ludwig,  then  King  of  Hungary,  ascend- 
ed the  throne  of  Poland.  Ambitious  but  narrow- 
minded,  he  soon  came  into  conflict  with  the  Polish 
nobles,  whom  he  desired  to  subdue  as  he  had  subdued 
the  barons  of  his  native  land.  Feeling  against  him 
rose  high  when  he  tore  Red  Russia  from  Poland  and 
gave  it  to  one  of  his  friends  with  a  feudatory  title. 
Great  Poland  openly  rebelled.  Soon,  however,  he  en- 
tered into  a  compromise  with  the  nobles,  particularly 
those  of  Little  Poland,  over  the  matter  of  succession 
to  the  Polish  throne.  Ludwig  had  no  son,  but  he 


66  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

had  three  daughters,  and  his  desire  was  to  leave  a 
throne  to  each  of  them. 

To  insure  the  consent  of  the  nobles  to  the  ac- 
ceptance of  his  second  daughter  as  Queen  of  Poland 

he  entered  into  a  pact  with  them  by 
The  Origin  which,  for  the  support  of  his  daughter, 

he  promised  the  restoration  of  the  lost 

Concessions  r  .  .,  «    «  • 

in  Favor  of  the      provinces,   reconfirmed   his   pre-corona- 
Nobiiity  tion  guarantees  and  offered  certain  ad- 

ditional privileges,  and  a  practical  ex- 
emption from  taxes,  except  on  land,  and  those  were 
made  very  low.  This  famous  covenant-of-JLoszyxe, 
made  in  1374,  introduced  a  new  feature  into  the 
political  life  of  the  country.  Henceforth  the  Kings  of 
Poland  were  forced  to  make  certain  agreements 
before  their  titles  and  prerogatives  were  recognized 
by  the  nobles.  The  other  importance  that  attaches 
to  this  covenant  lies  in  the  fact  that  for  the  first  time 
in  Polish  history  class  privileges  received  legal  sanc- 
tion. Heretofore  only  individuals  had  been  granted 
exemptions.  Now  the  whole  nobility,  or  knighthood, 
as  a  class,  were  given  certain  special  privileges. 

After  the  death  of  Ludwig,  in  1382,  an   open 

revolt  broke  out  against  his  daughter  Mary,  who  was 

betrothed  to  Siegmund,  Markgrave  of 

The  First  Brandenburg,  and  son  of  Emperor  Karl 

Civil  War  IV     It  f        d  that  through  such  a 

Over  Royal  .  fe ,  , 

Succession  union  German  domination  would  again 
be  forced  upon  Poland.  During  the  in- 
terregnum lasting  two  years,  Jadwiga,  the  younger 
daughter  of  the  deceased  king,  married  to  an  unim- 
portant German  prince,  was  agreed  upon  as  Queen  of 
Poland  by  the  confederacy  of  Great  Poland,  with  the 
specific  understanding,  however,  that  the  queen 
reside  permanently  in  Poland.  This  confederacy  of 


THE  UNION  WITH   LITHUANIA 


67 


FIG.    34 — JADWIGA    (1384-1399) 


(J.  Mateyko; 


68 

the  nobility  was  the  prototype  of  a  political  organiza- 
tion which  was  peculiarly  Polish,  and  which  played 
an  important  role  in  the  future  history  of  the 
country. 

After  a  fierce  civil  war  among  the  various  fac- 
tions which  desired  to  restore  one  of  the  native 
princes  to  the  throne,  the  youthful  Jadwiga  was 
crowned  as  the  sovereign  of  Poland  on  October  15, 
1384. 

The  magnates  of  Little  Poland,  who,  until  the 
maturity  of  the  Queen,  were  to  be  the  regents  of  the 
country,  now  conceived  a  plan  of  anul- 
The  Union  ling  Jadwiga's  marriage  and  uniting 

with  Lithuania  Poland  and  Lithuania  against  their 
^  D.'  common  enemy,  the  Order  of  the  Cross, 

Teuton  through  the  marriage  of  the  Queen  with 

Aggressive-  the  Lithuanian  Prince  Jagiello.  At  the 
ness  time  Lithuania  was  in  the  throes  of  a 

civil  war  skillfully  grafted  upon  the 
country  by  the  intrigue  of  the  Grand  Master  of  the 
Order,  who,  in  a  peaceful  development  of  Lithuania 
and  her  growing  propensities  toward  Christianity, 
saw  a  vanishing  opportunity  for  further  conquests. 

The  founder  of  the  Lithuanian  Empire  was 
Gedymin,  1315-1341,  who  had  carried  his  successful 
expeditions  against  the  Northern  Slavs  and  Ruthe- 
nians  as  far  as  Pskov  on  the  north  and  the  Dnieper  on 
the  east,  and  conquered  Kieff  on  the  south.  Though 
a  pagan  himself,  Gedymin  favored  Roman  Catholi- 
cism, built  churches  in  Wilno  and  Novogrodek,  gave 
his  daughter,  Anna  Aldona,  to  Prince  Kazimir  the 
Great,  and  intended  to  become  a  Christian  himself, 
but  his  plans  were  frustrated  by  the  intrigues  of  the 
Order  of  the  Cross.  After  his  death  Lithuania  be- 
came divided  among  his  sons.  At  the  time  of  Jad- 


THE  UNION  WITH  LITHUANIA  69 

wiga's  ascendance  to  the  Polish  throne  Lithuania 
consisted  of  two  independent  duchies,  one  with  a 
native  Lithuanian  population  and  the  other  com- 
posed almost  entirely  of  conquered  Ruthenian  terri- 
tories. After  a  long  feud  between  the  rulers  of  the 
two  duchies,  craftily  supported  by  the  Chevaliers  of 
the  Cross,  peace  was  established  to  make  joint  war 
against  the  Order  possible.  This  peace  came  at  the 
time  wThen  the  Polish  statesmen  were  planning  the 
union  with  Lithuania.-  It  was  not  difficult  to  induce 
Jagiello  to  make  the  first  move.  He  consented  to 
receive  baptism  in  accordance  with  the  Roman 
Catholic  rites  and  to  introduce  Catholicism  in  Lithu- 
ania. He  also  agreed  to  extend  the  privileges  of  the 
nobility  and  pledged  himself  to  restore  to  Poland  her 
lost  provinces.  The  new  covenant  with  the  King 
guaranteed :  first,  all  Polish  offices  to  the  local 
nobility;  second,  compensation  for  military  service 
outside  of  Poland;  third,  the  right  to  elect  judges  of 
certain  courts;  and  fourth,  jurisdiction  over  the  peas- 
ants in  the  landowners. 

The  first  guarantee  was  a  severe  blow  to  concen- 
tration of  military  power  in  the  hands  of  the  King, 
for  the  commanders  of  the  castles  could 
not  be  appointed  from  among  other  than 
local  nobles,  and  the  second  guarantee 

Significance  .  ,  .      r  .  ,          .. 

of  the  Union  Put  a  restraint  on  his  treedom  with  ret- 
erence  to  foreign  affairs.  In  divesting 
the  King  of  the  power  to  appoint  criminal  judges  the 
nobles  scored  a  great  victory  which  was,  however, 
largely  exploited  by  the  magnates  to  further  their 
control  over  the  rank  and  file  of  the  nobility.  The 
fourth  privilege  gave  the  landlords  supreme  power 
over  their  peasants. 

With  the  coronation  of  Jagiello  in  1386,  who,  on 


70 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.   35— WLADYSLAV  JAGIELLO   (1386-1434) 


(J.  Mateyko) 


THE  UNION  WITH   LITHUANIA  71 

baptism,  took  the  Christian  name  of  Wladyslav,  all 
of  his  domains  in  Lithuania  proper,  as  well  as  in 
White  and  Black  Russia,  Ukraine,  Volhynia  and  else- 
where, became  integral  parts  of  the  Polish  state. 
These  extensive  lands  over  which  Poland  had  waged 
long  wars  thus  became  peacefully  united  with  Poland. 
At  about  the  same  time  Red  Russia  was  reclaimed  from 
Hungary  by  force  of  arms,  and  the  Hospodar  of  Mol- 
davia, seeking  protection,  against  Hungary,  paid 
homage  to  King  Jagiello  and  became  his  vassal.  In 
1389  Wallachia  recognized  Polish  sovereignty,  and 
in  1396  Bessarabia  followed  the  course  of  her  neigh- 
bors. In  this  way  Poland  reached  the  lower  Danube 
and  Dnieper  and  the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea.  A 
strong,  healthy  colonization  movement  again  re- 
sumed its  natural  course  into  the  sparsely  settled  ter- 
ritories of  Ruthenia,  Volhynia  and  the  fertile  plains 
between  the  Dniester  and  the  Dnieper,  carrying  with 
it  advanced  agriculture,  industries  and  prosperity, 
law,  order,  language  and  literature.  The  Polish  in- 
fluence had  not  died  out  in  what  is  now  Roumania 
until  the  beginning  of  the  past  century.  A  hundred 
years  ago  Polish  still  was  the  language  of  the  upper 
classes  of  that  country. 

Polish  science  took  a  powerful  upward  swing 
after  the  reorganization  of  the  Kazimirian  Academy 

The  University      "!   14°°-      Qlleen   Jadwiga.   a   noble   and 

of  Cracow  pious  woman,  bequeathed  her  personal 

wealth  for  the  endowment  and  enlarge- 
ment of  the  Academy.  A  School  of  Theology  was 
added  to  the  existing  departments.  King  Jagiello, 
after  whom  the  University  had  been  named,  gave  in 
perpetuity  the  income  from  certain  domains  toward 
the  maintenance  of  the  institution.  The  charter,  or- 
ganization and  character  of  the  old  Academy  was 
changed.  The  bishops  of  Cracow  became  the  heredj- 


72 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


TH£  UNION  WITH  LITHUANIA  73 

tary  ex-officio  chancellors  of  the  Academy  and  the 
professors,  students,  librarians  and  other  officers  were 
organized  into  a  university  corporation  and  came 
under  special  jurisdiction.  The  office  of  the  Rector 
of  the  University  was  made  elective,  the  incumbent 
to  be  chosen  from  among  the  professors. 

jBractica  ©aecalaurij  Dofya 
ma  iCracouientfs  ue  tjaffutt- 


FIG.    36— A    BACHELOR    OF   THE   UNIVERSITY   OF   CRACOW   WITH 
THE  ZODIAC 

Soon  the  fame  of  the  new  university  spread 
over  all  Europe  and  attracted  a  large  number  of 
scholars  and  students  from  foreign  countries.  In 
the  second  half  of  the  XVth  century  almost  one-half 
of  the  students  enrolled  were  of  foreign  birth.*  The 
total  enrollment  was  very  large  and  both  the  student 
body  and  the  teaching  staff  were  recruited  from  all 

*L.    Litwinski   "Intellectual    Poland,"    N.    Y.     The    Polish    Book 
Importing  Co.,  Inc.,  1916,  p.  32. 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


strata  of  society.  Beside  the  sons  of  the  potentates 
sat  young  men  from  the  humbler  ranks  of  nobility, 
of  city  birth  and  even  peasants. 

By  means  of  large  donations  wealthy  patrons  in- 
creased   the    endowment    and    opportunities    of    the 


FIG.   37 — THE   SCEPTRES   OF  THE  UNIVERSITY 

Academy.  Several  commodious  and  well  equipped 
college  dormitories  were  built,  and  a  number  of  pre- 
paratory schools  established.  The  stimulus  given  by 
the  Academy  to  the  intellectual  life  of  the  country 
was  pronounced  and  beneficent.  "The  University 


THE  UNION  WITH  LITHUANIA 


75 


became  the  living  link  connecting  Poland  with  Euro- 
pean education  and  science.  ...    It  gave  rise  to  that 


PIG.   38— THE  COURT  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 

union  of  Poland  with  the  civilization  of  the  west, 
which  moulded  the  country's  character  and  history, 


76  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

and  which  has  left  on  her  an  imprint  so  strong  that 
nothing  can  remove  it."" 

At  the  time  the  University  was  reorganized, 
theological  questions  were  occupying  the  minds  of 
the  greatest  thinkers  of  Europe.  The  Cracow  Acad- 
emy came  at  once  to  the  front  in  these  discussions 
and  made  important  contributions.  The  respect  with 
which  the  ecclesiastical  world  listened  to  the  disser- 
tations of  the  Polish  scholars  and  the  influence  they 


FIG.    39 — VOYCIECH    OF    BRUDZEV,    MATHEMATICIAN   AND   ASTRONOMER, 
TEACHER  OF  COPERNICUS 

exercised  at  the  deliberations  of  the  great  Church 
synods  of  the  XVth  century  is  an  eloquent  tribute  to 
the  scholarship  of  the  Academy.  In  spite  of  the  pre- 
occupation of  the  faculty  with  problems  of  theology 
and  the  control  the  Church  exercised  over  the  teach- 
ing at  the  University,  Humanism  found  an  early 
echo  at  Cracow.  Great  as  was  the  reputaton  of  the 
University  for  its  theological  dissertations,  it  was 
insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  renown  it 

*  S.    Tarnowski,    "Historya    literatury    polskiej,"    Krakow,    1903, 
p.  29-30. 


THE  UNION  WITH  LITHUANIA  77 

gained  by  its  contributions  to  science.  The  mathe- 
matical and  astronomical  works  of  Voyciech  of 
Brudzev,  the  medical  knowledge  of  Matthew  of 
Miechow  and  the  glory  of  the  immortal  Copernicus, 
astronomer  and  economist,  placed  the  Jagiellon  Uni- 
versity among  the  foremost  European  temples  of 
learning. 


FIG.      40 — THE    SEAL    OF   THE   CRACOW   UNIVERSITY    IN    THE    DAYS    OF 
WLADYSLAV   JAGIEL.LO 

For  Lithuania  the  union  with  Poland  had  the 
most  far-reaching  political  and  cultural  advantages. 
The  impor-  The  civilization  of  Lithuania  was  very 
tance  of  the  low  at  the  time.  Slavery  was  the  basis 
Union  of  her  social  and  economical  structure, 

for  Lithuania  The  prjnce's  power  was  absolute.  He 
was  supreme  lord  over  the  life  and  death  of  his 
subjects.  The  Lithuanian  nobles  or  "boyars"  held 
lands  as  feudatories  and  had  no  right  to  dispose  of 
them.  Without  the  permission  of  the  prince  they 
could  not  even  marry.  Through  the  union  with 
Poland  the  "boyars"  received  many  rights  and  privi- 
leges similar  to  those  which  the  Polish  nobility  en- 
joyed. The  introduction  of  the  Roman  Church  and 


78 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


the  spread  of  the  standards  of  European  civilization 
which  came  with  the  mighty  tide  of  Polish  coloniza- 
tion brought  Lithuania  into  the  family  of  western 
nations.  She  shook  off  the  influence  of  the  east  to 
which  she  had  nearly  succumbed  under  the  influence 
of  Northern  Slavic  and  Ruthenian  peoples,  who 
were  under  her  sovereignty  and  whose  life  standards, 
though  low,  were  still  higher  than  those  of  the  Lithu- 
anians. Before  the  union  with  Poland  Ruthenian  had 


FIG.   41— THE  NEW  BUILDING  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY   (COLLEGIUM  NOVUM) 

become  the  language  of  the  court  and  of  the  nobles. 
Though  crude,  it  was  superior  to  the  Lithuanian 
tongue  which  never  developed  into  a  literary  lan- 
guage. 

By  uniting  with  Poland,  Lithuania  could  freely 
concentrate  her  energy  on  the  Order  of  the  Cross,  as 
the  wars  with  Poland  for  the  supremacy  over  Ruthe- 
nian provinces  naturally  ceased.  This  was  a  great 
political  advantage. 


THE  UNION  WITH  LITHUANIA 


79 


(J.    Mateyko) 
FIG.    42— DUKE    WITOI/D    OF    LITHUANIA 

The  enemies  of  Poland  and  Lithuania  were  quick 

to  perceive  that  this  union  of  the  two  countries  was 

against  their  interests  and  decided  to 

bring-   about    its    disruption.    For   this 

Position  in  the  ....        ,    f      .    „    , 

Dual  State  purpose  they  utilized  Jagiello  s  cousin, 

the  indomitable  Duke  Witold,  who  was 
the  ruler  of  another  part  of  Gedymin's  empire,  and 
who  had  temporarily  abandoned  the  old  feud  which 
existed  between  his  father  and  Jagiello.  Entangled 


80  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

in  the  web  cleverly  spun  by  the  Order  of  the  Cross, 
the  ambitious  Witold  declared  war  against  Jagiello. 
To  stop  the  bloody  civil  strife  Jagiello  appointed 
Witold  the  sole  Governor  of  all  Lithuania  and  Ruthe- 
nia.  Witold  accepted  the  appointment  and  adopted 
the  title  of  Grand  Duke  of  Lithuania.  Order  was  soon 
restored  in  the  domains  under  Witold's  rule  and  ex- 
tensive foreign  conquests  were  made.  He  recaptured 
Smolensk,  which  remained  under  Polish  sovereignty 
for  over  a  hundred  years,  until  1514;  the  republics  of 
Pskov  and  Novgorod  also  came  under  his  control. 
These  successes,  together  with  his  far-reaching 
schemes  of  capturing  Moscow  and  crushing  its  over- 
lords, the  Tartars,  led  him  subsequently  to  refuse  to 
pay  tribute  to  Jadwiga  and  her  husband.  But  the 
defeat  he  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Tartar  Khan 
led  to  another  treaty  between  Poland  and  Lithuania 
in  1401,  by  which  Witold  was  recognized  as  Grand 
Duke  of  Lithuania  for  life,  but  after  his  death  the 
duchy  was  to  revert  forever  to  the  Polish  crown.  In 
the  adoption  of  this  new  treaty  the  Lithuanian  boyars 
for  the  first  time  in  their  history  took  part  in  matters 
of  state,  and  officially  concurred  in  the  stipulations 
of  the  treaty.  By  a  special  document  the  Polish 
nobles  promised  the  Lithuanian  boyars  that  after 
Jagiello's  death  no  king  would  be  elected  without 
their  knowledge  and  consent. 

In  the  course  of  one  of  his  wars  with  Jagiello, 

as  payment  for  help  Witold  ceded  to  the  Order  of  the 

Cross  that  part  of  the  territories  abut- 

:?i/T£?          tmg  on  tne   Baltic  which  lie  between 

of  the  Order  .        XT-  11        T^    • 

of  the  Cross  tne  JMiemen  and  the  Dvma,  known  as 
Zmudz.  When  the  union  with  Poland 
was  restored  he  realized  that  he  had  made  a  bad 
bargain  and  demanded  the  return  of  the  province. 
The  warlike  Master  of  the  Order,  Ulrich  von  Jun- 


THE  UNION  WITH  LITHUANIA 


81 


FIG.   43 — SOME  OF  THE  STANDARDS  OF  THE  KNIGHTS   OF  THE  CROSS 
CAPTURED  IN  THE  BATTLE   OF   GRUNWAL.D 


82 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


gingen,  answered  by  sending  an  overwhelming  ex- 
pedition, joined  by  the  best  troops  of  Brandenburg, 
Hungary,  Stettin  and  volunteers  from  all  over 
Europe.  They  were  met  by  an  army  of  one 
hundred  thousand  Poles,  Lithuanians  and  their  vas- 


FIG.     44— "BOGARODZICA,"     THE     EARLIEST     KNOWN     POLISH     NATIONAL 

HYMN  AND  WAR  SONG.      IT  WAS  TO  THE  STRAINS  OF  THIS  SONG  THAT 

THE      POLISH      KNIGHTHOOD      HURLED      ITSELF      AGAINST      THE 

BLOODY     ORDER     OF     THE     CROSS     AND     OVERPOWERED     IT 


sals  at  Grunwald  in  the  Mazurian  Lakes  region,  a 
little  south  of  the  recent  battlefield  of  Tannenberg, 
where  the  Russians  met  with  such  disastrous  defeat 
at  the  hands  of  von  Hindenburg.  Five  hundred  years 
ago  the  same  battlefield  saw  the  crushing  defeat  of 


THE  UNION  WITH  LITHUANIA  83 

the  Teutons.  The  might  and  glory  of  the  Order  was 
forever  shattered,  and  Poland  soared  up  as  one  of  the 
most  powerful  states  of  Europe,  extending  from  the 
Baltic  to  the  Black  Sea,  and  from  the  Oder  and  the 
Carpathians  to  the  Dnieper. 

This  stupendous  victory  welded  more  firmly  the 
bonds  uniting  the  peoples  of  Poland  and  Lithu- 
ania. In  the  year  1413  the  representatives  of  the 
nobility  and  clergy  of  the  two  countries  met  at 
Horodlo,  on  the  River  Bug,  in  Volhynia,  and  con- 
firmed the  previous  treaties  between  the  two  coun- 
tries. It  was  agreed  to  introduce  into  Lithuania  the 
Polish  institutions  and  offices,  and,  in  the  future,  to 
call  joint  political  conventions  of  representatives  of 
the  two  countries.  The  coats-of-arms  of  the  Polish 
nobility  was  given  to  the  Lithuanian  boyars  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  faith  to  express  by  this  outward  sign 
of  brotherhood  the  spirit  permeating  the  union  of  the 
two  nations,  which  was  so  beautifully  worded  in  the 
sentences  of  the  Horodlo  treaty:  "He  shall  receive  no 
grace  of  salvation  whom  love  does  not  sustain  .... 
It  is  love  that  creates  laws,  rules  nations,  builds  cities 
and  leads  the  republic  to  her  best  destinies,  perfects 
all  virtues  of  the  virtuous  ....  Therefore,  we  pre- 
lates, knights  and  nobility  of  the  Polish  crown  by  this 
document  do  unite  our  homes  and  future  generations 
with  the  knighthood  and  nobility  of  Lithuania." 


FIG.    45 — GENERAL,   VIEW   OF   DANZIG 


The  Settle- 
ment of 
Difficulties 
with  Lithuania 


CHAPTER  VI. 
Oligarchial  Rule  in  Poland 

The  sentiments  voiced  in  the  treaties  with  Lithu- 
ania were  expressions  of  a  lofty  political  ideal  which 
the  Lithuanian  people,  due  to  their 
political  immaturity,  were  slow  to  appre- 
ciate at  first.  The  far-sighted  Witold 
of  Lithuania  realized  the  great  impor- 
tance of  the  union,  as  only  thus  united 
could  Poland  and  Lithuania  withstand  the  pressure 
exerted  upon  them  by  their  neighbors.  But  his  ambi- 
tions would  not  allow  him  to  become  entirely  recon- 
ciled to  an  inferior  role,  and  he  never  could  tolerate 
having  Poland  play  the  master  part.  After  the  battle 
of  Grunwald  he  suddenly  withdrew  from  the  field, 
and  by  this  action  prevented  Jagiello  from  exploiting 
the  victory  in  a  way  which  the  defeat  suffered  by  the 
Knights  justified.  The  city  of  Malborg,  capital  of  the 
Order,  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Knights,  who,  by 
the  breathing  spell  afforded  through  the  retirement 
of  the  Lithuanians  and  Ruthenians,  were  able  to 
gather  their  scattered  forces.  This  was  the  reason 
that  Jagiello  could  obtain  from  the  Order  only  the 
recession  of  Zmudz,  and  an  indemnity  of  one  hundred 
thousand  bushels  of  small  Prague  silver  coins. 


OLIGARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  85 

Subsequently,  on  account  of  Witold's  ambition 
and  the  nefarious  intrigues  of  the  Knights,  a  new  war 
with  the  Order  broke  out,  which  lasted  for  a  number 
of  years  and  the  settlement  of  which  was  entrusted  to 
the  Church  Council  of  Constance.  For  a  long  time 
Witold  held  the  unruly  princes  of  his  domains  in  an 
iron  grip  and  compelled  them  to  respect  the  union,  but 
toward  the  end  of  his  life  he  again  fell  prey  to  the 
enticements  of  the  German  Emperor,  who  offered  him 
a  separate  crown.  The  emperor  looked  with  disfavor 
upon  the  union  of  the  two  countries,  and  in  order  to 
sever  it,  took  advantage  of  the  vanity  and  ambitions 
of  the  old  prince.  Only  the  energetic  intervention  of 
the  magnates  of  Little  Poland  and  the  death  of 
Witold  prevented  a  disruption  of  the  union. 

The  elements  in  Lithuania  which  were  least 
benefited  by  the  union  were  the  Ruthenian  princes 
and  boyars  belonging  to  the  Greek  Church,  who  had 
been  denied  the  dignities,  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  nobility.  The  death  of  Witold  in 
1430  afforded  opportunity  for  an  open  revolt.  The 
Lithuanians  and  Ruthenians  proclaimed  Swidry- 
giello,  the  youngest  brother  of  the  King,  Grand  Duke 
of  Lithuania,  in  violation  of  the  existing  treaties  with 
Poland  by  which  Lithuania,  after  the  death  of 
Witold,  was  to  return  to  the  sovereignty  of  Poland. 
To  avoid  possible  hostilities  Jagiello  recognized 
Swidrygiello's  title,  but  in  spite  of  this,  the  latter, 
incited  by  the  Emperor  and  the  Order,  declared  war. 
He  suffered  a  serious  defeat  at  Lutsk  in  1431.  Mean- 
while the  Teutonic  knights  again  invaded  the  prov- 
ince of  Great  Poland  and  burned  twenty-four  cities 
and  over  a  thousand  villages.  Poland  was  then  com- 
pelled to  ask  for  a  truce  of  two  years. 

Because  of  his  ill  success  in  arms  and  his  policy 
of  fostering  the  religious  schism  Swidrygiello  was 


86  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

forced  from  his  throne  by  his  subjects.  He  was  re- 
placed by  Zygmunt,  one  of  Witold's  brothers,  who, 
by  the  treaty  of  Grodno,  in  1432,  was  recognized  by 
Jagiello  as  Grand  Duke  of  Lithuania,  with  the  under- 
standing, however,  that  Lithuania's  independence 
would  cease  with  Zygmunt's  death.  By  the  same 
Grodno  treaty  the  nobles  of  Lithuania  and  Ruthenia, 
who  were  of  the  Greek  faith,  were  admitted  to  full 
citizenship,  and  were  given  Polish  escutcheons  on 
equal  terms  with  the  Roman  Catholic  nobles.  Con- 
sidering the  prevailing  feelings  and  prejudices  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  world  of  the  XVth  century,  one  can- 
not but  admire  the  spirit  of  the  convention  which,  in 
this  noble  way,  endeavored  to  lay  solid  foundations 
for  the  extension  of  the  Polish  state  and  to  base  them 
upon  principles  of  justice  and  equality. 

By  the  trend  of  events  narrated  in  this  and  the 
subsequent  chapters,  these  political  ideals  of  justice 

and  equality  were  in  time  narrowed 
The  ^^  down  in  their  application  to  but  one 
Privileges*0  class — the  nobility,  a  term  which  in  time 
of  the  Nobility  became  synonymous  with  citizenship  in 

Poland,  and  which  did  not  necessarily 
imply  ownership  of  land. 

The  Polish  nobility  came  into  existence  at  a  time 
when  the  Poles  were  in  a  comparatively  early  stage 
of  social  development,  when  the  clan  was  the  basic 
unit  of  the  social  structure.  With  the  introduction 
of  escutcheons,  whole  clans  were  admitted  to  nobility. 
In  this  manner,  unlike  the  other  European  nations, 
where  nobility  developed  in  a  relatively  later  stage 
of  social  evolution,  a  great  many  elements  of  a  low 
economic  and  social  status  became  nobles,  and  this 
also  accounts  for  the  fact  that  there  were  proportion- 
ately more  nobles  in  Poland  than  in  Western  Europe, 
and  that  there  were  no  differences  in  the  grades  of 


OL1GARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  87 

nobility  as  found  among  other  nations.  The  subse- 
quent additions  to  the  nobility  were  also  numerous 
and  were  accomplished  either  through  adoption  or  the 
conferring  of  nobiliary  honors.  The  former  method, 
which  required  the  consent  of  the  clan,  was  the  usual 
practice  until  theXIVth  century, when  it  was  replaced 
by  that  of  nobilitation  by  the  king,  who,  in  an  earlier 
period,  conferred  his  own  escutcheon  upon  the  candi- 
date, admitting  him,  as  it  were,  to  his  own  clan.  At  a 
later  date  various  coats-of-arms  were  bestowed  at  the 
nobilitation  ceremonies.  All  those  who  had  an  es- 
cutcheon were  nobles.  The  possession  of  land  was 
not  a  necessary  prerequisite  to  a  title  of  nobility,  but 
those  of  the  nobility  who  were  land  owners  in  some 
instances  enjoyed  special  privileges.  / 

In  the  time  of  Wladyslav  Jagiello  the  nobility  * 
became  strongly  differentiated  from  the  other  classes 
of  society,  and  the  magnates  among  the  nobility  ac- 
quired almost  absolute  power  in  matters  of  state. 
Many  causes  were  responsible  for  the  development  of 
an  oligarchic  monarchy  in  Poland  at  that  time.  The 
King  was  an  uneducated  foreigner  who  had  to  rely 
upon  native  advisers  to  gain  popularity.  Unscrupu- 
lous and  powerful  magnates  took  advantage  of  this 
circumstance  to  secure  for  themselves  privileges  in 
addition  to  those  granted  to  them  and  to  the  nobility 
in  general  by  the  Koszyce  Pact  with  King  Ludwig  in 
1374,  and  subsequently  by  King  Jagiello  at  the  time 
of  his  coronation  in  1386.  Moreover,  the  almost  in- 
cessant wars  which  Jagiello  was  obliged  to  carry  on 
required  great  sacrifices  in  men  and  wealth.  To  ob- 
tain them  he  had  to  make  frequent  requests  of  the 
nobles  and  magnates  who,  in  return  for  their  services, 
demanded  concessions  and  privileges.  The  war  taxes 
weighed  heavily  upon  them,  and,  as  many  of  the 
nobility  were  poor,  the  constantly  increasing  tax 


H8 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


levies  tended  to  impoverish  them  still  further.  This 
accounts  for  the  fact  that  in  spite  of  the  broadened 
political  privileges  gained,  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
nobility  were  unable  to  assert  themselves  in  the 


(J.   Mateyko) 
FIG.    46 — CARDINAL    ZBIGNIEW    OLESNICKI 


government.  In  the  local  conventions  called  by  them 
from  time  to  time  they  demanded  reforms  and  partici- 
pation in  the  affairs  of  the  country  on  the  basis  of 
the  principle  of  "no  taxation  without  representation." 


OLIGARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  89 

Bending  to  their  will,  the  king  would  frequently 
submit  his  more  important  projects  to  the  approval 
of  these  conventions.  The  custom  took  firm  root,  and 
the  nobility  did  not  miss  a  single  opportunity  of 
insisting  upon  their  rights  and  of  endeavoring  to 
obtain  further  privileges. 

On  the  eve  of  an  expedition  against  the  Teutonic 
Knights  in  14,22,  the  nobility  assembled  at  Czerwinsk 
and  obtained,  in  return  for  the  promise  of  participa- 
tion in  the  expedition,  several  economic  and  fiscal 
privileges,  and  the  recognition  of  the  principle  that  a 
nobleman's  property  cannot  be  confiscated  without 
due  process  of  law.  In  1430,  only  two  centuries  after 
the  Magna  Charta,  and  almost  a  century  before  the 
English  "habeas  corpus  law"  was  enacted,  the  Polish 
nobles  secured  at  Jedlnia,  in  consideration  of  the  re- 
cognition of  the  claims  of  Jagiello's  sons  to  the  throne 
of  Poland,  the  famous  privilege:  "Neminem  captiva- 
bimus,  nisi  jure  victum,"  according  to  the  terms  of 
which  no  nobleman  could  be  arrested  except  upon  the 
verdict  of  a  court  or  when  caught  in  the  act  of  com- 
mitting murder,  arson  or  theft.  The  same  Jedlnia 
Act  required  the  consent  of  the  nobles  to  the  coinage 
of  money  by  the  king. 

The  privileges  gained  by  the  nobles,  which  re- 
sulted in  restrictions  of  the  regal  power,  were  also 
aimed  at  the  magnates,  who  usurped  all 

*-pv  A 

the  hisrh  state  offices  and  exercised  un- 

cendency  of  ,  i        •    -,    ,•  T^I.  • 

Ecclesiastical  dlie  Power  over  legislation.  This  cir- 
Power  cumstance  led  the  clergy  to  side  with 

the  nobles  against  the  magnates.  With 
the  help  of  the  nobles  the  clergy  soon  secured  control 
over  the  destinies  of  the  country,  its  government,  edu- 
cation and  foreign  policy. 

Jagiello  was  married  four  times,  and  only  by  his 
last  wife  was  there  male  issue.  The  first  son,  Wladvs- 


90  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

lav,  was  born  ten  years  before  Jagiello's  death.  Upon 
the  ascent  to  the  throne  of  Poland  by  the  youthful 
king,  the  regency  of  the  country  was  placed  in  the 
hands  of  Zbigniew  Olesnicki,  Bishop  of  Cracow,  and 
later  Cardinal,  a  man  of  power  and  ambition,  who  had 
already  played  a  very  conspicuous  part  in  the  affairs 
of  the  country  at  the. close  of  Jagiello's  reign.  During 
the  regency  he  became  practically  omnipotent.     It 
was  because  of  this  ecclesiastic  rule  in  Poland  that 
the  union  with  Bohemia,  eagerly  sought  by  the  Hus- 
sites, did  not  come  to  pass.     As  is  well  known,  the 
Huss  movement  in  Bohemia  was  partly  religious  and 
economic,  but  principally  nationalistic.     It  was  the 
uprising  of  the  middle  and  lower  classes  of  Bohemia 
against  the  German  rule  and  the  supremacy  of  Ger- 
man influences.     The  upper  strata  of  the  Bohemian 
nation  were  at  that  time  completely  Germanized  and 
had  assumed  German  names.    The  ruling  dynasty  of 
the  kingdom  was  that  of  Luxemburg.     When  Huss 
was  treacherously  burned  at  the  stake  in  the  year  of 
the  Council  of  Constance,  1415,  an  open  revolution 
broke  out  in  Bohemia,  which  lasted  for  a  period  of 
over  fifteen  years.  The  Catholic  clergy  were  banished 
and  Hussitic  services  introduced.    The  Taborites,  or 
radical  wing  of  the  Hussites,  destroyed  many  castles 
and  churches.     In  1419  the  Bohemian  King  died  and 
the  throne  was  to  pass  to  his  brother,  Emperor  Sieg- 
mund.    The  Hussites  then  turned  to  Jagiello  with  an 
offer  of  the  crown  of  Bohemia.  The  Polish  clergy  im- 
mediately raised  a  cry  against  it.   The  Archbishop  of 
Gnesen,  Nicholas  Tromba,  who,  at  the  Council  of 
Constance,  was  a  candidate  for  the  Papal  tiara,  called 
a  synod  at  Kalisz,  which  resolved  to  bend  every  effort 
to  crush  the  spread  of  the  Huss  doctrines  in  Poland 
and  to  deal  sharply  with  the  heretics.     At  the  same 
time  Emperor  Siegmund,  in  order  to  gain  Polish  sup- 


OLIGARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  91 

port,  approached  the  Polish  sovereign  widower,  of- 
fering the  hand  of  his  sister-in-law,  with  a  dowry  of 
the  much-coveted  Province  of  Silesia.  The  marriage 
did  not  come  to  pass.  Neither  did  the  union  with  Bo- 
hemia. Submitting  to  the  pressure  of  the  powerful 
clergy,  Jagiello  reluctantly  refused  the  Bohemian 
crown.  The  Czechs  then  turned  to  Witold,  who  ac- 
cepted the  invitation  on  condition  that  they  make 
peace  with  the  Church.  He  converted  King  Jagiello 
to  his  views,  and  soon  an  armed  expedition,  under  the 
leadership  of  Zygmunt  Korybut,  the  king's  nephew, 
was  ready.  This  action  led  the  Pope,  Martin  V,  to 
proclaim  a  crusade  against  Poland,  and  the  Emperor 
started  to  form  a  coalition  against  Jagiello  and 
Witold.  In  view  of  this  coercion  and  also  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  Korybut  did  not  succeed  in  reconciling 
the  Czechs  to  the  Church,  Witold  was  compelled  to 
resign  from  his  plans. 

Due  to  the  ceaseless  work  of  the  clergy  the  reac- 
tion against  the  Hussites  in  Poland  reached  its  apogee 
in  the  edict  of  Wielun,  1424,  which  com- 
manded  all  the  Poles  residing  in  Bo- 
Hussitism  hernia  to  return  to  Poland,  and  those 

in  Poland  of  the  Poles  who  were  suspected  of  sym- 

pathies with  the  heretics  were  turned 
over  to  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  Bishop  Olesnicki, 
who  was  responsible  for  the  edict,  was  also  instru- 
mental in  bringing  about  the  meeting  of  the  Emperor 
with  Jagiello  and  Witold,  at  which  they  promised  to 
recall  the  armed  expedition  from  Bohemia.  Soon  after- 
ward Emperor  Siegmund  died  and  again  the  Czechs 
turned  to  Poland  with  an  offer  of  the  crown.  At  that 
time  Olesnicki  was  regent,  Wladyslav  III,  the  youth- 
ful son  of  Jagiello,  being  King  of  Poland.  It  goes 
without  saying  that  the  offer  was  again  declined. 
A  large  portion  of  the  nobility,  under  the  leadership 


92  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

of  Spytek  of  Melsztyn,  Abraham  of  Zbonz  and  others, 
protesting  against  what  they  considered  a  short- 
sighted policy,  bound  themselves  into  an  armed 
confederacy.  They  were  defeated  and  their  followers 
dispersed.  After  their  defeat,  Hussitism  in  Poland 
came  to  a  speedy  end,  but  the  dissatisfaction  with 
the  ecclesiastical  regime,  which  was  responsible 
for  increased  taxation,  for  a  disastrous  war  with 
Turkey,  and  which  failed  to  exploit  the  possibility 
of  a  union  with  Bohemia,  grew  and  bore  fruit  with 
the  ascent  of  Kazimir  Jagiellonczyk,  the  second  of 
Jagiello's  sons,  to  the  throne  of  Poland. 

The  above  mentioned  war  with  Turkey  was  a 

direct  consequence  of  Olesnicki's  plan  to  secure  the 

crown  of  St.  Stephen's  for  King  Wladys- 

The  Turkish        jav  jjj?  dunng  whose  childhood  he  had 

Campaign  for      managed  the  affairs  of  the  country.  The 

the  Liberation  .  J 

of  the  Balkan  union  with  Hungary  was  to  compensate 
Slavs  the  loss  of  Bohemia  and  to  pacify  the 

minds  of  those  who  were  dissatisfied 
with  his  policy  regarding  the  Czechs.  Moreover, 
the  union  would  have  given  an  opportunity  of 
rendering  services  to  Christianity  by  expeditions 
against  the  infidel  Turks,  who,  for  almost  a  century, 
had  established  themselves  in  Europe  and  were 
threatening  western  civilization.  Hungary  had  been 
carrying  on  constant  wars  against  the  Ottomans,  and 
of  late  John  Hunyadi  had  achieved  great  fame  in  his 
campaigns  against  them.  The  union  with  Hungary 
under  the  existing  circumstances  was  most  unpopular 
among  the  Polish  magnates,  who  foresaw  the  burdens 
it  would  impose  and  the  difficulties  into  which  it 
might  lead  the  country.  The  contrary  view,  how- 
ever, championed  by  Olesnicki,  prevailed  and  soon 
after  his  coronation  the  youthful  Wladyslav  III  or- 
ganized a  crusade  to  liberate  the  Serbs,  Bosnians  and 


OLIGARCHIAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  93 

other  Balkan  peoples  from  the  Turkish  yoke.  Large 
Polish  forces  joined  the  Hungarians.  The  first  cam- 
paign in  1443  was  very  successful.  After  his  dis- 
astrous defeat  at  Nish  the  Sultan  Amurad  asked  for 
peace  and  offered  as  a  price  the  return  of  Serbia, 
Albania  and  the  other  provinces  which  the  Turks  had 


FIG.    47— WLADYSLAV   III 


taken  from  Hungary;  he  also  offered  to  evacuate  a 
large  number  of  fortresses  and  to  release  all  war 
prisoners,  and  an  indemnity  of  one  hundred  thousand 
florins  in  gold.  The  terms  were  so  extraordinary  that 
no  one  believed  that  the  Sultan  could  ever  respect 
them,  but  with  the  advice  of  Hunyadi  and  other  con- 
servative men,  peace  was  agreed  upon  at  Szegedin 
on  August  1,  1444.  The  news  was  received  with  joy  in 
Poland.  The  home  affairs  of  the  country  demanded 
the  king's  attention.  A  special  assembly  of  nobles 
was  immediately  called  at  Piotrkow.  Unfortunately, 


04  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

however,  the  Papal  legate,  Cardinal  Julian  de  Cesar- 
inis,  was  able  to  persuade  the  warrior  boy-king  that 
his  oath  of  peace  with  the  infidels  was  not  binding, 
and  that  in  the  interest  of  the  Church  war  should  be 
resumed  immediately.  On  the  24th  of  September, 
less  than- two  months  after  the  treaty  of  Szegedin, 
Wladyslay  was  again  in  the  field.  The  only  ally 
whicfc  kept  his  promise  to  help  in  this  expedition  was 
.Wallachia.  The  Greeks  and  the  Serbs  did  not  send 
the  promised  assistance.  Overwhelming  Turkish 
forces  surrounded  the  Christian  army  at  Varna  on 
November  10,  1444,  and  almost  entirely  annihilated 
it.  The  Polish  King  met  his  death  on  the  battlefield. 
"He  was  the  only  king  in  a  Christian  state,"  says  the 
Polish  historian  Bartoszewicz,  "who  desired  disin- 
terestedly to  save  Christianity."  But  he  succeeded 
only  in  dragging,  his  country  into  countless  diffi- 
culties. 

The  deceased  king's  brother,  Kazimir  Jagiellon- 

czyk,  who  had  been  discharging  the  office  of  Grand 

Duke  of  Lithuania,  was  very  slow  in 

The  Sub-  ascending  the  Polish  throne  to  which 

ordination  of          ,  3  ,  j     1          ,1  u-i-i. 

the  Church  ne    was    elected    by    the    nobility,    as- 

to  the  State  sembled  in  April,  1445,  at  Sieradz.  The 
chief  reasons  for  his  procrastination 
were  his  ambition  to  restore  to  Lithuania  the 
provinces  of  Volhynia  and  Podolia,  which  were  ad- 
ministered by  Polish  Governors,  and  his  disinclina- 
tion to  subscribe  to  the  liberties  and  privileges  of 
the  clergy  and  nobility.  When,  after  many  fruitless 
presentations,  the  king  remained  recalcitrant  and 
insisted  that  the  two  provinces  be  put  under  Lithu- 
anian control,  and  that  he  be  not  compelled  to  sign 
the  pacta  conventa,  the  magnates  conditionally  elect- 
ed Boleslav  of  Mazovia.  Thus  threatened,  Kazimir 
accepted  the  crown  on  June  18,  1447,  without,  how- 


95 


(J.   Mateyko) 


FIG.   48— KAZIMIR   JAGIELLONCZYK    (1447-1492) 


96  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

ever,  for  the  time  being,  taking  an  oath  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  privileges  granted  by  his  predecessors. 

His  first  act  after  the  coronation  was  to  curb  the 
power  of  the  clergy  by  subordinating  the  church  to 
the  state.  This  effort  found  a  sympathetic  echo 
among  the  nobles,  and  was  in  accord  with  the  then 
modern  precepts  of  Humanism,  which,  in  spite  of  the 
medieval  teachings  of  the  Cracow  University,  were 
taking  root  in  Poland,  and  had  a  warm  supporter  in 
the  energetic  and  wise  young  king.  The  gentry  was 
at  odds  with  the  Church  at  the  time  over  the  ways  the 
tithes  were  collected.  In  view  of  the  enormous  de- 
preciation of  currency  it  was  to  the  advantage  of  the 
nobles  to  pay  the  tithes  in  specie.  For  the  same 
reason  the  Church  insisted  that  the  tax  be  paid  in 
kind.  The  struggle  over  this  issue  lasted  for  many 
decades.  The  efforts  of  the  Polish  ruler  were 
strengthened  by  the  then  existing  schism  in  the 
Church.  As  is  well  known,  the  cause  that  led  to  the 
schism  was  the  question  of  the  superiority  of  the 
Council  over  the  Pope.  The  Council  of  Basel,  1431- 
1449,  holding  an  affirmative  view  on  the  subject,  de- 
clared Pope  Eugene  IV,  who  was  of  the  opposite 
opinion,  deprived  of  his  dignity  and  elected  Felix  V 
in  his  place.  Bishop  Olesnicki,  who  at  that  time  was 
regent  of  Poland,  concurred  in  the  view  laid  down  by 
the  Council  of  Basel,  but  proclaimed  the  country's 
neutrality  with  reference  to  the  two  popes,  an  attitude 
which  prevailed  until  the  ascent  of  Kazimir  Jagiel- 
lonczyk.  The  new  king  saw  in  the  schism  an  oppor- 
tunity to  secure  the  coveted  privileges,  and  informed 
Pope  Nicholas  VI,  Eugene's  successor,  of  his  readi- 
ness to  recognize  him,  provided  the  right  of  nomina- 
tion to  ninety  benefices  in  the  arch-diocese  of  Gnesen 
be  granted  to  him,  as  well  as  a  part  of  the  church 


OLIGARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  97 

tithes,  which  he  needed  for  a  war  with  the  Tartars. 
This  recognition  of  the  Pope  Nicholas  VI,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Cracow  University  and  to  Bishop  Oles- 
nicki,  as  well  as  the  king's  success  in  securing  from  the 
Pope  the  desired  concessions,  were  a  great  blow  to 
the  ecclesiastical  power  in  Poland.  The  victory  was 
clinched  when  the  king,  after  an  obstinate  fight  es- 
tablished, in  1460,  his  appointee  at  the  See  of  Cracow. 
The  nomination  of  bishops  then  became  a  recognized 
attribute  of  the  Polish  sovereign. 

The  fight  of  the  king  with  the  Church  was  grati- 
fying to  the  nobles,  but  they  were  restless  over  the 
fact  that  no  recognition  of  their  own 
with  the"gg  e  privileges  was  forthcoming.  Bound,  on 
Oligarchy  one  hand,  by  his  promise  to  return  the 

provinces  of  Volhynia  and  Podolia  to 
Lithuania,  and,  on  the  other,  pressed  by  the  Poles  to 
take  an  oath  on  their  liberties,  the  king  tarried  with 
the  convocation  of  the  Diet,  fearing  that  the  existing 
tension  between  Lithuania  and  Poland  might  lead 
to  a  disruption  of  the  union.  He  was  also  desirous  of 
postponing  the  sanction  of  the  Polish  liberties  to 
which  he  was  politically  and  temperamentally  averse, 
and  which  tended  to  saddle  an  oligarchic  rule  upon 
the  country. 

The  Lithuanian  claims  were  finally  granted  by 
the  Poles,  but  in  practice,  only  Volhynia  came  under 
Lithuanian  control,  Podolia  remaining  with  Poland. 
The  king  seized  upon  the  retention  of  Podolia  as  an 
excuse  for  opposing  the  Poles,  who  were  clamoring 
for  a  recognition  of  their  privileges.  A  strong  oppo- 
sition arose  with  Bishop  Olesnicki  at  its  head.  Only 
in  1453,  six  years  after  his  coronation,  did  the  king 
finally  swear  to  respect  and  preserve  the  liberties 
granted  by  his  'predecessors.  He  also  submitted  to 
the  demand  for  an  advisory  council  of  four  digni- 


98  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

taries,  without  whose  consent  he  should  undertake 
nothing  of  importance.  The  king's  submission  to  this 
demand  was  a  signal  victory  for  the  magnates.  The 
privileges  sanctioned  by  the  king,  though  embracing 
the  whole  of  the  nobility,  redounded  chiefly  to  the 
benefit  of  the  wealthy  potentates,  and  the  great  mass 
of  common  nobility  remained  without  relief  in  their 
economic  difficulties,  caused  by  the  constant  wars 
and  the  lack  of  security  against  the  iniquities  of  the 
lords. 

In  his  fight  against  the  aristocratic  oligarchy  the 
king  could  not  rely  upon  the  cities  as  did  the  rulers  of 
other  parts  of  Europe.  The  cities,  which  elsewhere 
in  Europe  constituted  the  buttress  of  the  kings 
against  the  feudal  lords,  were,  in  Poland,  losing  their 
strength  after  the  fall  of  Constantinople  and  were,  in 
addition,  inhabited  in  a  large  proportion  by  Germans, 
Jews  and  Armenians,  who  took  no  great  interest  in 
the  matters  of  state  and  remained  foreign  to  the 
country  in  which  they  lived  and  traded  for  genera- 
tions. The  great  mass  of  citizen-nobles  constituted, 
therefore,  the  only  element  which  could  be  utilized 
by  the  king  to  curb  the  oligarchy.  External  circum- 
stances expedited  the  extension  of  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  Polish  knighthood. 

The  Prussians,  suffering  from  the  heavy  fiscal 
burdens  placed  upon  them  by  the  Knights  of  the 
Cross,  and  seeing  greater  economic  ad- 
Prussia's  vantages  for  themselves  by  joining 
AdS0fn°r  Poland,  turned  to  Kazimir  with  a  re- 
mto  thTpolish  quest  that  he  accept  them  under  his 
State  sovereignty.  The  union  of  the  Prussian 
nobility  and  of  the  cities,  known  as  the 
Lizard  Union  from  the  emblem  it  chose,  repeatedly 
petitioned  the  king  to  admit  their  country  into  the 
fold  of  the  Polish  state,  which  guaranteed  to  its  citi- 


OLIGARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  99 

zens  liberty,  safety  and  prosperity.  The  king's  final 
consent  to  their  request,  against  the  advice  of  Bishop 
Olesnicki,  led  to  a  war  with  the  Order.  At  the  call 
of  the  crown  in  1454,  great  hosts  of  the  nobles  of 
Great  Poland  assembled  at  Gerekwica,  not  far  from 
the  city  of  Chojnice.  Here  they  demanded  of  the 
king  an  extension  of  their  rights  which,  in  view  of 
the  impending  war,  was  granted.  Very  soon  after- 
ward, a  similar  charter  was  granted  to  the  nobility 
of  Little  Poland,  assembled  in  camp  near  the  city  of 
Nieszawa.  Th^si2it^i^^i_^iQS^2L^i3iy^l^^,  were 
made  to  apply  to  the  nobility  of  the  whole  of  Poland, 
and  constituted  the  beginning  of  a  regular  constitu- 
tion in  Poland.  These  statutes  became  in  reality  the 
organic  law  of  the  country  regulating  the  relation- 
ship of  the  various  classes  constituting  the  Polish 
nation.  They  abolished  the  usage  of  common  law  in 
the  courts  of  justice  and  introduced  the  general  ap- 
plication of  the  Wislica  statutes  as  amended  since 
the  time  of  Kazimir  the  Great.  They  also  exempted 
the  nobility  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  king's,  courts 
except  in  cases  of  murder,  arson,  theft  and  rape. 
Henceforth  all  cases  came  before  judges  nominated 
by  the  nobility  and  appointed  by  the  king.  The  stat- 
utes limited  the  rights  of  the  peasants,  of  the  towns- 
people and  of  the  Jews.  They  provided  that  no  war 
could  be  declared  by  the  king  without  the  consent  of 
the  local  land  assemblies  of  the  nobility,  and  that  no 
new  constitution  or  any  law  which  would  apply  to  the 
nobility  could  be  promulgated  by  the  king  without 
the  consent  of  the  local  land  assemblies.  The  king 
was  requested  to  attend  the  assemblies,  either  in 
person  or  by  proxy.  The  local  land  conventions  were 
to  elect  plenipotentiaries  to  represent  them  in  the 
larger  or  general  gatherings,  the  time  and  place  of 
which  was  to  be  designated  by  the  king.  These  gen- 


100  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

eral  assemblies,  jointly  with  the  king,  had  the  power 
to  make  laws  for  the  whole  country.  Representatives 
of  the  general  assemblies  were  to  convene  at  Piotr- 
kow  at  stated  intervals  to  advise  the  king  in  matters 
relating  to  state  business.  The  dignitaries,  without 
whose  advice  the  king  was  not  permitted  to  under- 
take anything  of  importance,  constituted  the  continu- 
ation of  the  ancient  Colloquium,  which  later  de- 
veloped into  the  Senate. 

The  war  with  the  Order  of  the  Cross,  which 
caused  this  internal  revolution  in  Polish  affairs,  lasted 
for  twelve  years,  1454-1466,  and  thanks  to  the  unfal- 
tering support  of  the  Prussian  towns  and  nobility, 
ended  in  a  complete  triumph  of  the  Polish  arms.  By 
the  treaty  of  Thorn,  1466,  Pomerania,  Chelmno  and 
Michalow  and  the  western  part  of  Prussia  with  the 
cities  of  Malborg  and  Warmia,  went  to  Poland.  The 
eastern  part  of  Prussia,  with  its  capital  Krolewiec 
(Konigsberg)  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Order  as 
a  fief  of  Poland.  The  Great  Master  of  the  Order 
pledged  himeslf  to  recognize  no  other  sovereigns  ex- 
cept the  Pope  and  the  Polish  King,  and  to  form  no 
alliance  or  declare  war  without  the  consent  of  the 
King  of  Poland.  In  return,  he  received  a  seat  in  the 
Polish  Council  of  the  Crown.  The  victory  of  Poland 
over  the  Order  was  hailed  with  joy  by  the  Prussian 
nobles.  They  preferred  the  political  liberties  of 
Poland  to  the  iron  rule  of  the  Order  and  manifested 
their  sympathies  by  assuming  Polish  names.  The 
barons  von  der  Baysen  changed  their  family  name  to 
Bazenski,  the  barons  von  Unruh  to  Niepokojczycki, 
the  counts  von  Hutten  to  Czapski,  the  von  Oppelins 
to  Bronikowski  and  so  along  the  line. 

By  the  crushing  of  the  Order  and  by  the  free 
access  to  the  Baltic  and  the  possession  of  such  ports 
as  that  of  Gdansk  (Danzig),  Poland  became  a  great 


.     OLIGARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  101 

political  power,  with  inherent  -pp^sibilities  !foi  au 
enormous  economic  expansion,  which  was  so  un- 
fortunately thwarted  by  the  ensuing  wars. 

The  war  with  the  Order  made  it  impossible  for 
Kazimir   Jagiellonczyk    to    press    his    claims    to   the 

thrones  of  Bohemia  and  Hungary,  after 
The  Extension  the  childless  death  of  Wladyslav  Haps- 
°*  Po  burg,  son  of  Emperor  Albrecht,  whose 

Hungary  and  beautiful  sister  he  had  married.  The 
Bohemia  Hungarians  proclaimed  Matthew  Kor- 

win,  the  son  of  John  Hunyadi,  as  their 
king,  and  the  Bohemians  chose  George  of  Podiebrad, 
a  Hussite.  The  dissatisfied  Catholic  element  in  Bo- 
hemia turned  to  Poland.  Kazimir  intervened,  and 
as  a  consequence  his  son  ascended  the  throne  of 
Bohemia.  Soon  afterward  Hungary,  at  the  death  of 
Matthew  Korwin,  who  left  no  legal  sons,  united  with 
Bohemia  under  the  same  sceptre.  Polish  influence 
was,  in  this  way,  established  over  a  wide  area  and  in 
foreign  lands,  but  at  the  same  time  it  was  rapidly 
waning  in  the  old  native  province  of  Silesia.  The 
clergy  of  that  province,  guarding  against  the  spread 
of  Hussitism  which  exercised  such  a  peculiar  fascina- 
tion over  the  western  Slavs,  were  Germanizing  the 
autochthonous  population  by  all  available  means, 
The  Bishop  of  Breslau  threatened  with  dispossession 
those  of  his  Polish  peasant  tenants  who  would  not  in 
the  course  of  five  years  adopt  German  customs  and 
the  German  speech. 

A  break  with  the  Lithuanians  was  also  impend- 
ing  in   spite   of   the   perils   which   threatened   both 

Poland  and  Lithuania  from  the  Turks 
rhf  Jurkish.  in  the  south  and  from  the  growing  ag- 

and  Muscovite  .  -  ,  ,  TU 

Perils  gressivenes  of  Moscow  on  the  east.  1  he 

Turks  settled  on  the  Moldavian  coast 

of  the  Black  Sea  in  1480,  and  occupied  Akerman  and 


103  THS  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Kilia,  strong  fortresses  guarding  the  mouths  of  the 
Dniester  and" 'Danube,  and  endangered  Polish  trans- 
continental commerce  and  the  Polish  political  sover- 
eignty in  Moldavia.  On  the  east,  the  expanding 
autocracy  of  Moscow  had  already  throttled  the  free 
Russian  republics  of  Pskov  and  Novgorod,  and  was 
exhibiting  disquieting  designs  for  further  conquests. 
Lithuania  became  restless. 

At  the  time  when  the  foreign  policy  with  refer- 
ence to  the  newTly  arising  conditions  on  the  east  was 
being  shaped,  Kazimir  died  in  Grodno  on  June  7, 
1492,  after  a  reign  of  forty-five  years,  rich  in  great 
events,  men  and  glory.  His  character  and  achieve- 
ments gave  him  an  illustrious  name  and  a  prominent 
place  in  Polish  History. 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  Kazimir  that  Human- 
ism gained  a  firm  footing  in  Poland  and  a  host  of 
talented  poets,  historians  and  political 

Humanism  in         ,-,  •    i  i-™       -,        •        • 

Poland  thinkers  sprang  up.     1  he  beginnings  oi 

Humanistic  currents  in  Poland  date  as 
far  back  as  the  second  decade  of  the  XVth  century. 
In  a  short  while  the  new  turn  in  literature  and  phil- 
osophy found  numerous  adepts  on  the  banks  of  the 
Vistula.  A  literary  society  known  as  "Sodalitas 
literaria  vistulana"  was  organized  at  Cracow  in  1489 
composed  of  young  enthusiastic  poets  and  writers. 
The  classic  authors  were  studied  profoundly  and 
numerous  literary  productions  ^hved  the  way  for  the 
future  development  of  national  art  and  literature. 
The  Polish  writers  soon  became  masters  of  the  classic 
style  and  earned  their  laurels  from  the  Popes,  as  did 
Klemens  Janicki  (1516-1543).  The  tradition  of  Latin 
letters  continued  well  into  the  XVIIth  century,  al- 
though the  Polish  language  in  literature  had  by  that 
time  superseded  Latin  almost  completely.  For  his 
beautiful  lyrics  Matthew  Sarbiewski  (1595-1640),  a 


OLIGARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND  103 

professor  at  the  University  of  Wilno,  received  the 
laurel  wreath  at  the  Capitol  of  Rome,  and  for  cen- 
turies after  his  death  his  works  in  neo-Latin  were 
studied  beside  the  Roman  classics  in  the  principal 
colleges  of  Europe. 

One  of  the  earliest  Humanists  in  Poland  was 
George  of  Sanok  w.ho  contributed  a  great  deal  toward 
the  awakening  of  interest  in  the  ancient  authors  and 
in  their  philosophy  of  life.  He  was  soon  over- 
shadowed by  a  series  of  remarkable  thinkers  and 
writers.  The  struggle  for  supremacy  between  the 
King  and  the  Church  and  the  unsettled  social  condi- 
tions created  a  body  of  original  political  thought. 
Senator  Jan  Ostrorog  (1420-1501)  wrote  a  remark- 
able treatise  advocating  the  subjection  of  ecclesias- 
tical power  to  that  of  the  State.  He  advised  the  curb- 
ing of  the  excessive  prerogatives  of  the  nobility  and 
urged  the  nationalization  of  cities,  the  equalization 
of  laws  and  the  abolition  of  certain  privileges.  The 
favorable  reception  which  Ostrorog's  theories  re- 
ceived in  contemporary  Poland  is  an  indication  of 
political  maturity  of  the  Polish  nobility,  and  also 
shows  how  deeply  the  principles  of  sound  political 
thinking  had  become  imbedded  in  Polish  life.  Po- 
land's political  experience  radiated  abroad.  The  work 
"De  Optimo  Senatore"  by  Bishop  Goslicki,  of  Posen 
(known  in  Latin  as  Goslicius),  was  widely  read  and 
commented  upon  all  over  Europe. 

Just  as  the  struggle  of  the  Crown  with  the  Church 
called  forth  a  whole  literature  on  political  and  social 
philosophy,  so  the  controversy  with  the  Knights  of 
the  Cross,  submitted  to  the  Popes  and  Church  Coun- 
cils for  adjudication,  gave  rise  to  juristic  studies 
and  historical  research.  The  able  defense  of  Po- 
land's claim  against  the  Order  presented  in  the 
"Tractatus  de  potestate  Papae  et  Imperatoris  re- 


104  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

spectu  Infidelium"at  the  Council  of  Constance  in  1415 
by  Paul  of  Brudzev,  rector  of  the  Cracow  University 
made  the  author  famous  in  Europe.  This  is  but  one 
of  the  numerous  treatises  prepared  by  Polish  scholars 
on  the  subject.  Towering  above  all  other  writers 
stands  the  historian  Jan  Dlugosz  (1415-1480),  who  is 
considered  superior  to  the  celebrated  historians, 


FIG.    49— JAN    DLUGOSZ    (I,ONGINUS) 


Commineus  and  Guicciardini.  The  "History  of 
Poland"  by  Dlugosz,  one  time  secretary  of  Car- 
dinal Olesnicki,  is  one  of  the  most  profound  his- 
torical works  of  the  XVth  century.  The  erudition 
of  the  author,  the  painstaking  examination  of  the 
sources,  his  searching  criticism  and  gift  of  analysis 
and  observation,  his  masterful  classifications  and 
method  of  presentation  mark  an  era  in  history 
writing  and  laid  solid  foundations  for  all  future  na- 
tional histories  of  Poland. 


OLIGARCHAL  RULE  IN  POLAND 


105 


The  end  of  the  XVth  century  records  Poland  not 
only  as  one  of  the  largest  empires  of  the  continent 
but  as  a  country  with  a  well  developed  and  pro- 
nounced culture  of  her  own. 


FIG.   50 — POLISH  WALL  PAPER   OF   THE  XVI   CENTURY 


CHAPTER  VII. 
The  Republic  of  Nobles 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  Kazimir  Jagiel- 
lonczyk,  John  I  Olbracht  was  elected  King  of  Poland, 
Th  1492-1501.  The  Lithuanians  elected  his 

of  Serfdom*1"8  younger  brother,  Alexander,  as  Grand 
Duke  of  Lithuania  in  violation  of  the 
existing  agreements.  The  new  king  was  educated  in 
accordance  with  the  principles  of  Humanism,  and, 
like  his  father,  was  determined  to  resist  the  power  of 
the  secular  and  temporal  lords,  and  in  these  efforts 
sided  with  the  nobility,  whose  idol  he  had  become. 
The  first  two  Diets  which  he  convened  during  his 
reign,  in  1493  and  1496,  both  at  Piotrkow,  amplified 
the  statutes  of  Nieszawa.  By  the  new  law  the  nobility 
were  exempted  from  tariff  duties  and  other  fiscal 
burdens,  the  peasants  were  restricted  in  their  right 
to  leave  their  villages,  and  the  landlords  were  given 
the  power  to  represent  their  peasants  in  the  courts. 
Thereafter  no  peasant  could  appear  in  court  unac- 
companied by  his  landlord.  This  last  provision, 
amplified  by  further  statutes,  finally  threw  the  whole 
peasantry  into  complete  dependence  upon  the  private 
jurisdiction  of  the  landowners.  The  peasants  lost 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES  107 

their  right  to  leave  their  settlements  without  the  per- 
mission of  the  landowners,  and  the  family  could  send 
but  one  of  their  boys  to  study  in  a  city.  By  a  further 
regulation  they  were  not  permitted  to  leave  the  coun- 
try for  seasonal  work  in  neighboring  states  where 
higher  wages  prevailed. 


(J.   Mateyko) 
FIG.   51— JAN  I  OI.BRACHT   (1492-1501) 

This  movement  to  restrict  the  peasants  coincides 
with  the  opening  of  the  Baltic  and  the  accession 
of  the  large  Hanseatic  port  of  Gdansk  (Danzig), 
through  which  a  great  opportunity  presented  itself 
for  selling  Polish  grain  and  other  agricultural  prod- 
ucts in  Europe.  To  be  able  to  produce  grain  for  ex- 
port the  landowners  needed  a  reliable  and  cheap  labor 
force.  Even  prior  to  this  time,  as  a  result  of  the 
enormous  depreciation  of  currency  that  took  place 
in  Poland,  and  similarly  throughout  Europe,  in  the 
XVth  and  XVIth  centuries  a  tendency  had  arisen 
among  the  landlords  to  demand  rent  in  the  form  of 


108  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

services  and  produce  rather  than  in  specie,  as  had 
been  the  custom  since  the  days  of  the  first  German 
settlements.  Payment  in  services  and  other  restric- 
tions formed  the  foundation  of  serfdom.  The  year 
v  1496  is  regarded  as  the  beginning  of  legal  serfdom  in 
Poland,  leading  to  a  patrimonial  form  of  agrarian 
life,  with  the  manor  as  the  centre  of  every  economic 
unit,  and  the  landlord  the  source  of  supreme  law  and 
power.  The  same  year  ushered  in  the  era  of  gradual 
decline  of  Polish  cities.  From  this  brief  account  it 
may  be  observed  that  the  economic  development  of 
Poland  was  in  complete  contrast  to  that  of  contem- 
porary England. 

As  has  been  mentioned  before,  the   cities  and 
towns  of  early  Poland  served  chiefly  as  stations  for 

transitory  foreign  commerce.  Such  was 
The  Growth  ^he  original  character  of  Kruszwica, 
thedp0ei£hne  Cracow,  Lemberg,  Posen  and  Breslau. 
Cities  In  a  later  period  when  the  Germans 

settlers  changed  the  mode  of  Polish 
urban  life  and  made  them  the  foci  of  various  crafts 
and  industries,  the  cities  became  more  closely  fused 
with  the  entire  social  and  economic  fabric  of  the  state. 
The  cities,  producing  domestic  utensils,  cloth,  beer 
and  other  articles  of  daily  use,  began  to  exchange  them 
for  the  grain  and  other  farm  products  of  their  im- 
mediate vicinity.  In  the  XHIth  and  XlVth  centuries 
the  Polish  cities  produced  broadcloths,  metalware, 
wire,  tin  sheets,  swords,  knives,  paper,  furniture, 
glassware,  bricks  and  pottery  in  considerable  quan- 
tities. In  1357  a  whole  street  in  the  City  of  Cracow 
was  inhabited  by  glass-workers,  and  at  Posen  a  glass 
factory  was  established  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Xlllth  century. 

Aside  from  the  local  merchants,  the  Polish  cities 
had  merchants  who  engaged  in  foreign  commerce. 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES 


109 


They  acted  as  intermediaries  between  the  north  and 
south,  and  the  east  and  the  west.  Salt,  silks,  spices, 
wine,  lemons,  precious  stones,  trinkets  and  articles 
of  a  similar  nature  were  imported,  and  cloth,  grain, 
tallow,  bristles,  hides,  furs,  naval  stores,  lumber  and 
other  raw  products  were  exported.  Cities  like  Lem- 
berg  were  important  commercial  centers  for  foreign 


FIG.  52— THE  CITT  HALL  OF  I/EMBERG  IN  THE  XVI  CENTURY 

trade.  Here  were  agents  from  many  marts,  such  as 
Venice,  Holland  and  Constantinople.  The  earliest 
exports  of  grain  went  to  Holland,  England  and 
France.  At  the  initiative  of  Emperor  Emanuel  Pale- 
olog,  regular  exports  of  Polish  grain  to  Constanti- 
nople began  in  the  XlVth  century.  This  was  respon- 
sible for  the  energetic  colonization  movement  in 


110 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


fertile  Ruthenia  during  the  reign  of  Kazimir  the 
Great.  The  Levant  trade  had  always  been  a  very 
important  item  in  the  commercial  business  of  the 
country,  and  the  fall  of  Constantinople  proved  to  be 
disastrous  to  the  prosperity  of  the  ancient  and  most 


(W.   Lozinski) 

FIG.    53— A   HOUSE   OP   A  WEALTHY   POLISH   BURGESS   OF   LEMBERG, 
CONSTANTINE   KORNIAKT 

important  Polish  cities.  The  difficulties  put  in  the 
way  of  the  Polish  merchants  by  the  Order  of  the 
Cross  controlling  the  Baltic  seacoast  were  relieved 
after  the  Jagiellon  victory  at  Grunwald,  in  1410,  as 
considerable  concessions  were  then  obtained.  In  1466 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES 


Prussia,  with  its  seaports,  became  a  part  of  Poland, 
and  the  whole  course  of  the  Vistula  came  back  under 


FIG.    54— THE    TRIPTYCH    OF   THE    HIGH   ALTAR   AT   THE   CHURCH    OF   THE 
HOLY  VIRGIN  MARY  AT  CRACOW.     THE  WORK  OF  VIT  STWOSZ 

the  control  of  Poland.  It  afforded  a  great  boom  to 
commerce  and  agriculture,  particularly  since  under 
the  progressive  law  promulgated  by  Kazimir  Jagiel- 


11§  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

lonczyk,  in  1447,  all  navigable  rivers  were  declared 
the  property  of  the  Crown  and  therefore  public  prop- 
erty, free  for  general  use.  Large  freight  fleets  sailed 
back  and  forth  upon  the  Vistula,  carrying  endless 
cargoes  of  wheat,  rye,  hemp,  tar,  honey,  wax,  bristles, 
fats,  lumber,  skins  and  furs  to  Danzig.  The  acquisi- 
tion of  Danzig  and  such  other  ports  as  Klaypeda 
(Memel)  and  Krolewiec  (Konigsberg)  resulting  in 
an  enormous  increase  in  exports,  caused  a  revolution 
in  the  economic  and  political  life  of  the  country. 
Its  effect  upon  the  organization  of  agriculture  and 


FIG.    55— VIT    STWOSZ,    THE    FAMOUS    POLISH    SCULPTOR 
OF  THE  XV  CENTURY. 

the  lot  of  the  peasant  has  been  mentioned.  The 
nearer  the  district  was  to  the  Vistula  and  the  easier 
the  access  to  that  Nile  of  Poland,  the  sooner  were 
changes  visible,  and  the  earlier  did  the  peasant  lose 
his  individual  liberty  and  become  a  serf. 

The  enormous  growth  of  exports  produced  a 
marked  effect  upon  the  cities.  Due  to  the  introduc- 
tion of  credit  on  a  most  extensive  scale,  they  grew  in 
wealth,  and  numerous  families  acquired  enormous 
riches.  At  one  time  five  European  sovereigns  were 
entertained  by  a  merchant  in  Cracow.  Private  pal- 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES  113 

aces,  artistic  public  buildings  and  beautiful  churches 
adorned  the  towns.  Art  flourished.  Vit  Stwosz,  the 
great  Polish  sculptor  of  the  time,  who  designed  the 
triptych  of  the  high  altar  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy 
Virgin  Mary,  was  not  a  mere  accident.  He  was  a 
product  of  his  milieu.  Many  foreign,  particularly 
Italian,  architects  were  brought  over  to  design  public 
and  private  buildings.  In  daily  life  the  burghers  wore 


FIG.  56— MERCHANTS  OF  CRACOW  OF  THE  XVI  CENTURY 

sumptuous  dress  of  silk  and  lace,  fine  furs,  gold,  jew- 
elry and  precious  stones.  "Poor,  indeed,  was  the  master 
artisan  or  merchant  who  did  not  use  silver  tableware 
at  home  and  whose  wife  did  not  possess  a  bonnet  or- 
namented with  pearls."  The  many  gold,  silver  and 
bronze  candelabra,  chandeliers,  candlesticks  and 
other  domestic  utensils  left  from  that  period,  still 
found  in  churches,  museums  and  in  private  families 


114 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


as  heirlooms,  bring  testimony  to  the  prosperity  and 
high  standards  of  the  cities  of  the  XlVth  and  XVth 
centuries.  The  chroniclers  and  other  writers  give  us 
absorbingly  interesting  descriptions  of  city  life. 


FIG.    57— AN    ANCIENT    POLISH    CHANDELIER 

The  cities  were  clean  and  salubrious.  Life  was 
quiet,  industrious  and  moral,  particularly  in  the 
earlier  centuries.  Private  property  was  regarded  as 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES  115 

a  sanctity,  and  the  smallest  theft  was  punished 
severely,  sometimes  by  death.  Heavy  punishment 
was  similarly  visited  upon  dissolute  women. 

The  houses  in  the  cities  were  built  of  stone  or 
brick  and  covered  with  tile  roofs.  In  the  XVIth  cen- 
tury all  new  houses  were  required  to  be  built  of  stone, 
eliminating  the  waste  and  danger  of  fires.  To  help 
the  poorer  inhabitants  to  rear  more  expensive  struc- 
tures the  city  fathers  exempted  their  properties  from 


FIG.  58 — AN  ENAMELLED  PENDANT,  WORK  OF  THE  POLISH 
JEWELLERS'  GUILD  OF  THE  XVII  CENTURY 

all  taxation  for  long  periods  of  time,  frequently  for 
twenty  years  or  more.  At  the  end  of  the  XVth  and 
the  beginning  of  the  XYIth  centuries  all  the  principal 
cities  established  municipal  waterworks,  and  pipes 
carried  the  water  to  every  house.  Sanitary  regula- 
tions were  numerous  and  strict.  Since  the  XHIth  or 
XlVth  century  there  was  not  a  city  in  all  Poland 
which  did  not  have  a  hospital,  an  almshouse  and  a 
free  public  bath.  In  the  larger  cities  physicians  were 
employed  to  visit  regularly  the  hospitals  and  to  super- 


116  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

vise  the  drug  stores.  In  cases  of  contagious  disease 
home  quarantine  was  maintained,  and  during  epidem- 
ics large  numbers  of  physicians  were  employed  by 
the  city,  and  indigent  persons  received  free  food  to 
sustain  their  vitality  and  resistance.  By  law,  graves 
were  dug  three  yards  deep. 

The  fire  regulations  were  very  definite.  Many 
cities  awarded  special  prizes  to  those  who  were  most 
proficient  in  extinguishing  fires.  Chimney  sweepers 
were  retained  in  every  town,  and  in  many  cities  the 


FIG.  59— A  COURTYARD  OF  AN  OLD  POLISH  HOUSE  IN  CRACOW 

building  of  narrow  streets  was  prohibited.  The 
streets  were  well  paved  and  kept  clean.  Residents 
were  not  permitted  to  put  garbage  in  front  of  the 
houses,  and  refuse  of  all  kinds  was  regularly  collected 
and  carted  away  to  the  dumping  grounds  outside  of 
the  city  limits. 

The  development  of  Polish  commerce  in  the 
XVth  century  is  said  to  have  been  greatly  stimulated 
by  the  excellent  postal  service  enjoyed  by  the  cities 
during  this  period.  In  1583  the  postal  monopoly  was 
farmed  out  by  the  king  to  Sebastian  Montelupi,  a  rich 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES 


117 


merchant  of  Lemberg,  who  organized  a  remarkably 
regular  postal  exchange  with  foreign  countries.  Dur- 
ing his  administration  the  larger  cities  received  their 
mail  regularly  every  week,  and  the  rates  charged 
were  uniform  and  moderate,  in  accordance  with  a 
schedule  based  on  distance  zones. 

The  causes  of  the  decline  of  the  Polish  cities 
The  fall  of  Constantinople  and  the 


causes 
were  numerous. 


FIG.    60— AN   ANCIENT   SYNAGOGUE   AT   CRACOW 

discovery  of  sea  routes  to  the  Orient  have  already 
been  mentioned.  The  heterogeneous  character  of  the 
population,  which,  in  addition  to  economic  differ- 
ences, created  class  and  racial -struggles  within  the 
municipalities  and  made  impossible  harmony  and 
strength,  was  another  important  factor.  This  dis- 
integration of  municipal  harmony  was  taken  advan- 
tage of  by  the  powerful  magnates  and  by  the  officers 
of  the  Crown,  who  had  jurisdiction  over  the  Jews 


118 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


and  over  those  parts  of  the  community  which  were 
not  within  the  corporate  limits,  to  extend  their 
powers  and  prerogatives. 

With  the  disruption  of  the  patriarchal  relations 
between  the  masters  of  the  guilds  .and  the  journey- 
men and  apprentices,  .the  cities  witnessed  many 
strikes  and  riots.  The  municipal  government  became 
demoralized  and  its  competence  gradually  curtailed. 


FIG.   Gl — THE  OLD  CITY  HALL  OF  ZAMOSC 

The  artisans  were  too  much  concerned  with  their 
trades  and  class  struggles,  and  the  merchants  too 
much  absorbed  in  their  commercial  transactions,  to 
pay  much  attention  to  the  political  events  that  were 
taking  place  in  the  country  and  to  the  concentration 
of  power  in  the  hands  of  the  nobles.  Meanwhile, 
pernicious  legislation  was  being  enacted,  which  cut 
the  arteries  of  city  prosperity  and  development.  The 
very  heterogeneity  of  the  city  populace,  consisting  of 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES 


119 


from  one-eighth  to  one-fifth  of  Germans  or  of  their  na- 
tionally undigested  descendants,  of  a  still  larger  pro- 
portion of  Jews,  and  an  admixture  of  other  foreign 


FIG.      62 — THE     SEAL,     OP     THE 

TOWN  COUNCIL  OF  CRACOW  IN 

THE    XIV    CENTURY 


FIG.      63 — THE     SEAL,     OF     THE 

TOWN    COURT    OF    CRACOW    IN 

THE    XIV   CENTURY 


elements,  such  as  Scotchmen,  Frenchmen,  Italians 
and  Armenians — this  heterogeneity  was  also  respon- 
sible for  the  indifference  of  the  cities  in  the  destinies 


FIG.    C4—   THE   SEAL   OF   THE    CITY   COUNCIL   OF 
LEMBERG  IN  THE  XIV  CENTURY 

of  the  country  and  for  the  neglect  to  exercise  the 
right  they  possessed  to  representation  in  the  national 
diet. 


120  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  law  exempting  nobles  from  paying  export 
duties  when  shipping  their  products  abroad  gave  to 
the  landlords  great  advantages  over  the  merchants. 


FIG.    65— THE    CITY    HALL    OF    GDANSK    (DANZIG) 

Similarly  injurious  to  commerce  was  the  privilege 
given  to  the  nobles  of  importing  foreign  wares  for 
personal  use,  duty  free.  The  merchant's  usefulness 
became  thereby  curtailed  in  a  considerable  degree. 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES 


121 


With  a  view  of  monopolizing"  all  the  land  of  the  coun- 
try, the  nobility  secured  the  passage  of  a  law  in  the 
memorable  year  1496  forbidding  burghers  to  own 


FIG.   66— CITY   HALL,   OF   POSEN 


land  outside  of  the  city  limits.  Thus  the  source  of  the 
merchants'  supply  of  large  quantities  of  farm  prod- 
ucts for  export  was  eliminated.  Further  legislation 
of  this  sort,  which  went  so  far  as  to  prohibit  a  burgher 
from  occupying  an  ecclesiastical  office  higher  than 


122 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


that  of  a  canon,  coupled  with  the  keen  foreign  com- 
petition the  merchants  had  to  encounter,  interior  city 
disorders,  jealousies  and  competition  among  the 
cities,  and  perpetual  and  devastating  wars,  were  addi- 
tional causes  for  the  rather  precipitous  decline  of  the 
once  flourishing  Polish  cities  with  their  splendid 


FIG.    67— VIEW    OF    ANCIENT    CRACOW,    PART    I 
From   Georg   Braun's    "Civitates   Orbis   Terrarum,"    1491 

civilization.  In  the  XVIIth  century  the  cities  had 
already  become  but  a  shadow  of  their  previous  glory. 
It  was  during  the  reign  of  John  Olbracht  that 
the  nobles  secured  extraordinary  privileges  and  eco- 
The  Growth  nomic  advantages.  Satisfied  with  their 
of  Political  gains,  they  voted  the  necessary  money 
Power  of  the  for  the  war  planned  by  the  king.  Jointly 
Nobility  with  his  brother  Wladyslav,  King  of 

Hungary  and  Bohemia,  John  Olbracht  organized  a 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES 


123 


campaign  against  Turkey  to  reconquer  the  coast  of 
the  Black  Sea  and  to  overawe  the  vacilating  Hos- 
podars  of  Moldavia.  The  campaign  resulted  in  a  com- 
plete collapse  of  the  plans  of  the  king  and  the  annihila- 
tion of  an  army  of  80,000  men.  The  defeated  ruler 
then  proceeded  to  organize  a  crusade  against  Turkey 


FIG.    68 — VIEW    OP   ANCIENT    CRACOW,    PART    II 
From   Georg  Braun's    "Civitates   Orbis   Terrarum,"    1491 

jointly  with  the  German  Emperor,  the  Hungarian 
King  and  the  Pope,  but  he  died  suddenly  in  the  midst 
of  the  preparations. 

At  the  time  of  the  king's  death  Lithuania  was  in 
the  throes  of  a  war  of  her  own  with  Muscovy.  Nine 
years  of  independence  had  convinced  the  Lithuanians 
of  their  error  in  striving  to  sever  the  bonds  uniting 
them  with  Poland,  and  hence  the  news  of  the  election 
of  Alexander,  Grand  Duke  of  Lithuania,  to  the  throne 


124 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


of  Poland,  was  received  with  great  joy  by  them.  The 
pact  uniting  Lithuania  with  Poland  was  renewed. 
Henceforth  Lithuania  and  Poland  were  to  form  one 
inseparable  unit.  The  elections  of  the  king  were  to 
be  held  in  common,  all  alliances  and  privileges  were 
to  be  made  binding  for  the  two  countries,  the  money 
was  to  be  the  same,  and  Polish  kings  were  to  become 
automatically,  upon  their  election,  Grand  Dukes  of 


FIG.    69— TIN    BEAKERS    AND   CUPS    OF   THE    CRACOW    GUILDS 


Lithuania.  The  separatist  tendencies  among  the 
Lithuanians  came  to  an  end  with  the  death  of  John 
Olbracht  and  the  ascent  of  Alexander.  The  new  king, 
unlike  his  father  and  brother,  was  favorably  inclined 
toward  the  oligarchy.  Upon  his  becoming  Grand 
Duke  of  Lithuania  in  1492  he  had  granted  a  privilege 
to  the  Lithuanian  potentates  by  which  all  the  activi- 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES 


125 


126 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


ties  of  the  Grand  Duke  came  under  the  control  of  the 
Council  of  Magnates.  Upon  his  coronation  as  King 
of  Poland  in  1501  the  Polish  magnates  obtained  from 
him  a  similar  privilege.  By  this  act  the  rather  ex- 
tensive powers  of  the  king  were  in  a  large  measure 
obliterated,  and  his  role  was  reduced  to  that  of  the 
President  of  the  Senate.  This  important  grant  is 
known  as  the  Mielnik  privilege.  By  the  provisions 


(J.    Mateyko) 
FIG.    71— ALEXANDER    (1501-1506) 


of  this  act  the  Senate  could,  in  the  name  of  the  people, 
refuse  obedience  to  the  king  in  instances  of  "tyran- 
nical behavior"  on  his  part.  The  nobility,  disorgan- 
ized through  great  losses  in  their  ranks  suffered  in 
the  war  with  Turkey,  was  unable  to  resist  the  return 
to  power  of  the  magnates,  but  tried  to  oppose  them 
by  the  employment  of  such  means  as  the  refusal  to 
pay  taxes  or  to  serve  in  the  army.  These  circum- 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES  127 

stances  led  to  a  state  of  almost  complete  disorgan- 
ization in  matters  of  internal  administration,  intensi- 
fied by  an  economic  crisis  and  the  gathering  black 
clouds  on  the  boundaries  of  the  country.  The  Order 
of  the  Cross  ceased  to  pay  homage  to  the  king,  the 
Tartars  and  Wallachians  were  ravaging  the  southern 
provinces  of  the  country,  and  intervention  in  the  war 
carried  on  between  Lithuania  and  Moscow  grew 
near.  In  view  of  the  situation  the  king  convoked  the 
Diet  which  met  regularly  every  year,  until  order 
was  restored  and  conditions  regulated.  In  order  to 
offset  the  extraordinary  powers  of  the  Senate  the 
nobility  forced  through,  at  the  Diet  held  at  Piotrkow 
in  1504,  a  law  called  the  "Incompatibilia,"  which 
defined  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  various  crown 
offices  and  specified  which  of  these  were  "incom- 
patible," i.  e.,  which  of  them  could  not  be  held  by  the 
same  person  at  the  same  time. 

The  next  year  at  the  Diet  which  met  at  Radom, 
a  statute  was  passed  known  by  its  two  initial  words 
as  "£IiliiL»e^d/'  This  statute  provided  that  nothing 
new  could  be  undertaken  without  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  three  estates :  the  King,  the  Senate  and 
the  representatives  of  the  land  assemblies  of  :the 
nobility.  This  statute  also  provided  that  no  noble- 
man should  engage  in  trade  or  commerce,  under  the 
penalty  of  forfeiting  his  right  to  nobility.  The  nobil- 
ity opposed  the  establishment  of  a  regular  army,  fear- 
ing that  it  might  become  a  powerful  weapon  in  the 
hands  of  the  king,  but  solemnly  declared  their  duty 
and  readiness,  as  land  owners,  to  defend  the  country 
from  foreign  enemies.  With  few  exceptions  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  cities  were  entirely  eliminated 
from  the  Diets. 

Soon  after  the  signing  of  the  new  statute  Alex- 
ander died,  and  his  brother,  Zygmunt  I,  the  youngest 


128  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.    72— ZYGMUNT   I    (1506-1548) 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES  129 

son  of  Kazimir  Jagiellonczyk,  was  elected  King  of  Po- 
land and  Lithuania.  There  was  general  feeling  that 
Prince  Michael  Glinski,  wrho  was  known  to  have  plans 
for  establishing  an  independent  kingdom  of  Ruthenia, 
was  responsible  for  the  death  of  King  Alexander, 
and,  fearing  that  dissensions  might  arise  if  a  new 
monarch  were  not  elected  at  once,  the  Lithuanians 
proclaimed  Zygmunt  as  their  sovereign  even  before 
the  Poles  had  a  chance  to  express  their  preference. 
Poland  soon  followed  the  wise  course  taken  by  the 
Lithuanians  and  proclaimed  Zygmunt  King  of 
Poland.  The  reign  of  Zygmunt  I  (1506-1548)  known 
as  the  Old,  because  he  was  forty  when  he  ascended 
the  throne,  abounded  in  great  events  in  internal  as 
well  as  external  affairs.  It  was  in  his  reign  that  the 
nobility  finally  established  itself  as  the  dominant 
factor  in  Polish  life  to  the  detriment  of  the  cities  and 
peasantry,  in  spite  of  the  king's  leanings  toward  a 
strong  government  by  a  selected  group  backed  by  a 
well  disciplined  regular  army  and  a  responsible  force 
of  administrative  officials.  In  the  first  part  of  his 
reign  the  king  distinguished  himself  by  his  ability 
and  character.  Many  intricate  problems  were  satis- 
factorily solved,  the  exchequer  was  replenished, 
jurisdiction  regulated,  a  state  mint  established,  and  a 
large  number  of  the  mortgaged  crown  estates  re- 
deemed. In  the  second  part  of  his  reign,  as  an  elderly 
man,  he  succumbed  to  the  influences  of  his  Italian 
wife,  Bona  Sforza,  a  woman  of  low  instincts,  treacher- 
ous and  greedy,  and  ready  to  exploit  her  position  in 
order  to  increase  her  private  fortune.  No  methods 
were  too  mean  to  be  employed  in  gaining  her  ends. 
Through  her  pernicious  influence  corruption  crept 
into  public  life,  high  offices  were  given  to  incompe- 
tent favorites  and  state  revenues  used  to  swell  private 
fortunes.  A  tide  of  indignation  against  corruption 


130 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES  131 

and  the  squandering  of  the  royal  domains  swept 
through  the  country,  and  an  open  revolt  broke  out 
under  the  leadership  of  the  powerful  and  impetuous 
Peter  Zborowski. 

While  important  administrative  reforms  were 
being  introduced  many  other  influences  were  at  work 
M  .  to  make  Zygmunt's  reign  memorable. 

Humanism  had  made  triumphant  in- 
roads into  Polish  thought  despite  the  attempts  of  the 
Cracow  University  to  stem  it,  and  laid  the  foundation 
for  the  mighty  swing  by  which  the  Protestant  refor- 
mation made  its  appearance  in  Poland.  At  that  time 
the  complete  fusion  of  Mazovia  with  Poland  in  1529 
took  place  after  the  extinction  of  the  Piast  Mazurian 
dynasty.  Previously  Mazovia  had  been  a  vassal  prin- 
cipality with  an  autonomous  government,  completely 
independent  of  the  Polish  government.  The  entrance 
into  Polish  political  life  of  the  Mazurs,  who  at  that 
time  were  much  inferior  in  education  and  economic 
and  political  development  to  the  rest  of  Poland,  made 
itself  felt  immediately  because  of  their  steadfast  ad- 
herence to  the  Church  and  ancient  custom,  and  their 
aversion  to  progressive  tendencies.  Only  one  year 
after  their  entry  into  the  Diet  added  burdens  were 
put  upon  the  peasants,  and  henceforth  serfdom  be- 
came more  strongly  entrenched. 

At  the  same  time  that  Mazovia,  with  its  capital 
of  Warsaw,  came  into  the  fold  of  the  Polish  state, 
,,«.  r»  -i.  a  precious  Polish  possession,  that  of 

The  Duchy  ,  .    , 

of  East  Prussia  ^  russia,  was,  through  the  shortsight- 
edness of  the  King  and  his  Council, 
drifting  away  from  Poland.  At  the  time  when  the 
Reformation  was  making  great  headway  in  the  north- 
ern states  of  Germany,  Albrecht  Hohenzollern-An- 
spach,  Grand  Master  of  the  Order  of  the  Cross,  de- 


132 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


cided  to  abandon  the  Roman  Church,  and,  with  the 
consent  of  the  Polish  King,  became  the  secular  prince 
of  the  vassal  province  of  East  Prussia.  One  of  the 
reasons  which  led  the  king  to  give  his  consent  to 
this  recognition  was  the  ferment  the  Reformation 
was  causing  in  West  or  Royal  Prussia,  and  the  riot- 
ing at  Danzig  and  elsewhere.  He  feared  that  a 


(J.   Mateyko) 

FIG.    74— THE   DUKE   OP   PRUSSIA    SWEARING   ALLEGIANCE    TO    THE    KING 
OF  POLAND  AT  CRACOW,   1526 


refusal  might  lead  Albrecht  to  bring  the  whole  of 
Prussia  into  an  armed  contest  with  the  Crown.  He 
preferred  to  settle  the  matter  amicably,  and  by  the 
Treaty  of  Cracow,  Albrecht  was  recognized  as 
hereditary  Prince  of  East  or  Ducal  Prussia,  under  the 
sovereignty  of  Poland,  with  a  right  to  the  first  seat  in 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES  133 

the  Polish  Senate.  After  signing  the  treaty,  Albrecht 
paid  public  homage  to  the  Polish  King  at  the  market 
place  of  Cracow  in  1525.  The  Pope  and  the  German 
Emperor  protested,  and  it  is  only  to  be  regretted  that 
instead  of  confiscating  the  territories  of  the  Order 
after  its  secularization,  as  he  had  a  right  to  do,  ac- 
cording to  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Thorn,  the  Po- 
lish King  chose  the  other  policy,  which  proved  to  be 
one  of  the  greatest  blunders  in  Polish  history.  The 
whole  course  of  Polish,  and  perhaps  of  European  his- 
tory, would  have  been  different  had  not  Zygmunt 
been  bent  upon  this  policy,  which,  in  addition  to  the 
reason  given  above,  he  was  persuaded  to  follow  be- 
cause of  the  wars  he  was  carrying  on  with  Muscovy. 
The  second  of  these  conflicts  with  that  power  ended 
in  1522,  and  resulted  in  the  loss  of  Smolensk,  an  im- 
portant strategic  point  which,  from  that  date  until 
1611,  remained  in  Muscovy's  hands.  Further  reason 
for  endeavoring  to  avert  a  possible  Prussian  rebel- 
lion was  the  political  anarchy  in  Hungary  and  the 
fear  of  a  war  with  Turkey,  which  constantly  threat- 
ened Poland. 

The  southern  frontier  of  the  country  had  also  to 
be  guarded  against  the  Tartars  of  Crimea  who  per- 
TT1  .  petually  harassed  Poland's  borderlands. 

Ukraine  *  J      ,  ,     .  1-1 

Many  castles  and  tortresses  were  built 
by  Zygmunt  to  hold  them  back,  among  them  being 
the  famous  fortress  of  Bar.  Of  the  Polish  generals 
who  distinguished  themselves  in  defence  of  the  coun- 
try during  the  reign  of  Zygmunt  I,  the  name  of  Jan 
Tarnowski  stands  out  most  prominently.  It  was  he 
who  defeated  Petryllo,  the  -Moldavian  hospodar 
whose  expedition  was  undertaken  at  the  promptings 
of  Muscovy.  Tarnowski's  victory  over  the  Molda- 
vians at  Obertin  in  1531  is  one  of  the  beacon  lights  in 
the  remarkable  military  annals  of  Poland.  No  single 


134 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


victory,  however,  could  put  an  end  to  the  Moldavian 
and  Tartar  raids  which  were  a  curse  to  the  civilization 
of  that  region,  and  rendered  the  proper  development 
of  the  fertile  black  soil  of  Ukraine  almost  impossible. 
Flourishing  settlements  were  annihilated  over  and 
over  again  by  fire  and  sword.  This  condition  was 
one  of  the  causes  that  retarded  thePolonization  of  the 


FIG.    75 — JAN   TARNOWSKI,    GRAND   HETMAN   OF   THE   CROWN. 

Soldier   and    Statesman,    Author   of   a    Famous    Military   Work 

"Consilium    Rationis    Bellicae." 

native  semi-civilized  people.  Another  was  the  lack 
of  aggressiveness  on  the  part  of  the  Poles.  In  defer- 
ence to  the  feelings  of  the  native  population,  Roman 
Catholic  churches  or  Polish  schools  were  seldom  built 
in  these  regions,  and  the  descendants  of  Polish  set- 
tlers, finding  no  buttress  in  Polish  institutions,  often 
lost  their  language  and  religion,  accepting  those  of 
the  Ruthenians.  Moreover,  the  constant  fighting  with 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  NOBLES  135 

the  Tartar,  Turkish  and  Moldavian  raiders  lowered 
standards  of  civilization  and  developed  a  warlike, 
self-reliant  but  impetuous  and  almost  unmanageable 
frontier  race. 

The  exalted  conception  of  political  freedom  and 
the  universal  respect  the  Poles  have  always  enter- 
tained for  the  rights  of  other  nationalities  proved  to 
be  a  source  of  political  weakness  as  exhibited  in  the 
state  polity  with  reference  to  Prussia  and  Ukraine. 
In  her  political  ideals  Poland  was  a  pioneer  among 
the  nations  and  hard,  indeed,  is  the  lot  of  the  pioneer 
and  leader!  She,  like  France  at  a  later  period,  bled 
profusely  that  new  and  higher  forms  of  life,  which 
she  worked  out  in  her  experimental  laboratory,  might 
replace  the  hoary  moulds  that  had  been  hampering 
the  progress  of  mankind. 

To  enable  the  peaceful  development  of  Ukraine 
and  Podolia  a  regular  army  was  kept  in  a  chain  of 
border  towns  and  attempts  were  made  to  draft  into 
service  the  half-civilized  refugees  from  everywhere, 
but  mostly  from  Ukraine,  who  formed  a  kind  of 
bandit  republic  around  the  cataracts  of  the  lower 
Dnieper.  The  citizens  of  that  republic,  known  by  the 
Tartar  name  of  Cossacks,  lived  by  piracy  and  high- 
way robbery.  Polish  generals  were  sometimes  suc- 
cessful in  utilizing  this  republic  of  outlaws,  robbers 
and  plunderers  for  staying  Turkish  and  Tartar  ex- 
peditions. 

The  other  neighbor  who  interfered  with  the 
development  of  the  frontier  territories  of  Poland  was 
Muscovy  which,  since  the  times  of  Ivan  III,  exerted 
constant  pressure  in  her  efforts  to  establish  a  foot- 
hold in  the  west,  encouraged  by  the  German  Emperor 
and  German  princes,  who  disliked  the  growth  of 
Poland. 


136  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Threatened  on  all  sides,  the  country  made  every 
effort  to  change  its  fiscal  basis  and  to  establish  an 

adequate   system  of  taxation  for  pur- 
°  poses  of  defence.    Following  the  exam- 

re-       P^e  °^  otner  countries  of  Europe,  the 
paredness  King  endeavored    to    form    a    regular 

army.  When  plans  miscarried,  he 
proposed  another  measure,  whereby  the  country 
was  to  be  subdivided  into  five  sections,  each  section 
contributing  its  knighthood  once  in  five  years  for  a 
year's  service  at  the  frontiers  of  the  country.  Those 
who  wished  to  be  excused  from  -service  could  do  so 
on  the  payment  of  a  stipulated  tax.  The  excellent 
measure  was  passed  by  the  Diet,  but  was  rendered 
practically  inoperative  by  the  impossibility  of  agree- 
ment as  to  the  methods  of  property  appraisals  and 
the  preservation  of  registers  and  tax  lists.  The  great 
reforms  planned  by  the  King  arid  his  Chancellor, 
John  Laski,  the  Archbishop  of  Gnesen,  and  supported 
by  a  great  body  of  patriots,  fell  through  because  of 
the  shortsightedness  and  stinginess  of  a  small  group 
of  obstructionists. 

What  is  true  of  democracies  even  now  applies 
in  a  greater  measure  to  Poland  of  that  period.  The 
large  mass  of  the  citizenry  was  preoccupied  with 
their  daily  tasks  and  duties  and  could  not  devote 
much  time  and  thought  to  the  affairs  of  government. 
The  Polish  nobility  never  shirked  their  duties  in  the 
defense  of  the  country  but  it  was  impossible  for  them 
to  keep  in  close  touch  with  government  matters,  par- 
ticularly in  those  days  when  the  means  of  transmis- 
sion of  intelligence  were  meagre  and  undeveloped. 
This  laissez  faire  attitude  gave  opportunity  to  the 
selfish  and  unscrupulous  elements  to  defeat  the 
purposes  of  legislation  and  reforms  and  to  use  them 
for  the  benefit  of  their  individual  interests. 


FIG.    76— GENERAL    VIEW    OF    BIECZ. 
From   Georg   Braun's    "Civitates   Orbis   Terrarum,"    1491 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Protestant  Reformation  and  the  Golden  Age  in' 

Poland 

The  efforts  of  Zygmunt  the  Old  and  of  the  patri- 
ots to  change  the  fiscal  system  of  the  country,  and  to 
introduce     satisfactory     administrative 

TTTlA     "PrA 

"   A.        and  military  reforms,  were  considerably 

cursors  of  the  ,  ,    J    .  .     ,       „  * 

Reformation        retarted  by  the  progress  of  the  rrotes- 

tant  Reformation  which,  at  that  time, 
absorbed  the  attention  of  the  country  and  occupied 
the  minds  of  the  people  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other 
matters.  Luther's  "heresy"  was  immediately  and 
sympathetically  echoed  in  Poland  after  its  promulga- 
tion in  Germany.  The  ground  was  well  prepared  for 
it.  Religious,  political  and  economic  conditions  simi-- 
lar  to  those  which  made  it  popular  in  the  German 
states  existed  in  Poland.  The  Polish  clergy  led  as 
dissolute  a  life  as  did  the  clergy  elsewhere/in  Europe. 
The  indignation  of  the  nobles  at  the  freedom  the 
clergy  enjoyed  from  taxation  and  other  burdens  was 
intense.  Strong  was  also  their  opposition  to  the 
church  tithes  as  well  as  their  resentment  at  Papal 
interference  in  matters  of  state.  The  renowned  writer 
of  the  time  of  Kazimir  Jagiellonczyk,  Jan  Ostrorog, 
in  his  dissertation,  "Monumentum  pro  reipublicae 
ordinatione  congestum,"  expressed  the  prevailing 


138  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

opinion  when  he  wrote  in  1473:  "The  Polish  King 
recognized  nobody's  supremacy  save  that  of  God; 
instead  of  assuring  the  new  Pope  of  his  obedi- 
ence he  will  sufficiently  fulfill  his  duty  if  he  congra- 
tulate him,  and  at  the  same  time  remind  him  that  he 
should  rule  the  Church  justly.  It  is  below  the  dignity 
of  the  king  to  write  to  the  Pope  with  humility  and 
humbleness.  .  .  .  The  clergy  are  obliged  to  help  the 
state;  one  should  not  be  indignant  when  the  king 
orders  the  melting  of  church  utensils  for  public  needs. 
All  payments  for  the  benefit  of  the  Pope  should  be 
abolished.  Poland  needs  all  the  funds  she  can  spare 
for  the  war  with  invaders  and  for  the  preservation  of 
internal  order.  The  proclamation  of  jubilee  Papal 
bulls  as  well  as  fees  for  funerals,  marriages,  etc., 
should  be  prohibited.  The  king  should  nominate  the 
bishops.  In  order  to  decrease  the  large  body  of  fait- 
neants,  the  number  of  cloisters  should  be  restricted, 
the  admission  of  foreigners  to  them  prohibited,  and 
sermons  in  the  German  language  restricted."  Such 
were  the  predominant  sentiments  of  the  time,  in  true 
keeping  with  the  teachings  of  Humanism,  which 
spread  in  Poland  through  constant  contact  with  Ger- 
many and  Italy,  in  the  principles  of  which  several 
generations  preceding  the  Reformation  had  been 
reared,  and  in  accordance  with  which  they  shaped 
their  views  and  opinions.  The  memory  of  the  Huss 
movement  had  not  completely  died  out  in  Poland,  and 
the  similarity  of  Luther's  teachings  with  Hussitism 
made  them  popular.  Moreover,  the  political  demands 
of  the  nobility,  striving  for  complete  emancipation 
from  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  and  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  national  Church,  with  the  king  or  a  synod  at 
the  head,  formed  a  fertile  soil  for  the  reception  of  the 
Reformation,  the  seeds  of  which  took  firm  root  in  all 
parts  of  Poland  with  the  exception  of  Mazovia. 


THE  PROTESTANT  REFORMATION  139 

That  Poland  was  not  free  from  "heretics"  at  all 
times  since  the  XlVth  century  can  be  inferred  from 
the  fact  that  as  early  as  1326  the  famous  Pope  John 
XXII  "was  compelled"  to  appoint  a  special  inquisitor 
for  Poland  in  the  person  of  Peter  of  Kolomea,  a 
Dominican.  There  is,  however,  no  documentary  evi- 
dence of  any  work  of  the  inquisitors  in  Poland. 

The  Lutheran  movement  began  in  Prussia  and 

in  the  larger  Polish  cities,  such  as  Cracow,  where  the 

German  element  was  considerable.    One 

The  of  the  first  and  most  ardent  representa- 

Growth  of  the       ,  •  r     T      .LI  •         n    i        j  T 

Reformation        tlves    of    Luther    in    Poland   was    Jan 
Movement  Seklucyan.     But  Lutheranism  was  not 

as  popular  as  Calvinism,  for  the  reason 
that  the  latter  was  considered  more  appropriate  for 
a  free  republic,  and  was  more  pleasing  because  of  its 
recognition  of  laymen  in  church  councils.  In  addi- 
tion to  these  two  schools  a  great  variety  of  other 
teachings  found  ready  followers  in  Poland.  Hun- 
dreds of  reformers,  fleeing  persecution  in  their  own 
countries,  came  to  Poland,  where  they  were  accorded 
complete  freedom  of  action  and  speech.  The  Queen's 
confessor,  Francis  Lismanin,  an  Italian,  was  one  of 
the  most  active  workers  in  the  court  circles.  Two 
other  Italians,  Francis  Stankar  and  Lelius  Socino, 
and  a  Pole,  Peter  of  Goniondz,  preached  against  the 
Trinity  and  organized  a  sect  known  under  different 
names:  Socinians,  Arians  or  Antitrinitarians.  The 
various  sects  found  their  patrons  among  the  powerful - 
magnates.  The  relatives  of  the  once  famous  Bishop 
and  Cardinal  Olesnicki  became  the  followers  of 
Zwingli,  and  the  Radziwills  of  Lithuania  adopted 
Calvinism,  as  did  most  of  the  magnates  and  nobles 
of  Little  Poland.  In  Ruthenia,  under  the  leadership 
of  the  magnate  Stadnicki,  the  Antitrinitarians  became 
supreme.  Ancient  Hussitism  revived,  and  under  the 


140  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

name  of  the  Bohemian  Brotherhood  conquered  al- 
most the  whole  of  Great  Poland.  There  were  also 
many  independent  Polish  reformers.  The  Primate's 
nephew,  the  younger  John  Laski,  achieved  consider- 
able renown  not  only  in  Poland,  but  in  Germany, 
Denmark  and  even  in  far-distant  England.  Here  he 
enjoyed  the  protection  of  King  Edward  VI,  and  be- 
came an  intimate  friend  of  Primate  Cranmer,  in 
whose  house  he  lived  while  in  England.* 


FIG.   77— JAN  LASKI,   RELIGIOUS   REFORMER 


With  the  growth  of  the  movement  the  income 
and  the  power  of  the  established  Church  diminished. 
Royal  edicts  against  the  heretics  were  not  enforced 
and  Church  anathemas  were  disregarded.  Priests 

*  A  great  deal  of  very  interesting  information  about  the  Reforma- 
tion in  Poland  is  to  be  found  in  the  two  volumes  of  Count  Valerian 
Krasinski's  "Sketch  of  the  Rise,  Progress  and  Decline  of  the  Reforma- 
tion in  Poland,"  published  in  London,  1838-1840. 


THE  PROTESTANT  REFORMATION  141 

who  married  were  shielded  by  the  nobles.  Tithes 
were  uncollectable  and  decrees  of  ecclesiastical  courts 
unheeded.  Animosity  and  spitefulness  went  so  far 
that  because  he  wore  his  cap  during  the  mass  pre- 
ceding the  session  of  the  Diet  of  1552,  Deputy  Rafal 
Leszczynski  was  chosen  president  of  the  chamber. 
No  discussion  on  any  matter  was  allowed  at  this  re- 
markable Diet  until  the  Church  agreed  to  suspend  its 
right  to  civil  jurisdiction.  The  bishops  for  a  time 
remained  obstinate,  but  finally  were  compelled  to 
pledge  the  suspension  of  church  trials  over  the  nobles 
as  well  as  over  their  peasants  until  the  matter  be 
settled  with  the  Pope  by  a  special  delegation  sent  to 
Rome.  Some  of  the  deputies  went  so  far  as  to  de- 
mand the  exclusion  of  the  bishops  from  the  Senate, 
the  confiscation  of  all  church  estates  for  the  purpose 
of  national  defense,  the  abolition  of  the  celibacy  of 
the  clergy,  and  like  measures.  Laws  were  passed 
forbidding  the  execution  of  Church  decrees  by  the 
government  and  the  collection  of  St.  Peter's  pence. 
The  non-conformists  were  not,  however,  able  to  ob- 
tain equal  rights  with  the  Catholic  clergy  in  teaching 
religious  doctrines,  but  received  equal  rights  in  filling 
crown  offices. 

The  Reformation  spread  like  wildfire  among  the 
upper  classes  and  in  the  cities.  Many  churches  were 
converted  into  Protestant  places  of  worship,  images 
burnt,  many  priests  of  high  and  low  rank  abandoned 
the  Church,  and  young  ladies  of  the  best  families  did 
not  hesitate  to  marry  priest-apostates.  The  life  of 
the  nobles  and  the  city  patriciate  was  thoroughly  re- 
volutionized. When  the  Papal  legate,  Alois  Lippo- 
mano,  appeared  at  the  Diet  of  Warsaw  in  1556,  he 
was  hailed  with  the  cry :  "Ecce  progenies  viperarum." 


142  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  masses  of  the  peasantry  and  of  the   city 
plebs,  however,  remained  almost  untouched  by  the 
new  religious  currents,  and  stubbornly 
The  Unpopu-       resisted  all  attempts  to  convert  them  to 
j£nty  °  the  new  order  of  things.    This  was  the 

Among  cause  of  the  ultimate  collapse  of  the 

the  Lower  movement  which,  however, 'by  the  stimu- 

Classes  lation  it  gave  to  independent  thought 

and  by  the  utilization  of  the  Polish 
tongue  instead  of  the  mediaeval  Latin  for  purposes  of 
propaganda,  created  the  Golden  Age  in  Polish  life 
and  literature. 

The  Gospels  and  the  Bible  were  translated  into 
Polish,  and  a  large  number  of  pamphlets  and  discus- 
sions intended  for  the  great  mass  of  the 
The  Cultural        peOple  to  whom  no  other,  except  their 

Effects    of  the  .L  .      '      .     .,  V 

Reformation  native  language,  was  intelligible,  was 
printed  in  Polish.  By  that  time  even 
the  burghers  began  to  consider  Polish  as  their  native 
tongue,  and  although  a  considerable  minority  still 
continued  to  use  German,  yet  in  1536  the  City  Council 
of  Cracow  proclaimed  Polish  as  the  language  to  be 
used  in  prayers  and  sermons  in  the  churches  of  that 
town.  The  German  and  Latin  books  began  to  be 
supplanted  by  Polish  prints. 

The  art  of  printing  found  a  very  early  applica- 
tion in  Poland.  In  1465,  only  a  few  years  after  the 
invention  of  the  art,  a  German  printer  was  invited  to 
Cracow  by  the  University.  He  printed  two  books: 
"Joannis  de  Turrecremata  Cardinalis  S.  Sixti  vulga- 
riter  nuncupati.  Explanatio  in  Psalterium  finit 
Cracis"  and  "Omnes  libri  Beati  Augustini  Aurelii." 
The  earliest  book  containing  a  text  in  the  Polish 
language  was  printed  in  Breslau  in  1475  and  is  at  the 
present  time  in  the  possession  of  the  British  Museum. 


THE  PROTESTANT  REFORMATION 


143 


The  first  Slavic  books  were  published  at  Cracow. 
Owing  to  the  freedom  and  tolerance  existing  in  Po- 
land at  the  time  and  to  the  interest  taken  in  scientific 
matters,  the  Polish  capital  became  the  center  of  cul- 
tural activity  for  a  large  area,  comprising  the  Eastern 
and  South  Eastern  nations  of  Europe.  The  earliest 
books  for  Hungary,  Moldavia,  Transylvania,  Ruthe- 
nia  and  Lithuania  were  printed  at  Cracow.  In  1490 
a  book  store  was  opened  in  that  city  and  a  few  years 


Statue  <£lencbos 
Uriltortlis. 


FIG.     78 — TITLE    PAGE    OF 

CRACOW  PRINT  OF  THE 

BEGINNING  OF  THE 

XVI     CENTURY 


FIG.     79— TITLE    PAGE    OF    A 
CRACOW  PRINT  OF  1512 


later  a  permanent  press  was  established.  The  jarge 
printing  activity  contributed  to  the  spread  of  the" 
doctrines  of  Humanism  and  of  the  Reformation  and 
incidentally  to  the  development  of  Polish  literature. 
The  Cracow  University  was  hostile  both  to  the 
new  religious  tenets  and  to  the  profanation  of  science 
and  literature  by  the  employment  of  anything  but  the 
Latin  language.  It  clung  to  its  medieval  concep- 


144 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


THE  PROTESTANT  REFORMATION  145 

tions  but  maintained  a  high  order  of  scholarship  in 
science  and  mathematics.  At  its  request  a  globe  was 
made  in  1510  which  is  the  first  known  globe  to  men- 
tion the  name  of  America.  The  wrong  placing  of  the 
new  name  serves  but  to  emphasize  the  ancient  origin 
of  this  remarkable  Polish  relic  which  preceded  by  five 
years  the  celebrated  Frankfurt-Weimar  orb  of 
Schoner.  The  Globus  Jagellonicus  was  first  described 
by  Prof.  Thaddeus  Estreicher  in  1900  in  the  Transac- 
tions of  the  Cracow  Academy  of  Sciences  for  that  year. 
There  he  points  out  that  the  Polish  globe  is  the  earliest 
globe  of  the  after  Columbus  era,  that  it  is  the  earliest 
to  indicate  any  part  of  the  New  World  and  the  first  to 
delineate  the  South  American  continent.  It  is  also 
the  first  globe  on  which  the  continent  of  America  is 
shown  to  be  distinct  from  that  of  Asia.  The  fact  that 
the  University  of  Cracow  possessed  in  1510  or  there- 
abouts a  globe  indicating  the  latest  geographical  dis- 
coveries throws  indirect  light  on  the  keen  interest 
taken  by  the  Polish  scholars  of  the  time  in  the  pro- 
gress of  science. 

In  this  connection  it  may  also  be  worth  while  to 
mention  that  it  was  the  Cracow  edition  of  Ptolemy, 
prepared  in  1512  by  Jan  of  Stobnica,  a  professor  of 
the  Jagiellon  University,  which  first  contained  a  map 
of  North  and  South  America,  showing  the  connection 
of  the  two  continents  by  an  isthmus.  . 

Eager  as  the  University  evidently  was  to  keep 
abreast  with  the  latest  discoveries  in  science  and 
geography,  it  was  equally  determined  in  its  opposi- 
tion to  the  new  currents  in  philosophy  and. theology. 
No  Humanists  were  tolerated  on  the  faculty,  and 
as  a  consequence  the  University  lost  in  time  its  best 
professors  and  most  of  its  students.  The  nobility  and 
the  burgesses  sent  their  boys  abroad,  to  Erfurt,  to 
Padua,  Venice,  Pavia,  Paris  and  elsewhere.  The 


146  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

young  men  returned  full  of  enthusiasm  and  new  ideas 
about  life,  government  and  religion.  A  host  of 
talented  writers  appeared.  Some  discussed  matters 
of  state  freely  and  criticised  the  existing  conditions, 
pointing  out,  as  did  the  highly  gifted  Andrew  Frycz 
Modrzewski,  the  necessity  of  equalization  of  all  the 
estates  before  the  law,  and  the  advantages  of  a  pros- 
perous and  free  peasantry.  Others,  like  Orzechowski, 
thundered  against  the  despotism  of  the  nobility,  the 
iniquities  and  the  foreign  character  of  the  Church 


FIG.  81— SIMON  SZYMONOWICZ  FIG.   82— SEBASTIAN  KLONOWICZ 

(1558-1629)  (1550-1602) 

and  the  great  privileges  of  the  Jews  in  matters  of 
money  lending  and  usury.  A  large  number  of  his- 
torians, poets,  dramatists  and  fiction  writers  sprang 
up  among  all  classes  of  society.  Klemens  Janicki,  the 
poet-leureate,  was  a  peasant;  Simon  Szymonowicz, 
the  author  of  beautiful  bucolics,  was  of  city  birth;  so 
were  other  distinguished  writers,  like  Sebastian 
Klonowicz  and  the  brothers  Zimorowicz.  Nicholas 
Rey,  the  greatest  satirist  of  the  time,  was  born  in  a 


THE  PROTESTANT  REFORMATION 


147 


noble  family,  but  of  modest  circumstances.  Polish 
literature  really  had  its  beginning  with  Rey.  His 
pictures  of  life,  men  and  conditions  are  masterpieces 
of  style,  wit  and  perspicuity.  They  served  as  models 
to  many  future  writers. 


FIG.   83— NICHOLAS   REY    (1505-1569),   THE   FOUNDER   OF  POLISH   NATIONAL 

LITERATURE    AND    AN    ARDENT    ADVOCATE    OF 

CALVINISM    IN  'POLAND 

At  this  time  Polish  national  consciousness 
reached  its  fullest  realization  in  art  as  well  as  in 
science.  Copernicus  (1473-1543),  one  of  the  most 
revolutionary  minds  the  world  has  known,  who  by 
his  epoch-making  researches  freed  science  forever 


148  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

from  the  shackles  of  theology,  like  all  truly  great 
men,  was  far  from  narrow  specialization.  That  he 
published  a  remarkable  work  on  money  is  well  known 
to  economic  historians.  But  the  treatise  he  wrote  in 
support  of  his  country's  claims  to  the  territories  that 


FIG.  84— NICHOLAS  COPERNICUS 


had  been  illegally  occupied  by  the  Order  of  the  Cross 
is  less  generally  known  and  it  is  precisely  this  patri- 
otic trait  in  Copernicus  which,  aside  from  the  ever- 
lasting glory  he  brought  to  Poland's  name,  has  en- 
deared him  forever  in  the  heart  of  his  nation. 


149 


Just  as  Polish  science  of  the  XVIth  century 
was  crowned  by  the  immortal  works  of  Coper- 
nicus, so  was  the  Polish  Parnassus  of  that  age 
glorified  by  the  writings  of  John  Kochanowski  (1530- 
1584),  the  nobleman  of  Sandomir.  Until  this  day 
his  poems  and  dramas  delight  the  most  fastidious 
taste  by  their  beauty,  deep  thought  and  fine  senti- 


FIG.   85— JOHN  KOCHANOWSKI   (1530-1584),   THE  FIRST  GREAT 
NATIONAL,  POET  OF  POLAND 

ment.  The  stimulus  given  to  writing  in  Polish  sup- 
plied by  the  religious  reformers  gained  momentum 
as  time  advanced,  and  as  early  as  1548,  at  the  funeral 
of  King  Zygmunt  the  Old,  the  Bishop  of  Cracow,  for 
the  first  time  in  history,  used  Polish  at  so  solemn  an 
occasion.  King  Zygmunt  August  and  his  sisters 


150  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

spoke  the  most  elegant  Polish.  Martin  Bielski  wrote 
a  history  of  Poland  in  Polish.  Latin  was  being  sup- 
planted, but  of  course  not  completely.  It  was  still  the 
medium  of  expression  of  the  philosophical  and  scien- 
tific minds  of  Poland,  who  were  plentiful  in  that  glori- 
ous period.  Joseph  Strus,  the  king's  physician,  was 
widely  known  in  Europe  by  his  writings.  His  work 
on  "The  Pulse,"  published  in  Posen,  created  a  great 
stir  in  the  medical  world  of  the  time.  James  Przyluski 
published  a  monumental  and  masterful  codification 
of  the  laws  of  Poland,  with  commentaries.  Simon 
Marcius  Czystochlebski  wrote  a  work  concerning 
pedagogical  problems,  and  Martin  Kromer  became 
the  worthy  successor  of  John  Dlugosz,  the  famous 
Polish  historian  of  the  time  of  Kazimir  Jagiellonczyk. 

A  high  type  of  culture  evolved.  Freed  from  the 
shackles  of  feudalism  and  scholasticism,  enriched  by 
the  toil  of  a  serf-peasantry,  the  Poles  of  the  upper 
classes,  with  their  exuberant  nature  and  impression- 
able minds,  created  in  the  XVIth  century  a  distinct 
and  high  civilization  of  their  own,  akin  in  many  ways 
to  that  of  the  Latin  and  the  Teuton  worlds,  yet  dif- 
ferent from  both  of  these  by  virtue  of  a  different 
racial,  geographic  and  social  environment. 

The  Reformation  in  Poland  was  doomed  to  fail- 
ure because  the  large  mass  of  the  peasantry  was  in- 
imical to  the  reforms,  as  were  the  poorer 

TheProtes-  i<  , ,.,        ,.,v        \ 

tant  Sects  nobles  who  in  mentality  differed  very 

little  from  the  peasants.  Another  cause 
for  the  ultimate  failure  of  the  movement  was  the 
weakness  of  the  Protestant  element  caused  by  their 
differentiation  into  a  number  of  denominations  com- 
batting each  other.  The  Protestant  leaders,  realizing 
the  dangers  of  a  divided  front,  bent  every  effort 
toward  uniting  the  various  factions  into  one  large 


THE  PROTESTANT  REFORMATION  151 

body,  and  to  working  jointly  for  the  establishment  of 
a  national  church,  similar  to  the  Church  of  England. 
They  finally  succeeded,  in  1570,  in  uniting  the  less 
radical  wings.  This  union  was  known  as  the  Concord 
of  Sandomir.  The  Anti-Trinitarians  did  not  join  in  it. 

While  the  non-Conformists  were  quarreling,  the 
Roman  Church,  after  the  Council  of  Trent,  picked  up 
its  old  self-confidence  and  courage  and  launched  a 
vigorous  counter-movement  under  the  leadership  of 
Hosius,  Bishop  of  Warmia,  and  the  Papal  Nuncio, 
John  Francis  Commendoni.  It  was  chiefly  due  to  the 
indefatigable  energy  of  these  two  men  that  the 
crumbling  edifice  of  the  Roman  Church  in  Poland 
was  saved  from  destruction. 

In  the  meantime  the  nobility  was  bringing  strong 

pressure  to  bear  upon  the  new  king,  demanding  the 

limitation  of  the  rights  of  the  clergy. 

Collapse        .      Submitting  to  it,  Zygmunt  II  August 


°f    li?        proclaimed,  in  1562,  the  Statute  of  Tol- 

to  Establish  ,  '   ,  •         Ti  •  1 

a  National  erance,  which,  among  other  things,  de- 

Church  prived  the  ecclesiastical  courts  of  the 

power  to  enforce  their  decrees.  This 
step  led  the  Pope  to  enter  into  negotiations  with 
Ivan  the  Terrible,  the  great  enemy  of  Poland,  where- 
by Ivan  was  to  use  his  military  power  to  punish  the 
Polish  nation  for  its  tolerance  of  heretics.  Indigna- 
tion rose  high,  and  a  break  seemed  to  be  imminent 
after  the  Papal  Nuncio  refused  to  grant  the  king  a 
divorce  from  his  third  wife,  Catherine  Hapsburg. 
Preparations  were  being  made  for  the  convocation  of 
a  religious  council,  for  which  the  reformers  were 
busily  preparing,  and  to  which  they  invited  Calvin. 
The  Pope  protested  against  the  holding  of  this  coun- 
cil, and  the  king,  ill  and  hesitating,  fearing  a  break 
with  the  Pope,  vetoed  the  proposal  establishing  an  in- 
dependent Church  of  Poland.  In  the  same  year,  1565, 


152  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

the  first  Jesuits  brought  over  by  Bishop  Hosius  ap- 
peared in  Poland,  and  an  era  of  feverish  activity 
against  the  heresy  began.  The  established  Church 
was  able  to  rally  the  great  masses  and  at  the  local 
elections  to  force  through  representatives  favoring 
the  Church.  As  their  numbers  increased  in  the  Diet 
they  were  able,  aided  faithfully  by  the  Mazurs,  to 
stem  the  progress  of  the  plans  for  "the  improvement 
of  the  Republic"  championed  by  the  "Dissidents,"  the 
name  by  which  the  non-Conformists  were  known  in 
Poland. 


FIG.  86 — VIEW  OF  KROSNO.     From  G.    Braun's   "Civitates  orbis  terrarum,"    1491 


CHAPTER  IX. 


1548-1572. 


The  End  of  the  Jagiellon  Dynasty  and  the  Beginning 

of  the  Era  of  Popular  Election 

of  Kings 

Eighteen  years  before  the  death  of  Zygmunt  the 
Old,  the  Diet  consented  to  recognize  his  son  by  the 
second  marriage  as  successor  to  the 
throne,  with  the  understanding,  how- 
ever,  that  henceforth  elections  of  the 
king  would  not  be  restricted  to  the  Diet 
but  would  be  "viritim,"  i.  e.,  open  to  the  whole  body 
of  citizen-nobles. 

In  1548  Zygmunt  II  August  became  King  of 
Poland.  No  sooner  did  his  coronation  take  place  than 
he  came  into  a  serious  encounter  with  the  Diet  on 
account  of  his  marriage  with  Barbara  Radziwill, 
which,  when  heir  to  the  throne,  he  had  contracted 
without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 
It  was  in  violation  of  the  constitution  and  his  divorce 
was  demanded.  The  king,  who  loved  his  wife  ten- 
derly, refused  to  submit  to  the  demand  of  the  mag- 
nates whose  personal  jealousies  inflamed  by  the 
machinations  of  Bona,  the  Queen  Dowager,  and  her 
camarilla,  were  the  chief  motives  for  the  humiliation 
of  the  king  and  his  wife.  A  deadlock,  lasting1  two 
years,  ensued.  The  opposition  finally  surrendered 


154 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


and  Barbara  was  crowned  queen  in   1550.     In   his 
fight  against  the  Senate  the  new  king  had  exhibited 


(J.    Mateyko) 


FIG.     87— ZYGMUNT    II    AUGUST     (1548-1572) 

a   great   determination    and    strength   of   character, 


THE  END  OF  JAGIELLON  DYNASTY  155 

attributes  which  unfortunately  were  not  his  in  sub- 
sequent dealings.    He  failed  in  leadership  in  matters 


FIG.   88— QUEEN   BARBARA  RADZIWILL, 

which  were  then  shaking  the  body  politic  to  its  foun- 


156  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

dation.  His  devious  course  with  reference  to  the 
Reformation  has  been  traced  in  the  last  chapter.  The 
example  of  Henry  VIII  of  England  and  the  separa- 
tion of  the  Church  in  the  Scandinavian  countries 
fired  the  imagination  of  the  Protestant  leaders  in 
Poland,  who  were  persistently  clamoring  for  an  in- 
dependent Church  and  demanding  action  on  the  part 
of  the  king.  Time-honored  tradition  and  reasons  of 
state  prompted  caution.  The  undecided  king,  the 
centre  of  conflicting  currents,  discouraged  by  the 
lack  of  unity  in  the  Protestant  camp  and  influenced  by 
the  strong  representations  of  Pope  Paul  IV,  dodged 
the  issue,  deferring  its  consideration  from  Diet  to 
Diet,  not  strong  enough  to  face  it  squarely  and  to 
throw  its  lot  with  one  side  or  the  other. 

Zygmunt  II  August  similarly  evaded  the  re- 
quests of  the  nobles  for  administrative  reforms.  It 
was  only  in  1562  that  the  king  con- 
sented  to  the  consideration  of  the  pro- 
Crown  Lands  gram  for  the  "Betterment  of  the  Repub- 
lic." As  on  a  previous  occasion  the 
Deputies,  so  now  the  Senators,  in  their  patriotic  en- 
thusiasm expressed  themselves  ready  to  give  up  the 
charters  or  "the  donation  lists,"  as  they  were  called, 
granted  to  them  by  former  monarchs  and  which  en- 
titled them  to  large  estates  in  the  royal  domains. 

The  Jagiellons  had  found  it  necessary,  in  the 
course  of  events,  to  distribute  their  large  domains 
among  the  lords  as  well  as  among  the  minor  nobles 
to  secure  the  necessary  support  for  their  foreign  and 
domestic  policies.  By  this  time  the  royal  domain  had 
become  very  insignificant  and  as  a  consequence  the 
state  treasury,  which  depended  almost  exclusively 
upon  the  proceeds  from  those  domains,  was  almost 


THE  END  OF  JAGIELLON  DYNASTY  157 

depleted.  At  the  memorable  session  of  the  Diet  of 
1562  a  law  was  passed  whereby  all  land  grants  issued 
after  the  year  1504  were  declared  void  and  lands  or- 
dered to  revert  to  the  Crown.  Three-fourths  of  the 
revenues  from  the  returned  domain  were  to  be  used 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  king  and  of  all  the  Crown 
offices  and  officials,  and  one-fourth  was  to  be  devoted 
to  the  maintenance  of  a  regular  army  for  the  defense 
of  the  country.  The  measure  was  of  great  political 
and  administrative  value.  Henceforth  no  grants  of 
Crown  domains  could  be  made;  the  king  could,  how- 
ever, bestow  the  life  use  of  some  of  them  as  "panis 
bene  merentium"  upon  those  who  distinguished  them- 
selves by  faithful  service.  Unfortunately,  this  soon 
became  a  source  of  corruption. 

The  Diet  of  1562,  which  met  for  putting  through 
measures  for  bettering  the  status  of  the  Republic, 

enacted  most  pernicious  legislation  re- 
*  garding  the  economic  life  of  the  coun- 

tr^'  ^  abolished  all  restrictions  on  the 
Legislation  free  export  of  raw  products  and  the  free 

import  of  manufactured  goods,  and 
prohibited  free  export  of  domestic  manufactures. 
The  blighting  effects  this  measure  had  upon  industry 
were  soon  visible.  The  agrarian  nobles  profited  by 
the  lucrative  exchange  of  their  produce  for  the  manu- 
factured articles  of  foreign  countries,  but  the  Polish 
cities,  already  impoverished  and  not  only  deprived  of 
protection  afforded  by  a  tariff  but  prohibited  from 
exporting  abroad,  rapidly  declined  and  faded  into 
"rotten  boroughs."  The  last  possibility  of  the  Polish 
King  ever  attempting  to  join  with  the  cities  against 
the  nobles  was  thus  removed.  It  was  also  in  the  time 
of  Zygmunt  II  August  that  the  struggle  with  Mus- 
covy, which  since  that  time  has  practically  never 


158  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

ceased,  took  on  very  serious  aspects.  Averse  to  war, 
the  Polish  King  still  was  drawn  into  it  by  the  dis- 
quieting aggressiveness  of  Ivan  the  Terrible,  the  first 
Czar  of  Muscovy,  who  endeavored  to  "break  a  win- 
dow" into  the  Baltic.  The  Poles  were  quick  to  see 
the  danger  coming  from  the  east.  Zygmunt  August, 
appraising  the  situation  correctly,  saw  in  Muscovy 
the  most  formidable  foe  of  the  Polish  state.  The 
Polish  ambassador  at  Rome  informed  the  king  that 
Ivan's  agents  were  busy  forming  a  coalition  against 
Poland  with  the  Pope  at  the  head.  The  Pope, 
desirous  of  curbing  the  Reformation  in  Poland, 
welcomed  Ivan's  plans,  designed  to  punish  the 
heretics.  To  offset  Ivan's  plans  the  king  took  steps 
to  assure  himself  of  the  friendship  of  the  Hapsburgs 
and  consented  to  marry  Catherine,  the  daughter  of 
Ferdinand  I  and  sister  of  his  first  wife,  two  years 
after  the  death  of  the  beloved  Barbara  Radziwill,  his 
second  wife. 

War  with  Muscovy  came  as  a  result  of  the  claims 
of  sovereignty  of  the  Knights  of  the  Sword  over  the 
Archbishop  of  Riga.     The  Knights  of 
the    Sword,    amalgamated    since    1237 
TMriWe"  with  t^ie  Knights  of  the  Cross,  were  the 

1562-1571  masters  of  that  strip  of  the  Baltic  littoral 

which  comprised  Courland,  Esthonia 
and  Livonia,  the  last  being  known  in  Poland  by  the 
name  of  Inflanty.  Ivan  decided  to  exploit  the  feud. 
He  sent  an  army  against  the  Knights  and  took  a  few 
cities.  The  Grand  Master  of  the  Order,  receiving  no 
support  from  the  German  Emperor,  resigned  and 
Gothard  von  Kettler  took  his  place.  The  Swedish 
King,  joining  Ivan,  overrode  Esthonia,  and  the 
Danish  fleet  occupied  the  seacoast  of  Courland  and 
the  Island  of  Osel.  The  Letts  revolted  against  their 
Teutonic  oppressors.  Kettler  and  the  Bishop  of 


THE  END  OF  JAGIELLON  DYNASTY  159 

Riga,  seeing  that  they  would  be  unable  to  defend 
the  country,  turned  to  Poland  for  help  and  offered 
Livonia  to  the  Polish  crown.  Kettler,  following  the 
example  of  the  last  Grand  Master  of  the  Order  of  the 
Cross,  threw  off  his  religious  vows  and  became  a 
secular  prince  of  Courland  and  a  vassal  of  Poland. 
After  the  extinction  of  his  house,  Courland  was  to 
become  an  integral  part  of  Poland. 

Meanwhile,   Livonia  came  under  Polish  sover- 
eignty with  a  wide  local  autonomy.    The  accession  of 
that  province  was  very  valuable.       It 
The  Acquisi-        gave  poian(j  the  estuary  of  the  Dvina, 

orTvoni?11^       With   the   City  °f  Ri&a    and    Other    C0n- 

i56i  venient  ports  on  the  Baltic. 

Sweden  and  Denmark,  content  with 
their  large  acquisitions,  soon  entered  into  peace 
negotations  with  Poland.  Ivan,  however,  seeing 
in  Poland's  aggrandizement  a  blow  to  his  ambition, 
resorted  to  arms  and  the  war  begun  by  him  lasted 
a  whole  decade.  The  King  of  Poland  protested 
to  Queen  Elizabeth  of  England  against  the  illicit 
trade  in  arms  which  the  English  sailors  were  carry- 
ing on  and  threatened  with  death  penalty  those 
of  them  who  might  be  caught  indulging  in  it.  In 
this  document  Poland  sounded  the  following  remark- 
able note  of  warning:  "The  Muscovite,  who  is  not 
only  our  opponent  of  to-day  but  the  eternal  enemy  of 
all  free  nations,  should  not  be  allowed  to  supply  him- 
self with  cannons,  bullets  and  munitions  or  with 
artisans  who  manufacture  arms  hitherto  unknown  to 
those  barbarians."  *  In  1571  peace  was  finally  con- 
cluded, according  to  the  terms  of  which  a  part  of 
Livonia  and  the  Lithuanian  city  of  Polotsk  went  to 
Muscovy. 

*  Sir    Donald    Mackenzie    Wallace    "Russia,"    Encyclopedia    Brit- 
tanica,  1911,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  896. 


160  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

While  the  war  with  Ivan  was  going  on  the  ruling 
family  of  East  Prussia  became  extinct  and  the  coun- 
try was,  according  to  the  treaty  of  1525, 
The  Heredi-        to  revert  to  the  Polish  crown.     Owing, 
tary  Umon          however,  to  the  engagement  with  Mus- 

of  East  Prussia  '     ,  ...   *          -,11,  vu 

with  Bran-  covy  and  the  still  unsettled  terms  with 
denburg,  1563.  the  Scandinavian  countries,  Joachim 
Hohenzollern,  the  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg, was  able  to  prevail  upon  Poland  to  allow  him  to 
establish  himself  permanently  in  East  Prussia  and 
thus  to  unite  it  with  Brandenburg  by  a  dynastic 
union.  Polish  diplomacy  failed  to  recognize  the 
grave  danger  of  this  expansion  of  Brandenburg. 
Every  effort  was  then  strained  to  stay  the  Muscovite 
menace  and  to  establish  a  closer  union  with  Lithu- 
ania and  Ruthenia  for  more  effective  defense  against 
the  Muscovite  aggression,  the  far-reaching  conse- 
quences of  which  were  not  then  fully  discernible  to 
west  European  diplomacy  despite  the  Polish  warning. 
The  need  of  a  closer  union  was  the  more  urgent 
because  the  king  was  childless,  and  upon  his  death  a 
strife  was  certain  to  ensue.  The  Tagiel- 

The  Union  of  t,     1  u  •      T  vt. 

Lublin  1569  *ons  nac*  hereditary  rights  in  Lithuania 
and  Ruthenia,  but  none  in  Poland.  The 
two  countries  had  separate  parliaments,  armies,  money 
and  institutions.  The  laws  of  the  two  countries  also 
were  not  exactly  the  same;  different  also  were  the 
systems  of  taxation  and  of  land  tenure.  The  need  of 
a  more  unified  and  homogeneous  organization  was 
frequently  pointed  out  by  the  Polish  statesmen  and 
was  favored  by  the  nobles  of  Lithuania  and  Ruthenia, 
as  it  would  give  them  the  enjoyment  of  greater  privi- 
leges and  possibilities  and  opportunities  for  a  broader 
social  and  economic  development.  The  two  countries 
had  a  similar  economic  basis  and  one  and  the  same 


THE  -END  OF  JAGIELLON  DYNASTY  161 

system  of  water  routes.  Moreover,  Polish  coloni- 
zation at  the  time  reached  the  Dnieper,  and  the 
Polish,  Lithuanian  and  Ruthenian  families  became 
considerably  interrelated  by  marriage  and  lost  their 
separatist  race  consciousness.  The  Polish  language 
had  become  the  common  property  of  the  nobles  of  the 
three  nations.  The  opposition  was  limited  almost 
exclusively  to  the  magnates,  who  were  loath  to  lose 
the  great  prerogatives  they  enjoyed  under  the  less 
democratic  laws  of  Lithuania.  Throughout  Polish 
history,  until  this  very  day,  this  element  of  large 
landowners  of  Poland,  Lithuania  and  Ruthenia  has 
consistently  opposed  all  reforms  which  aim  at  the 
democratization  of  the  country.  They  would  rather 
see  the  country  disrupted  than  see  it  democratic. 

At  the  time  of  Zygmunt  II  August  the  body 
politic  was  still  healthy  enough  to  curb  the  anarchy 
of  the  magnates  and  when  the  Lithuanian  and 
Ruthenian  lords,  after  repeated  attempts  and  persua- 
sions on  the  part  of  the  king  and  the  patriots,  which 
continued  for  several  years,  remained  obstinate  and 
left  the  convention,  the  king,  amidst  great  enthusiasm, 
most  solemnly  declared  the  union  accomplished  "in 
contumacium."  This  took  place  in  1569  in  the  City 
of  Lublin,  and  hence  the  union  is  known  by  the  name 
of  that  ancient  and  historic  town.  It  was  a  great 
political  achievement  and  was  characterized  as  the 
union  of  "the  free  with  the  free,  and  of  the  equal  with 
the  equal."  It  established  equal  rights  and  equal 
duties  for  all  nationalities  throughout  the  whole  of 
the  vast  domains  of  the  Republic  stretching  from  the 
Baltic  to  the  Black  Sea,  and  from  the  Oder  to  the 
Dnieper.  In  order  to  place  the  two  countries  on  a 
constitutional  equality,  the  king  abdicated  his  heredi- 
tary rights  in  Lithuania,  an  act  which  was  in  pathetic 
contrast  to  his  recognition  of  the  Hohenzollerns  to 


162 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


THE  END  OF  JAGIELLON  DYNASTY  163 

hereditary  rights  in  East  Prussia.  Henceforth  Po- 
land, known  as  Korona  or  the  Crown,  and  Lithuania 
formed  one  inseparable  body  with  one  king  "who  is 
not  born  to  office,"  but  elected  by  the  citizens  of  the 
two  countries  jointly,  and  with  one  Diet  to  which  the 
representatives  of  all  the  lands  of  the  Republic  were 
elected  on  the  same  basis.  The  currency  was  made 
common  for  the  two  countries,  and  the  laws  of  settle- 
ment and  of  land  tenure  identical.  Volhynia,  the 
province  of  Kieff,  and  Podlasie  (the  country  watered 
by  the  Narew  and  the  Bug)  became  integral  parts  of 


FIG.   00— THE   MOUND  ERECTED  AT   LEMBERG  TO   COMMEMORATE 
THE   UNION    OF   LUBLIN. 

Poland,  as  did  West  Prussia.  The  City  of  Danzig  in 
West  Prussia  received  subsequently  a  special  constitu- 
tion. Ruthenia,  with  the  exception  of  the  three 
provinces  above  mentioned,  became  an  integral  part 
of  Lithuania.  Livonia  belonged  to  both  Poland  and 
Lithuania,  and  the  Moldavian  Hospodar  remained  a 
vassal  of  the  Polish  King.  Lithuania  was  to  have  sepa- 
rate courts,  a  separate  treasury  and  a  separate  army. 
The  Diets  were  henceforth  common  and  held  at  War- 
saw, whither  the  king's  residence  was  moved  after  the 
next  election. 

The  union  of  Lublin  was  a  work  of  compromise 
and  far  from  perfection.  It  established,  however,  a 
common  basis  of  law  and  government  and  served  to 
solidify  the  two  countries  very  substantially. 


164  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Three  years  after  the  establishment  of  the  union, 

Zygmunt    II    August    died,    and    the    distinguished 

royal  family  of  the  Jagiellons  came  to 

The  Death  of         an  encj  after  a  reign  of  almost  tWO  CCn- 

jagieiion,  1572      tures,  1386-1572.     In  the  span  of  that 
reign   Poland   grew  from   a   relatively 

unimportant   principality   into   one   of   the   greatest 

powers  of  Europe. 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  the  last  Jagiellon 

arose  the  important  question,  for  which  no  provision 
existed   in   the   constitution,   regarding 

The  Interrex  t  '  , 

the  status  of  the  government  during 
interregnum.  All  the  state  officers,  administrative 
and  judicial,  acting  in  the  name  of  the  king,  were  de- 
prived of  the  legal  basis  of  their  activities.  Someone 
had  to  take  the  king's  place  until  the  election.  Two 
men  laid  claims  to  the  office  of  the  interrex:  the 
Archbishop  of  Gniezno  and  the  President  of  the  Diet. 
The  contest  was,  in  a  way,  a  clash  of  the  Catholic 
Church  with  the  Reformers,  as  Firley,  the  President 
of  the  Diet,  was  a  follower  of  Calvin.  The  jealousy 
of  some  of  the  other  magnates  prevented  Firley's 
election.  Archbishop  Uchanski  was  declared  to  be 
the  representative  of  the  nation  during  the  inter- 
regnum. This  election  established  a  precedent,  and 
henceforth  the  Primate  was  the  interrex  pending  the 
election  of  a  new  king. 

It  is  to  the  credit  of  the  patriotism  and  civic 
maturity  of  the  nobles  that  the  life  of  the  country 

went  on  undisturbed  during  this  period. 

The  Cowl  A       .       , ,  L    T      j 

Confederate  As  m  tne  interregnum  following  Lud- 
wig's  death,  1382-1384,  the  local  con- 
federacies of  the  nobles  formed  in  various  provinces 
carried  on  the  administrative  local  work,  set  up 
temporary  courts  and  executives,  and  admirably 
preserved  order  and  peace.  Like  the  interrex,  the 


THE  END  OF  JAGIELLON  DYNASTY 


165 


confederacies,  known  as  those  of  the  cowl  from  the 
cowl  worn  as  a  sign  of  mourning,  became  recognized 


constitutional  institutions  during  interregnum.     The 
device  which  was  of  value  as  a  spontaneous  measure 


166  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

proved  to  be  a  clumsy  and  unwieldy  one  when  made 
a  regular  instrument  of  government.  Another  pre- 
cedent was  established  during  the  first  interregnum, 
and  that  was  the  "convocation"  session  of  the  Diet, 
which  always  took  place  before  the  election  of  the 
king.  The  convocation  Diet  was  held  in  Warsaw 
in  January,  1573.  At  this  Diet  the  methods  to  be  fol- 
lowed at  the  elections  were  adopted. 

The    non-Conformists    tried    to    undo    the    law 
passed  in  Zygmunt   I's   reign,  establishing  the   so- 
called  "viritim"  or  direct  elections,  pro- 
posing an  indirect  method  by  a  body  of 

Elections  r,  .  -  / 

chosen  electors  four  times  larger  than 
the  number  of  representatives  in  the  Diet.  The  Cath- 
olics, whose  power  lay  with  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
nobility,  objected  to  the  indirect  methods  as  an 
usurpation  of  the  "golden  liberties"  of  the  citizenry, 
and  defeated  the  amendment  in  favor  of  the  primitive 
methods  suitable  for  a  small  town  moot. 

The  place  designated  for  the  election  was  a  field 
at  the  outskirts  of  the  city  of  Warsaw.  The  choice  of 
a  city  in  the  heart  of  Mazovia  favored  the  Catholic 
Church,  as,  on  account  of  the  proximity  of  the  city,  the 
Mazurs  could  come  in  great  numbers  and  sway  the 
election. 

Seeing  that  they  were  in  a  minority,  the  non-Con- 
formists or  Dissidents,  formed  a  closer  association 

known  as  the  Warsaw  confederacy,  in 
The  Warsaw  which  they  pledged  themselves  to  see  to 
Confederacy  it  that  law  and  order  were  preserved 
of  Rdigio^T6  and  that  complete  freedom  of  con- 
Tolerance,  science  be  guaranteed.  This  act  of  the 
1573  confederacy,  demanding  freedom  of 

religious  belief,  was  submitted  to  the 
Convocation  Diet  and  overwhelmingly  carried,  only 
the  bishops  voting  against  it.  The  act  of  the  Warsaw 


THE  END  OF  JAGIELLON  DYNASTY 


167 


Confederacy  became  the  legal  basis  of  the  position  of 
the  non-Conformists  in  the  future  and  one  of  the  chief 
organic  statutes  of  the  Republic. 

The  election  was  held  in  April,  1573,  and  over 

forty  thousand  voters  assembled.    There  were  many 

candidates:     Henri  Valois,  the  brother 

The  Election         f  th    French  King  Charles  IX;  Arch- 

of  Henri  ^  TT      ° 

Valois,  1573         duke    brnest    Hapsburg,    the   younger 

son  of  Emperor  Maximilian   II;  Tsar 

Ivan  the  Terrible;  King  John  of  Sweden;  Prince  Ste- 


(J.   Mateykol 
FIG.   91 — HENRI  VAL.OIS,   1573-1574 


fan  Batory  of  Transylvania,  and  some  Polish  candi- 
dates. The  French  candidate  carried  the  election, 
supported  by  the  Church  and  by  many  among  the 
non-Conformists,  who  were  in  his  favor,  provided  he 
pledge  the  support  of  the  articles  of  their  confedera- 


168  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

tion  guaranteeing  freedom  of  faith.  The  pacta  con- 
venta,  or  the  covenant  which  the  elected  king  had 
to  sign,  specified  a  great  many  conditions  to  be  ful- 
filled, among  them,  the  building  of  a  navy  on  the  Bal- 
tic. He  had  also  to  swear  to  respect  the  liberties  and 
privileges  of  the  nobles. 

The  new  king,  reared  in  an  entirely  different 
political  atmosphere,  did  not  consider  himself  bound 
by  the  provisions  of  the  covenant  and 

"8?™       almost     immediately    aroused    serious 

in  1574  .    .  i   •      i   •     i  i  i  11 

opposition  by  his  highhanded  methods. 
He  was  in  Poland  only  five  months  when  the  news  of 
his  brother's  death  reached  him,  and  very  soon  after- 
ward the  country  was  apprised  that  their  monarch 
had  fled  to  become  King  Henry  III  of  France. 
His  behavior  was  shocking  and  humiliating  to  the 
nation,  whose  cultural  attainments  at  the  time  were 
at  least  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  those  of  France. 
Morfill,  in  his  book  on  Poland,  gives  a  description  of 
the  Polish  delegation  sent  to  France  to  inform  Henri 
Valois  of  his  election,  which  throws  an  interesting 
light  upon  the  educational  accomplishments  of  the 
Poles  at  that  period.  He  says:  "On  conversing  with 
the  Poles,  the  French  were  struck  with  their  facility 
in  speaking  Latin,  French,  German  and  Italian.  Some 
of  them  even  spoke  the  French  language  with  such 
facility  that,  according  to  a  contemporary  writer, 
they  might  have  been  taken  for  inhabitants  of  the 
banks  of  the  Seine  or  the  Loire,  rather  than  men  born 
in  countries  watered  by  the  Vistula  and  Dnieper.  The 
nobility  of  the  Court  of  Charles  IX  were  obliged  to 
blush  at  their  own  ignorance,  for  there  were  only  two, 
the  Baron  de  Millan  and  the  Marquis  de  Castlellau 
Mauvissiere,  who  could  answer  them  in  Latin,  and 
they  had  been  expressly  sent  to  maintain  the  honor 
of  their  order.  The  other  nobles,  when  the  new- 


THE  END  OF  JAGIELLON  DYNASTY  169 

comers  spoke  to  them  in  that  language,  could  only 
reply  by  signs  or  stammering."  * 

The  experience  with  the  universal  direct  elec- 
tions and  with  foreign  kings  should  have  been  taken 
for  a  bad  omen,  and  the  pre-election  in- 
Royal  Elec-         trigues   for  an   indication   of   how  de- 
tions  Afforded      structive  the  policy  would  eventually  be 

forPForUefny      '    f°r    Poland»    b°Und    as    she    was    On    a11 

Monarchjf"  sides  by  strong  monarchies  whose  sov- 
to  Meddle  in  ereigns  sought  the  Polish  crown  for 
Polish  internal  selfish  and  dynastic  advantages.  TUe 
Affairs  elections  opened  a  way  for  foreign  ene- 

mies to  take  active  part  in  Polish  poli- 
tics, and  by  intrigues  and  corruption  to  disorganize, 
demoralize  and  weaken  the  country.  An  enlightened 
body  of  patriots  saw  the  dangers  and  tried  to  prevent 
them,  but  were  defeated  by  the  self-seeking  magnates 
and  the  Church.  A  period  of  political  decline  was 
not  slow  to  set  in,  despite  the  noble  efforts  of  great 
statesmen  and  warriors  who  endeavored  to  steer  the 
ship  of  state  clear  of  the  rocks  of  destruction  for 
which  she  was  headed,  propelled  by  the  exalted  but 
impractical  ideals  of  individual  liberty  on  the  part  of 
the  citizenry,  and  by  the  selfish  designs  of  powerful 
and  greedy  neighbors  aided  in  their  destructive  work 
by  the  ambitions  and  selfish  particularism  of  certain 
Polish  elements. 

o 


*  W.  R.  Morfill  "Poland,"  N.  Y.,  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1908,  p.  94. 


FIG.    92— AN   ALTAR   CLOTH   EMBROIDERED    BY   QUEEN   ANNA   JAGIELLON 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  Catholic  Reaction 

After  the  ignominious  flight  of  King  tlenry  new 
elections  were  ordered.  In  addition  to  the  candidates 
of  the  preceding  election  a  few  more  ap- 
The  Reforms  peared,  but  the  issue  simmered  down  to 
of  Stefan  a  chojce  between  the  Austrian  Emperor, 

15*6-1586  Maximilian  II,  and  Stefan  Batory,  Duke 

of  Transylvania,  who  was  married  to 
Anna  Jagiellon,  sister  of  Zygmunt  II  August.  The 
Senate  elected  the  former,  the  nobles  the  latter,  and 
no  compromise  could  be  reached.  Both  sides  gathered 
forces  for  a  bloody  decision  of  the  question.  Batory 
was  first  to  arrive  at  Cracow,  while  the  city  was  held 
by  his  supporters,  and  was  promptly  crowned  in  1576. 
The  party  of  the  Emperor  was  loosing  strength  and 
soon  capitulated.  Batory  was  recognized  throughout 
Poland  and  Lithuania  with  the  exception  of  West 
Prussia.  As  a  consequence  a  short  war  ensued,  in 
the  course  of  which  Danzig  suffered  greatly  for  its 
obstinacy,  and  the  rebellion  came  to  a  speedy  end. 

While  the  unanimous  election  of  Henry  Valois 
had  been  a  keen  disappointment,  the  divided  election 
of  Batory  was  to  be  a  great  success.  The  new  King 
was  a  man  of  rare  attainments  and  unusual  abilities. 
Accomplished  in  the  arts  of  diplomacy  and  warfare, 
he  combined  in  one  person  the  statesman  and  the 
general,  blending  wisdom  and  tact  with  knowledge 
and  determination.  He  never  transgressed  any  of  his 
constitutional  privileges  and  scrupulously  respected 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION 


171 


(J.   Matey ko) 


FIG.    93— STEFAN   BATORY    (1574-1686) 


172  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

the  rights  of  the  nobles,  but  in  return  demanded  a 
similarly  unequivocal  respect  of  the  law  on  the  part 
of  others,  and  dealt  very  decisively  and  severely  with 
those  who  exhibited  anarchistic  proclivities.  Famous 
is  the  case  of  the  brothers  Zborowski,  powerful  and 
wealthy  palatines,  who  combined  ambition  with  rest- 
less spirit.  Samuel  Zborowski  had  been  banished 
from  the  country  by  Henri  Valois,  but  returned  in 
Batory's  time,  and  launched  a  furious  campaign 
against  the  King  and  his  able  chancellor,  John  Za- 
moyski,  in  the  course  of  which  he  even  went  so  far  as 
to  invoke  the  aid  of  foreign  monarchs.  When  over- 
powered by  Batory  he  was  promptly  executed  and  his 
brother  and  co-worker  exiled  from  the  country.  The 
palatines  soon  realized  that  it  was  not  a  figurehead 
who  sat  on  the  throne  of  Poland.  George  Oscik,  the 
Lithuanian  magnate  who  carried  on  treacherous  ne- 
gotations  with  the  Tsar  of  Muscovy,  was,  like 
Zborowski,  dealt  with  summarily. 

It  is  significant  that  one  of  Batory's  first  reforms 
concerned  the  judiciary.  The  King's  Court,  to  which 
final  appeals  were  taken,  in  the  course  of  time 
became  a  most  ineffcient  institution,  clogged  with  ac- 
cumulated business  and  too  remote  from  the  people 
in  a  time  when  means  of  communication  were  very 
scanty  and  poor.  Batory  established  three  tribunals 
which  were  to  take  the  place  of  the  King's  Court  of 
Appeals  in  civil  matters.  The  tribunal  at  Piotrkow 
had  jurisdiction  over  Great  Poland,  that  of  Lublin 
over  Little  Poland,  and  a  separate  tribunal  was  estab- 
lished for  Lithuania.  The  King's  Court  continued  to 
hear  appeals  in  criminal  cases.  The  judges  of  the 
tribunals  were  elected  by  the  nobility.  The  King's 
consent  to  elective  judges  was  not  obtained  until  the 
Diet  refused  to  vote  the  necessary  funds  for  the  war 
with  Muscovy.  The  emancipation  of  the  nobles  from 


173 


royal  jurisdiction  abolished  the  last  vestige  of  kingly 
power  over  them.  Moreover,  the  King's  Court  had 
been  the  only  institution  in  which  the  despised 
burghers  were  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  the  nobles. 
In  defense  of  the  nobles  with  reference  to  their  atti- 
tude toward  other  estates,  it  must  be  stated  that  they 


FIG.    94 — CHANCELLOR    JAN    ZAMOYSKI,    1541-1605, 

Great  statesman  and  democrat,   author  of  the  famous  work   "De  Senatu 

Romano"   and   founder  of  the  Zamosd  Academy 

exclusively  bore  many  state  and  military  burdens,  and 
that  they  had  not  considered  their  estate  as  a  close 
corporation.  On  the  contrary,  thanks  to  the  influence 
of  Chancellor  John  Zamoyski,  one  of  the  greatest  an-d 
finest  spirits  of  Poland,  thousands  from  among  the 
burghers  and  business  people  were  ennobled.  The 


174  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

demand  for  elective  judges  was,  however,  against  the 
political  ideals  of  the  King  who  well  realized  that 
what  the  country  most  needed  was  not  more  liberties, 
but  a  strong  centralized  power  to  guide  it,  and  that 
any  dissipation  of  such  a  centralized  power  was  de- 
trimental. 

Aiming  to  establish  a  strong  monarchial  govern- 
ment, Batory  singled  out  the  Catholic  Church  for  his 
particular  favors.  The  principles  of  the  Church 
favored  the  monarchial  idea.  The  Catholic  Church 
taught  that  the  source  of  royal  power  was  divine  and 
that  absolute  monarchy  was  the  best  form  of  govern- 
ment, sanctioned  by  the  Scriptures.  The  Jesuits  were 
particularly  gifted  exponents  of  this  theory  and  for 
that  reason  were  greatly  encouraged  by  the  King. 
Despite  Batory's  strong  leaning  toward  the  Catholic 
Church  he  had,  however,  never  submitted  to  the  insist- 
ent demands  made  upon  him  to  abrogate  the  Articles 
of  the  Warsaw  Confederation,  which  he  had  sworn  to 
maintain.  .Although  he  rejoiced  to  see  the  steady 
decline  of  the  Reformation  movement  in  Poland,  he 
never  broke  his  pledge  of  tolerance. 

Batory's  illustrious  reign  is  noted  not  only  for 
his  successful  curbing  of  anarchy,  but  also  for  his 
wise  foreign  policy  and  his  success  in  bringing  about 
the  organization  of  a  strong  standing  army,  the 
origin  of  which  dated  back  to  the  time  of  Zygmunt  II 
August,  when  the  Diet  had  voted  one-fourth  of  the 
income  from  the  crown  lands  for  defensive  military 
purposes.  A  strong  army  was  needed  for  the  exe- 
cution of  Batory's  plans  which  aimed  at  the  develop- 
ment of  Ukraine  and  a  free  access  to  the  Black  Sea, 
made  hitherto  impossible  by  the  constant  raids  of 
Turks  and  Tartars.  It  did  not  take  him  long  to 
organize  a  large  and  efficient  army.  Peasants  were 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION 


175 


176  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

encouraged  to  join  the  infantry,  and  in  compensation 
for  their  services  their  families  were  granted  exemp- 
tion from  certain  duties.  Many  of  the  peasants  were 
raised  to  the  rank  of  nobles  in  recognition  of  their 
valor.  The  Cossacks  were  drafted  into  the  regular 
service  and  organized  into  regiments  of  light  cavalry. 
While  Batory  was  organizing  the  army,  Ivan  the  Ter- 
rible invaded  Livonia  in  1577  and  ruthlessly  devas- 
tated the  country.  The  Polish  King  was  not  quite 
ready  to  meet  him,  but  very  soon  he  rallied  his  forces 
and  personally  led  them  against  the  Muscovites.  Not 
only  were  they  driven  out  of  Livonia,  but  were 
pursued  eastward  to  Pskov.  Ivan  sued  for  peace 
but  Batory,  though  hampered  by  a  lack  of  financial 
support  from  the  Diet,  refused  to  negotiate.  The 
Tsar  then  brought  into  play  all  his  powers  of 
Oriental  treachery  and  diplomacy.  He  again  assured 
the  Pope  that  he  contemplated  joining  the  Roman 
Church  and  sending  an  expedition  against  Turkey. 
In  return  he  asked  support  against  the  Polish  King, 
whom  he  called  the  ally  of  the  Infidel.  The  Pope 
dispatched  Antonio  Possevino,  a  famous  Jesuit,  who 
persuaded  Batory  that  it  was  for  the  best  interests 
of  the  Church  to  establish  peace.  The  treaty  which 
followed,  1582,  deprived  Ivan  of  all  his  previous  pos- 
sesions  in  Livonia  and  of  the  Duchy  of  Polotsk. 
Batory's  dream  of  conquering  Moscow  and  adding 
this  vast  territory  to  the  Polish  union  was  not  real- 
ized at  the  time,  but  he  never  abandoned  it. 

To  offset  the  influence  of  Great  Britain,  then 
supporting  Muscovy,  Batory  conceived  the  plan  of 
strengthening  the  league  of  the  Baltic  cities.  Amidst 
preparations  for  a  new  campaign  against  Muscovy, 
which  was  to  be  followed  by  another  against  Turkey, 
this  great  monarch  died,  after  a  short  illness,  in 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION  177 

Grodno,  on  December  12,  1586,  being  only  fifty-three 
years  old. 

The  firm  political  structure  he  had  reared  by  his 


FIG.  96 — THE  TOMB  OF  STEFAN  BATORY  AT  THE  CATHEDRAL  OF  CRACOW 

constructive  genius  and  the  strong  government  he 
had  established  with  the  aid  of  Za- 
The  Bigotry  moyski  were  soon  to  collapse,  during 
of  Zygmunt  ^Q  stormv  an(j  turbulent  interregnum 
1587-1632  which  followed  his  untimely  death. 

The  interregnum,  1586-1587,  ended 
in  a  war.    The  chief  candidates  for  the  Polish  throne 


178 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


were  the  Swedish  Archduke  Zygmunt  Vasa,  son  of 
King  John  and  Catherine  Jagiellon,  the  second  sister 
of  Zygmunt  II  August,  and  Maximillian,  brother  of 


(J.    Mateyko) 


FIG.    97— ZYGMUNT   III    (1587-1632) 


the  Emperor  Rudolph  II.  A  strong  party  of  nobles 
under  the  leadership  of  John  Zamoyski  favored  the 
Swedish  candidate.  The  other  was  commanded  by 
Zborowski,  who  raged  with  hatred  toward  the  great 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION  179 

Chancellor  of  the  late  King.  All  the  turbulent  and 
boisterous  elements  held  in  leash  by  the  strong  hand 
of  Batory  gave  vent  to  their  reactionary  impulses 
when  kindled  by  partisan  and  political  animosity. 
Riots  broke  out  in  many  places.  The  discussions  in 
the  Convocation  Diet  were  extremely  animated  and 
prolonged.  The  country  was  desirous  of  having 
the  interregnum  ended,  but  evidently  no  compromise 
could  be  reached.  Finally,  on  the  19th  of  August, 
1587,  the  Swedish  Archduke  was  declared  King  by 
the  Zamoyski  faction.  Three  days  later  the  Zborows- 
kis  announced  the  election  of  Maximillian.  The 
choice  of  the  Zamoyski  faction  prevailed,  but  the 
victory  of  the  partisans  of  the  Swedish  Archduke 
proved  to  be  a  great  disappointment  at  first  and  a 
veritable  calamity  in  the  end.  The  new  King,  though 
very  young,  was  not  that  tabula  rasa  he  was  depicted 
by  his  tutor  which  would  easily  receive  the  impress 
the  Poles  wanted  to  make  on  it.  On  the  contrary, 
he  was  possessed  of  a  strong  character  and  came 
to  Poland  with  a  ready  political  program  which 
was  entirely  out  of  accord  with  the  political  ten- 
dencies of  the  party  that  had  elected  him.  The  new 
King  was  ultra-Catholic  and  regarded  the  propaga- 
tion of  the  Faith  as  his  chief  mission.  In  this  he 
naturally  sided  with  the  Hapsburgs  of  Austria  and 
Spain.  The  party  that  had  elected  him,  though  com- 
prised in  a  large  majority  of  Catholics  attached  to  the 
Church,  was  heir  to  the  lofty  principles  of  tolerance 
which  characterized  the  Jagiellon  polity,  and  for  that 
reason  chiefly  was  so  vigorously  opposed  to  the  elec- 
tion of  Maximillian,  seeing  in  a  union  with  the  Haps- 
burgs a  danger  to  the  time-honored  institutions  of  the 
Republic.  Zygmunt  very  soon  alienated  his  former 
supporters  and  began  very  ardently  to  foster  Catholi- 
cism by  all  available  means.  He  married  one  of  the 


180  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Austrian  princesses  without  asking  the  consent  of 
the  Senate.  He  thus  closely  bound  himself  to  the 
Hapsburgs  and  violated  the  constitution  which  he 
had  sworn  to  respect.  To  make  matters  worse,  it 
was  soon  discovered  that  he  was  planning  to  abdi- 
cate the  throne  in  favor  of  Ernest  Hapsburg  in  return 
for  the  support  of  his  claims  in  Sweden  by  the  Em- 
peror. The  understanding  also  provided  that  Ernest 
was  to  release  him  from  the  pledge  of  ceding 
Esthonia  to  Poland,  to  which  he  had  sworn  in  the 
pacta  conventa.  He  was  impeached,  and  though 
at  the  'Inquisitorial"  (as  it  was  called)  session  of  the 
Diet  he  denied  the  charges,  his  prestige  became 
undermined,  1592. 

Meanwhile    the    Catholic    reaction    had    been 
making  great  headway.    The  Jesuits  began  to  exer- 
cise a  powerful  influence  over  the  edu- 

cation  and  modes  of  thought  of  the 
influence  people.  Their  pupils  were  brought  up 

in  a  hitherto  unheard-of  fanaticism  and 
in  an  abject  servility  to  the  mighty.  The  very  con- 
servative Polish  historian,  Professor  Sokolowski  so 
characterizes  the  results  of  the  Jesuit  endeavors: 

"Superficiality  and  pompousness  had  become  the  chief  char- 
acteristics of  literature  as  well  as  of  education ;  the  authors  and 
orators  concealed  their  dearth  of  thought  and  lack  of  substance 
under  a  flood  of  classical  quotations ;  the  manly  style  of  the  time 
of  Zygmunt  II  August  dissolved  itself  into  macaronism,  seasoned 
with  seeming  earnestness.  The  style  once  so  deftly  ridiculed  by 
Kochanowski  (Carmen  Macaronicum)  received  the  right  of 
citizenship  in  literature,  and  -encyclopaedic  knowledge  drowned 
all  originality  of  thought  and  soberness  of  judgment." 

The  King  encouraged  far-reaching  repressive 
measures  and  gave  a  personal  example  of  intolerance 
by  withholding  all  state  offices  from  non-conformists 
or  "dissidents,"  and  by  not  heeding  the  complaints 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION 


181 


made  against  the  "heretical  tumults."  The  Protes- 
tants were  held  up  to  scorn,  subjected  to  maltreat- 
ment as  enemies  of  their  own  country,  and  were  made 
the  victims  of  the  street  riots  and  pillage.  Religious 
fanaticism,  hitherto  alien  to  the  Polish  character,  was 
diligently  instilled  by  a  foreign  King  seeking  to 


(J.    Mateyko) 
FIG.   98 — PETER  SKARGA,   the  great  preacher  of  the  time  of  Zygmunt   III 

advance  his  own  interests  through  an  exaggerated 
devotion  to  the  Church.  The  Jesuits  became  a  veri- 
table power,  and  through  their  influence  alone  could 
one  obtain  offices  and  distinction.  Great  statesmen 
and  patriots,  like  John  Zamoyski  and  Peter  Skarga, 


182 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION  183 

the  King's  chaplain,  himself  a  Jesuit,  and  others,  saw 
that  the  course  pursued  by  the  King  was  fatal  to  the 
country. 

The  dynastic  difficulties  of  the  King  in  his  native 
country  to  the  north  plunged  Poland  into  a  series  of 
disastrous  wars.  John  III  Vasa  died  in  1592.  At 


FIG.  100— HETMAN  JAN  KAROL  CHODKIEWICZ 

the  news  of  his  father's  death  Zygmunt  went  to 
Sweden.  Many  among  the  Poles  hoped  that  he  would 
never  return.  Unfortunately  for  Poland,  Sweden 
fearing  the  fanatic,  refused  to  recognize  him,  although 
he  was  crowned  at  Upsala.  His  uncle,  the  Duke  of 
Sudermania,  headed  the  opposition.  When  the  latter 
ascended  the  throne  as  Charles  IX,  Zygmunt  turned 


184  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

to  Poland  with  a  request  for  support  against  his 
uncle.  The  Polish  Diet  refused  the  support,  where- 
upon Zygmunt  recalled  the  "pacta  conventa"  and 
magnanimously  offered  Esthonia  to  Poland  in  order 
to  force  an  inevitable  war  upon  an  unwilling  country. 
The  Polish  victory  under  Chodkiewicz  at  Kirchholm, 
in  1605,  would  have  led  to  a  great  offensive  campaign 
against  Sweden  had  the  nation's  attention  not  been 
turned  to  an  internal  rebellion  and  a  war  with  Mus- 
covy. 

The  rebellion,  known  as  that  of  Zebrzydowski, 

who  was  its  leader,  was  an  attempt  to  overthrow  the 

King  whose  foreign  policy  was  so  inimi- 

'ebc"ion      cal  to  the  interests  of  the  country,  and 

Against  the  .  .  .  ,    •" 

King  who     so     persistently    opposed     every 

measure  of  sound  internal  reform. 
When  a  proposal  of  changing  the  method  of  elections 
was  made,  whereby  the  principle  of  majority  vote 
was  to  supersede  the  unanimity  of  decision,  the  King 
vetoed  the  measure.  It  was  apparent  to  everybody 
that  "absolutum  dominium"  was  the  aim  of  the  King, 
who  disregarded  all  constitutional  restrictions.  In 
1605  he  again  married  a  Hapsburg  Princess  and 
again  without  the  consent  of  the  Senate.  The  oc- 
casion produced  the  spark  which  caused  the  con- 
flagration. The  opposition,  now  deprived  of  the  wise 
and  conservative  leadership  of  Zamoyski  who  had 
died,  formed  a  confederacy  and  raised  a  considerable 
rebel  army.  Unfortunately  they  failed  in  their  des- 
perate attempt  to  get  rid  of  the  blighting  influence  of 
the  royal  enemy  of  Poland,  and  the  victorious  King 
could  continue  unhamperd  his  disastrous  policy  of 
intrigue,  and  selfishness.  It  was  on  account  of  his 
personal  character  that  the  Russian  campaign,  in- 
augurated most  auspiciously,  ended  in  a  fiasco. 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION 


185 


The  self-styled  Tsar  of  Russia,  Demetrius,  who 
followed  the  murdered  Boris  Godunov  to  the  throne 
of  Moscow,  was  a  man  of  western 
sympathies  and  a  friend  of  Poland. 
His  wife  and  court  were  Polish.  In 
1606,  while  the  Zebrzydowski  rebellion  was  raging  in 
Poland,  the  agents  of  Basil  Shooyski  murdered 


The  War  with 
Muscovy 


X.. 


FIG.    101 — HETMAN   STANISL.AV   ZOLKIEWSKI,    the   conqueror  of   Moscow 

Demetrius  and  with  him  a  large  number  of  Poles 
residing  in  Moscow.  This  act  led  to  war  with  Poland. 
The  Polish  hetman,  or  commander-in-chief,  Stanislav 
Zolkiewski,  reached  Moscow,  took  Shooyski  and  his 
family  as  prisoners  and  entered  into  negotiations 
with  the  Council  of  Boyars.  By  a  solemn  treaty, 
the  boyars  recognized  Wladyslav,  the  son  of  the 
Polish  King,  as  their  Tsar  and  subsequently  the 


186  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

population  of  the  capital  took  an  oath  of  fealty.  A 
splendid  opportunity  offered  itself  for  Poland  to  civil- 
ize the  vast  domains  of  Muscovy.  The  fanatical 
and  ambitious  Zygmunt  frustrated  this  great  op- 
portunity by  recalling  Zolkiewski  and  the  crown 
troops  from  Moscow  and  by  insisting  on  his  personal 
claims  to  the  crown  of  the  Tsars.  The  population 
of  the  Muscovite  capital  abhorred  the  thought  of  a 
Jesuitic  sovereign.  Aided  by  the  Orthodox  clergy 
and  other  conservative  elements  of  Moscow  who 
feared  the  influence  of  the  democratic  institutions  of 
Poland  the  opposition  rose,  and  an  anti-Polish 
movement  was  successfully  launched.  Patriarch 
Hermogen  absolved  the  people  from  the  sworn  oath. 
At  the  news  Zygmunt,  having  captured  Smolensk, 
hastened  to  Moscow,  but  came  too  late.  The  private 
Polish  troops  stationed  there  could  not  curb  the 
animated  bands  directed  by  the  butcher  Minin  and 
the  Prince  Pojarski.  Michael  Romanoff  was  elected 
Tsar,  and  the  dream  of  union  with  Russia  under 
Polish  leadership,  conceived  by  Witold  and  running 
like  a  red  thread  through  the  political  thought  of  the 
Jagiellon  dynasty,  came  to  a  seeming  end,  though 
Wladyslav  did  not  abandon  his  claims  to  the  throne 
of  the  Tsars. 

No  sooner  had  the  conflict  with  Muscovy  ter- 
minated than  the  dark  clouds  of  two  new  wars  gath- 
ered  on   the    horizon.     The    Cossacks, 
I?!-Ecl°"         whom    the    Polish    frontier    palatines 

of  the  Thirty  ,  .  , 

Years' War  endeavored  to  harness,  were  not  only 
rebelling  against  all  restriction  but 
their  constant  raids  on  Turkey  both  in  Europe  and 
Asia  Minor  brought  on  retaliatory  expeditions  by 
the  Tartars,  instigated  by  the  Sultan.  Polish  pala- 
tines themselves,  who  owned  estates  larger  than 
many  a  sovereign  principality  in  central  Europe, 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION  187 

were  carrying  on  wars  of  their  own  with  the  Hos- 
podars  of  Moldavia  and  also  with  the  Turks  and 
Tartars,  and  many  a  time  placed  the  Polish  govern- 
ment in  a  most  awkward  position.  Advantage  was 
taken  by  Turkey  of  one  those  local  encounters  to  de- 
clare war  on  Poland.  The  campaign  was  undertaken 
chiefly  with  a  .view  of  striking  at  Austria  which  was 
then  in  the  throes  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War  and 
in,  which  she  was  indirectly  assisted  by  Poland.  The 
Polish  King  endeavored,  but  did  not  succeed,  to  bring 
Poland  to  the  side  of  the  Hapsburgs.  He,  however, 
permitted  recruiting  volunteers  for  the  army  of  Ferd- 
inand II,  his  brother-in-law.  A  great  Turkish  host 
invaded  Poland  in  1620  and  defeated  a  valiant  but 
small  army  under  the  leadership  of  the  venerable 
Zolkiewski.  The  famous  conqueror  of  Moscow  fell 
in  the  battle  of  Cecora,  not  far  from  Jassy,  and  the 
Polish  army  was  annihilated.  This  bloody  and  de- 
termined battle  retarded  the  progress  of  the  Turkish 
advance  and  by  preventing  the  Ottoman  armies  from 
effecting  a  juncture  with  their  allies,  enabled  the 
Emperor  to  win  the  famous  battle  of  the  White  Hill. 
The  Turks  renewed  their  campaign  on  a  larger  scale 
in  the  following  spring,  but  were  halted  by  the  des- 
perate defense  of  Chocim  on  the  Dniester.  In  1621 
peace  was  restored  between  Poland  and  the  Porte. 

Meanwhile,  the  successor  of  Charles  IX  of 
Sweden,  the  gifted  Gustavus  Adolphus,  desirous  of 
finally  disposing  of  his  cousin's  claims,  sent  an  ex- 
pedition which,  in  1617,  occupied  Livonia.  A  series  of 
pour-parlers  followed.  The  Poles  were  anxious  for 
peace  and  refused  any  money  to  carry  on  further  war, 
but  the  ambitious  King  would  not  consent  to  renounce 
his  claims.  The  conflict  continued  intermittently. 
When  the  Swedish  troops,  however,  overran  West 
Prussia  and  threatened  the  city  of  Thorn,  the  Diet 


188  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

granted  the  necessary  funds  to  start  a  vigorous 
defense.  In  1629  Hetman  Stanislav  Koniecpolski 
defeated  the  Swedes,  and  by  the  intervention  of  En- 
gland and  France,  both  vitally  interested  in  the  suc- 
cess of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  a  six  years'  truce  was 
established,  the  terms  of  which  were  most  unfavor- 
able for  Poland.  By  this  truce  of  Altmark  Sweden 
was  allowed  to  retain  possession  of  her  Livonian 
conquests,  besides  holding  a  large  portion  of  the 
Baltic  littoral,  which  gave  her  control  of  the  principal 
trade  routes  of  the  Baltic  and  a  considerable  revenue 
derived  from  port  tolls.  The  amout  of  these  tolls  in 
.1627  alone  amounted  to  500,000  rix-dollars. 

Not  a  single  measure  championed  by  the  King 
brought  any  gains  to  Poland.  It  was  also  in  the 
reign  of  Zygmunt  III  that  the  unfortunate  error  of 
Polish  diplomacy  with  reference  to  East  Prussia  was 
consummated.  The  recognition,  by  the  last  Jagiellon, 
of  the  right  of  the  Brandenburg  Electors  to  succes- 
sion in  East  Prussia  in  the  case  of  extinction  of  the 
Anspach  line,  was  confirmed  in  the  year  1618,  when 
the  Elector  became  the  ruler  of  that  part  of  Prussia. 

The  ineptitude  and  intolerance  of  Polish  diplo- 
macy of  the  Vasa  period  are  also  partly  responsible 
for  the  failure  to  briner  all  the  Ruthe- 

The  Umate  .  .  *?      ,  ... 

Church  mans  into  a  union  with  the  prevailing 

religion  in  Poland.  From  the  very  first 
years  of  the  political  consolidation  of  Poland  with 
Lithuania  and  Ruthenia  it  was  the  greatest  concern 
of  the  statesmen  of  the  united  countries  to  bring  the 
Ruthenians  closer  to  the  Catholic  Church;  and  it  was 
with  this  view  that  Jagiello  and  Witold  delegated 
Catholic  and  Ruthenian  bishops  first  to  the  Council 
of  Constance  1414-1418,  where  the  matter  was  not 
settled,  and  later  to  the  Councils  of  Basel  and 
Florence,  1431-1449.  As  is  well  known,  the  union 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION  189 

of  the  Eastern  and  Western  churches  was  established 
in  Florence  in  1439,  each  church  retaining  its  own 
rites  and  liturgy,  but  both  recognizing  the  Roman 
Pope  as  the  sole  head  of  the  Church.  The  union 
was  not  lasting  anywhere  except  in  Poland,  where 
it  remained  in  force  practically  throughout  the  XVth 
century.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Moscow  repudiated 
it  from  the  very  beginning,  and  in  Greece  it  came 
to  an  end  with  the  fall  of  Constantinople.  It  was 
a  great  fault  on  the  part  of  Poland  to  allow  the  union 
to  disintegrate  and  to  permit  the  Ruthenians  to  go 
back  again,  jointly  with  the  Muscovite  Church,  under 
the  corruptive  influence  of  Constantinople.  This 
political  blunder  was  in  large  measure  due  to  the 
Reformation.  With  the  advent  of  the  Reformation 
the  idea  of  the  union  became  unpopular,  the  Protes- 
tants joining  hands  with  the  Ruthenians  to  under- 
mine the  established  Church.  With  the  Catholic 
reaction  setting  in  at  the  close  of  the  XVIth  century 
the  idea  of  the  union  again  became  a  matter  of  con- 
siderable concern.  The  conditions  in  the  Orthodox 
Church  at  the  time  were  most  revolting,  and  strongly 
resembled  those  of  the  Roman  Church  in  Luther's 
days.  The  metropolitans  and  bishops  were  leading 
dissolute  lives,  and  the  common  clergy  were  ignorant 
and  equally  immoral.  High  ecclesiastical  offices 
could  be  obtained  for  money  or  by  favoritism.  Under 
the  influence  of  the  expurgated  Catholic  Church  the 
conditions  in  the  Ruthenian  clergy  began  to  change 
for  the  better,  and,  goaded  on  by  Polish  statesmen, 
the  Ruthenian  bishops  convoked  a  synod  at  the 
Lithuanian  city  of  Brzesc  (now  known  by  the  Rus- 
sian name  of  Brest-Litovsk)  in  1595  to  discuss  means 
of  reform  and  the  possibility  of  renewing  the  union 
with  the  Roman  Church.  The  union  of  the  two 
churches  received  at  the  time  paramount  importance 


190  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

in  view  of  the  fact  that  Muscovy,  in  retaliation  for  the 
unscrupulous  exploitation  on  the  part  of  the  Patriar- 
chate of  Constantinople,  established  its  own  church 
with  the  Tsar  at  the  head  (1589),  and  the  fear  of  the 
possible  gravitation  of  the  Ruthenians  toward  Mos- 
cow became  very  real  and  entirely  justified.  As  early 
as  1567,  even  before  the  separate  Muscovite  Church 


FIG.   102 — THE  UNIATE  CATHEDRAL,   OF   ST.   JUR  AT   LEMBERG 

was  established,  the  metropolitan  of  Moscow,  Nikon, 
called  himself  the  Patriarch  of  Great  and  Little  Rus- 
sia. The  proceedings  of  the  synod  and  the  ultimate 
schism  proved  conclusively  that  in  certain  groups 
there  were  decided  leanings  toward  the  Muscovite 
Church,  and  that  they  were  ready  to  exert  every 
effort  to  prevent  a  union  with  the  prevailing  Church 


THE  CATHOLIC  REACTION  191 

in  Poland.  A  considerable  element  among  the 
Ruthenian  schismatics  was  also  actuated  by  Protes- 
tant motives.  As  a  result  of  the  discordant  interests 
only  about  two-thirds  of  the  Ruthenians  joined  the 
union.  The  dioceses  of  Lemberg,  Przemysl,  Lutsk 
and  Mohilev  were  left  in  the  hands  of  the  schismatics. 
All  the  others,  not  excluding  that  of  Kieff,  came 
into  the  Uniate  Church.  In  a  considerable  measure 
the  failure  to  rally  greater  support  of  the  union  was 
due  to  the  shortsightedness  and  obstinacy  of  the  Polish 
clergy  in  their  refusal  to  admit  the  Ruthenian  bishops 
to  membership  in  the  Polish  Senate.  The  well- 
conceived  but  poorly  executed  Brzesc  union  resulted 
in  unfortunate  division  and  strife  in  Ukraine,  that 
had  many  lamentable  results  and  which  contributed 
in  a  degree  to  the  precipitation  of  the  Cossack  rebel- 
lions and  the  ultimate  loss  of  the  Cossacks  to  Poland. 
The  regrettably  long  reign  of  Zygmunt  III  Vasa, 
1587-1632,  characterized  by  intolerance,  intrigue  and 
incompetency,  is  the  turning  point  in  Polish  history. 
The  era  of  political  decline  begins  with  him,  bright- 
ened by  moments  of  unequalled  heroism  and  supreme 
political  wisdom. 


(J.  Kossak  pinx) 
FIG   103 — A   PEASANT   HORSE   TEAM   OF   THE   PROVINCE   OF   CRACOW 


CHAPTER  XI. 


The  Polish  Constitution 

The  constitution  of  Poland  was  never  written. 
It  was  a  body  of  laws  sanctioned  by  ancient  custom 
and  subsequent  legislation.  By  the  end  of  Zygmunt 
Vasa's  reign  it  became  a  rigid  state  instrument,  and 
underwent  but  few  changes  until  the  last  quarter  of 
the  XYIIIth  century. 

The  Commonwealth  of  Poland  consisted  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Poland,  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Lithuania 
The  Polish  an<^  ^e  domains  °f  Prussia,  Mazovia, 
Republic  Zmudz  (Samogitia),  Kieff,  Volhynia, 

Podolia,  Podlasie  and  Livonia  or 
Inflanty.  The  victories  over  Muscovy  in  the  XVIIth 
century  placed  a  number  of  other  territories  under 
Polish  sovereignty.  In  addition,  Poland  exercised 
sovereign  power  over  Courland,  East  Prussia,  Mol- 
davia and  Wallachia.  Since  the  establishment  of  the 
union  among  the  component  states  at  Lublin  in  1569 
Poland  had  been  a  Republic,  at  the  head  of  which 
stood  an  elective  King. 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  193 

The  Piasts  were  hereditary  rulers  of  Poland.  By 
the  will  of  the  childless  Kazimir  the  Great,  the  last 
The  Kin  Piast,  the  crown  of  Poland  went  to  his 

nephew,  Ludwig  of  Hungary.  If  Lud- 
wig  had  left  male  heirs,  their  right  to  the  Polish 
throne  would  have  been  undeniable.  There  was  no 
law  or  custom,  however,  which  would  recognize  a 
woman  to  hereditary  right  of  succession.  To  secure 
this  right  for  his  (laughters,  Ludwig  had  to  com- 
promise, and  granted  the  famous. privilege  of  Kos- 
zyce  in  1374.  His  daughter,  or  the  grand  niece  of 
Kazimir  the  Great,  was  elected.  If  she  had  sons  they 
would  have  inherited  the  right  to  the  Polish  throne. 
But  Jadwiga  died  childless,  and  the  status  of  her 
consort,  Jagiello,  was  not  clearly  defined.  In  con- 
sequence, his  sons,  by  a  Ruthenian  princess,  were  not 
recognized  as  royal  heirs  in  Poland.  With  Jagiello's 
oldest  son,  therefore,  begins  the  period  of  elective 
kings.  It  was  only  because  the  Poles  desired  to  pre- 
serve the  union  with  Lithuania,  where  the  descend- 
ants of  Jagiello  had  hereditary  rights,  and  not  be- 
cause of  any  legal  obligations,  that  they  had  elected 
kings  of  his  house  until  the  extinction  of  the  dynasty. 

The  sons  of  the  King  had  no  more  claims  to  the 
throne  than  anyone  else. 

Every  nobleman  of  Poland,  Lithuania  and  the 

other  parts  of  the  Republic  had  a  right  to  vote.    The 

representatives  of  the  more  important 

The  Elections  , 

cities  were  members  ot  the  electorate, 
as  were  also  Poland's  vassals,  with  the  exception  of 
the  Duke  of  Prussia,  to  whom  this  privilege  was 
denied.  Until  the  end  of  the  Jagiellon  dynasty  the 
ejections  were  indirect,  through  representatives  in 
local  assemblies  and  the  Diet.  After  the  reign  of 
Zygmunt  II  August,  "viritim"  or  direct  elections  in 
person  prevailed.  The  viritim  elections  took  place  in 


194  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

a  suburb  of  Warsaw,  where  the  knighthood  and 
dignitaries  formed  two  separate  camps.  Here  the 
assembled  electorate  listened  to  the  exhortations  of 
the  representatives  of  the  candidates  and  their  sup- 
porters. On  the  day  set  for  the  election  the  Senators 


FIG.    104— AN   ELECTION  CAMP 


and  Deputies  met  with  the  nobility  of  their  respect- 
ive provinces  and  took  a  viva  voce  vote  on  the  various 
candidates.  Unanimous  consent  was  necessary  to 
make  the  election  valid.  The  Primate  announced  the 
result  of  the  election. 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  195 

The  elected  candidate,  first  by  his  representa- 
tives and  then  in  person,  swore  to  uphold  the  consti- 
tutional privileges  enumerated  in  the  pacta  conventa, 
which  the  pre-election  or  "convocation  diet"  had 
drawn  up,  whereupon  a  duly  executed  diploma  of 
election  was  handed  to  him.  He  did  not  become, 
however,  vested  with  monarchial  authority  until 
after  the  coronation  which  took  place  at  Cracow. 
The  coronation  ceremony  was  followed  by  a  special 
"coronation  diet,"  at  which  the  King  confirmed  the 
laws  of  the  Commonwealth. 

At  first  the  King's  power  was  considerable.    He 

was  the  lawmaker,  and  although  at  a  comparatively 

early  period  he  regularly  consulted  his 

Council,  he  was  not  legally  bound  by 

and  Duties  of        .         ,      . ' .  i  j          ,     1 

the  King  lts  decisions,  tie  could  not,  however, 

infringe  upon  the  privileges  and  rights 
of  the  several  estates.  The  law  of  1505,  known  as 
"Nihil  novi,"  limited  his  legislative  power  consider- 
ably and  gave  it  to  the  Diet. 

The  King  was  the  supreme  judge  until  the  elect- 
ive tribunals  were  established  in  Batory's  time, 
which,  however,  did  not  supersede  him  in  civil  mat- 
ters. He  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  He 
could  call  out  the  national  militia,  but  only  with  the 
consent  of  the  Diet,  of  which  he  was  an  integral  part. 

He  convened  the  national  and  local  diets  at  times 
instanced  by  law  and  at  other  times  on  extraordinary 
occasions.  He  specified  the  matters  to  be  submitted 
for  the  consideration  of  the  Diet.  The  resolutions  and 
acts  of  the  Diet,  as  well  as  court  decrees,  were  issued 
in  his  name.  He  had  power  to  appoint  ambassadors 
to  foreign  countries,  but  could  give  them  instructions 
in  minor  matters  only.  The  ambassadors  were  re- 
sponsible to  the  Diet.  Similarly,  the  King  could 
confer  with  foreign  representatives  only  in  the  pres- 


196  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

ence  of  the  Council  of  the  Senate.  The  King  could 
not  go  abroad,  marry  or  secure  divorce,  without  the 
assent  of  the  Senate.  Although  the  'King  derived 
his  power  from  the  election,  he  was  responsible  to 
nobody.  He  was  merely  limited  by  the  privileges 
which  he  granted,  or  which  were  granted  by  his  pre- 
decessors and  which  he  confirmed.  After  the  extinc- 
tion of  the  Jagiellon  dynasty  the  electorate  claimed 
the  right  to  renounce  allegiance  to  the  King  in  case 
of  his  disregard  of  the  law  or  of  the  articles  of  the 
covenant  (de  non  praestanda  obedientia). 

The  executive  power  of  the  State  was  vested  in 
the  King.  He  was,  however,  handicapped  in  the 
exercise  of  it  by  the  life  tenure  of  officials  and  by  their 
independence.  He  had  the  sole  right  to  appoint  civil 
and  military  officers,  but  could  not  recall  any  officials 
unless  guilt  had  been  established  before  the  Diet  sit- 
ting as  a  court  of  justice.  The  right  of  appointing 
bishops  was  vested  in  the  King,  and  he  had  the  power 
to  donate  or  mortgage  crown  lands. 

All  offices  were  life  tenures.  The  chief  offices 
which,  with  the  exception  of  the  Hetmans  and  the 
Offi  Under-Treasurer,  entitled  the  incum- 

bents to  senatorial  dignities  were: 

1.  The  Chancellor  or  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal. 
Both  ecclesiastical  and  temporal  nobles  could  hold 
this  office.    The  Chancellor  was  the  representative  of 
the  King  and  the  interpreter  of  his  will  and  inten- 
tions.   He  read  the  speeches  of  the  Crown,  presented 
to  the  Diet  the  matters  for  consideration,  negotiated 
with  foreign  ambassadors  and  acted  as  intermediary 
between  the  people  and  the  king.     All  royal  decrees, 
mandates    and    correspondence    was    prepared    and 
signed  by  him. 

2.  The  Under-Chancellor  attended  to  minor  af- 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  197 

fairs  and  assumed  the  duties  of  the  Chancellor  in  his 
absence. 

3.  The    Grand    Marshall    had    charge    of    the 
King's  safety,  and  was  at  the  head  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  police  and  judicial  departments  of  the 
capital  and  its  vicinity.     His  jurisdiction  was  very 
large. 

4.  Two  Under-Marshalls,  assisting  the  Grand 
Marshall,  were  also  regular  officials. 

5.  The   State  Treasurer  had   charge   over   the 
royal  exchequer.     He  was  responsible  for  the  col- 
lection of  revenue  and  the  expenditures  approved  by 
the  Diet.     His  reports  were  regularly  submitted  to 
the  Diet,  and  for  every  misuse  of  funds  he  was  re- 
sponsible with  his  private  fortune.     He  was  also  in 
charge  of  the  mint  and  of  the  royal  domains. 

6.  An  Under-Treasurer  attended  to  the  minor 
matters  of  the  office. 

7.  and  8.     One  Grand  Hetman  commanded  the 
Crown  army  and  another  the  Lithuanian  army.  They 
were  charged  with  the  duty  of  defending  the  country 
against    invasion    and    of    guarding    the    Republic 
against  internal  disturbances. 

9.  The  Field  Hetman  was  a  military  official  of 
a  lower  rank.  His  duty  was  to  defend  the  frontiers 
of  the  country.  He  also  substituted  the  Grand  Het- 
man when  necessary. 

All  the  above  mentioned  dignitaries  were  ex- 
officio  ministers  of  state. 

There  were  many  minor  state  or  court  offices, 
some  of  which  during  the  course  of  time  lost  their 
significance  and  were  retained  merely  for  honorary 
designations. 

Of  the  crown  officers  who  discharged  their 
duties  outside  of  the  capital,  the  following  were  the 
most  important: 


198  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  "Woyevoda"  was  a  provincial  Governor 
with  a  very  limited  duty  and  responsibility.  At  first 
he  acted  as  chairman  of  the  provincial  diet,  but  later 
this  custom  came  into  disuse.  The  Woyevoda  led 
the  militia  of  his  province  in  case  of  war,  looked  after 
the  weights  and  measures  in  towns,  prescribed  the 
prices  of  products,  and  had  jurisdiction  over  Jews. 
The  office  entitled  the  holder  to  a  seat  in  the  Senate. 

The  ''Castellan's''  was  one  of  the  offices  which, 
like  that  of  the  Woyevoda,  had  a  historical  tradition, 
but  which  in  time  proved  to  be  a  mere  honorary  title 
of  the  leader  of  the  nobilitv  of  a  district.  In  case  of 

w 

war  he  organized  the  citizens  of  the  district  and  led 
them  to  the  Woyevoda.  The  office  gave  the  incum- 
bent senatorial  rank. 

The  actual  executive  work  in  the  country  was 
done  by  the  Starostas.  They  enforced  the  decrees, 
and  had  charge  over  the  law  and  order  of  their  respect- 
ive districts.  They  were  also  judges  of  the  nobility 
in  criminal  matters,  and  sometimes,  but  very  seldom, 
in  civil  cases  also.  The  civil  jurisdiction  was  almost 
wholly  in  the  hands  of  special  judges,  appointed  by 
the  King  from  the  lists  of  candidates  presented  by 
the  nobility  of  the  districts. 

Some  of  the  offices  were  considered  incompatible, 

i.  e.,  could  not  be  held  at  the  same  time  by  one  and 

the   same  person.     No  two   provincial 

Incompatibiha  rr  ,r,   ,       *•«    j  i 

offices  could  be  filled  by  one  person;  a 
crown  dignitary  could  not  hold  a  provincial  office; 
the  Hetman  could  not  be  a  Marshall,  neither  could 
the  Chancellor  be  Treasurer  of  the  Crown. 

The  King,  the  Senators  and  the  representatives 
of  the  knighthood   constituted   the   Polish   Diet   or 
Parliament.     The  King  was  an  integ- 
ral   part    of    the    Diet,    although    his 
constant  presence  during  the  sessions  was  not  re- 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  199 

quired.  At  the  time  of  the  death  of  Kazimir  the 
Great,  in  1370,  there  were  as  yet  no  general  assem- 
blies of  the  nobles.  Each  province  or  district  dis- 
cussed its  local  affairs  in  small  conventions.  Gradu- 
ally inter-provincial  congresses  began  to  be  called  to 
discuss  affairs  of  a  more  general  nature.  At  first 
these  congresses  were  rare,  but  at  the  beginning  of  the 
XVth  century  they  became  more  frequent.  One 
reason  for  them  was  the  development  of  the  mutual- 
ity of  interests  with  the  greater  consolidation  of  the 
country;  another,  the  more  frequent  requests  of  the 
king  for  advice  and  approval  of  his  activities.  The 
more  limited  his  power  became  the  more  frequent 
were  the  meetings  of  the  representatives  of  the  vari- 
ous sections  of  the  country.  Hussitism,  contro- 
versies over  church  tithes,  elections  of  the  king,  and 
other  such  matters  called  for  frequent  national  assem- 
blies of  the  nobles  of  the  country.  As  there  was  no 
regular  Diet,  they  first  formed  confederacies.  Some- 
times the  representatives  of  the  local  assemblies  met 
with  the  king's  council.  In  this  way,  to  the  ancient 
advisory  council  of  the  king,  consisting  of  his  rela- 
tives, ministers,  bishops,  woyevodas  and  castellans 
were  added  the  more  democratic  elements.  The  new- 
comers regarded  their  presence  in  the  Council  as  of 
right  and  not  of  royal  grace.  When  their  numbers 
grew,  and  they  became  the  spokesmen  of  a  definite 
economic  and  social  class,  they  were  differentiated 
from  the  bishops  and  dignitaries  and  were  requested 
to  meet  separately  from  the  original  council,  which  in 
contradistinction  to  the  chamber  of  the  deputies  of 
the  local  assemblies  of  the  nobles,  was  designated  as 
the  Senate.  The  past  history  of  the  Senate  determined 
its  composition.  It  consisted  of  the  archbishops  and 
bishops,  ministers  of  state,  castellans  and  woyevodas. 
The  high  state  offices  created  after  the  Senate  was 


200  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

definitely  constituted  (the  middle  of  the  XVth  cen- 
tury) did  not  find  representation  in  it.  That  is  why 
the  Under-Treasurer  and  the  Hetmans  had  no  seats  in 
the  Senate.  The  number  of  senators  in  the  year  1569 
was  140;  their  number  increased  to  150  during  the 
reign  of  Wladyslav  IV  and  John  Kazimir.  After  the 
loss  of  Livonia  the  number  of  senators  decreased  by 
four. 

The  Deputies  were  elected  by  the  land  assem- 
blies which  were  the  legislative  organs  of  the  local 
autonomous  government,  and  were  bound  to  observe 
the  mandates  given  to  them.  Some  measures,  like 
those  referring  to  taxation,  had  to  receive  the  unani- 
mous consent  of  the  Diet  and  then  of  the  local  as- 
semblies. This  procedure  was  in  conformity  with 
the  old  custom  whereby  the  King's  Council  had  to 
get  the  consent  of  every  local  assembly  for  a  measure 
infringing  upon  the  privileges  of  the  nobles.  The 
theory  of  the  procedure  was  that  the  privileges  of  the 
nobles  formed  not  only  the  objective  law  of  the  coun- 
try, but  the  subjective  right  of  every  individual  whom 
they  concerned.  For  every  contemplated  change 
of  the  privileges  the  consent  of  all  those  whom  the 
change  concerned  was  therefore  required.  When  the 
national  assembly  took  the  place  of  the  local  assem- 
blies the  unanimous  consent  of  the  representatives 
and  their  constituencies  was  still  required  for  the 
validity  of  any  measure  which  concerned  the  nobility 
as  a  class,  or  as  individuals.  When  the  House  of 
Representatives  was  definitely  differentiated  from 
the  King's  Council,  in  1493,  the  representation  of  the 
nobilty  was  very  slight.  Usually  a  province  or  the 
administrative  unit  presided  over  by  a  woyevoda  sent 
two  representatives.  By  the  middle  of  the  XVIth 
century  there  were  not  more  than  two  score  of  repre- 
sentatives in  the  House.  During  the  reign  of  the 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  201 

first  two  Zygmunts  their  numbers  increased.  The 
local  assemblies  sent  six  delegates  each.  In  1569 
there  were  95  representatives  in  the  House.  In  the 
next  century  the  number  of  deputies  was  increased 
to  172. 

There  was  no  specified  place  or  time  for  the  ses- 
sions of  the  Diet.  The  king  summoned  it  whenever 
occasion  arose.  Sometimes  it  met  twice  a  year,  at 
other  times  once  in  several  years.  In  the  XVth  cen- 
tury the  sessions  lasted  for  a  few  days;  in  the  XVIth 
century  deliberations  lasted  several  months.  Later 
on  the  Diet  met  regularly  every  second  year,  and  the 
time  limit  was  six  weeks.  Extraordinary  sessions 
could  be  called  between  the  regular  sessions  and  were 
to  last  not  more  than  two  weeks.  At  first  the  Diets 
met  chiefly  in  Piotrkow,  later  in  Warsaw.  Although 
unanimous  consent  was  required  for  the  validity  of 
the  measures,  yet  it  was  not  very  difficult  to  obtain 
it,  despite  the  specific  instructions  of  local  assemblies. 
The  public  spirit  animating  the  Diet  conquered  all 
technical  difficulties.  Later  on  attempts,  such  as  that 
by  John  Zamoyski,  were  made  to  introduce  the  prin- 
ciples of  modern  parliamentarism.  They  failed  on 
account  of  the  reaction  which  set  in  after  the  collapse 
of  the  Protestant  Reformation  movement. 

The  "Liberum  veto,"  whereby  one  deputy  could 
dissolve  a  session  of  Parliament  and  render  nuga- 
tory all  its  previous  decisions,  came  into  life  in  the 
middle  of  the  XVIIth  century,  in  the  era  of  moral  and 
political  decline. 

The  Confederacies  were  unions  formed  by  the 

nobility,  or  magnates,  the  Diet  or  the  King,  with  the 

aim  of  achieving  certain  things  which 

Confederacies  ,  1-11  i  • 

could  not  be  obtained  by  ordinary 
means.  They  supplemented,  as  it  were,  the  im- 
perfect constitutional  machinery.  They  first  came 


202  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

into  being  during  the  interregnum  following  the 
death  of  Ludwig  in  1382,  and  took  the  place  of  the 
regular  government  which,  acting  in  the  name  of 
the  King,  was  without  legal  sanction  during  the 
interregnum.  After  the  death  of  Zygmunt  II  August 
in  1572,  and  later,  attempts  were  made  to  provide 
for  regular  authority  during  an  interregnum  but 
were  frustrated.  Confederacies  were  sometimes 
formed  during  the  life  of  the  king  when  the  govern- 
ment did  not  or  could  not  fulfill  its  duties. 

The  legal  basis  for  the  confederacies  lay  in  the 
conception  of  the  supreme  sovereignty  of  the  nobil- 
ity. That  was  why  a  general  confederacy,  i.  e.,  com- 
prising the  representation  of  the  whole  nobility,  was 
considered  superior  to  the  king1.  They  sometimes 
attempted  to  subject  the  king  to  their  jurisdiction. 
Naturally  the  power  of  the  confederacy  depended  on 
its  strength.  A  confederacy,  which  failed  on  account 
of  lack  of  strength,  was  a  rebellion.  Sometimes  the 
king  formed  counter  confederacies.  When  the  king 
joined  a  confederacy  it  received  legal  sanction  from 
the  outset.  The  closest  analogy  in  modern  times  to 
a  Polish  confederacy  was  the  Ulster  movement 
against  Irish  Home  Rule.  In  Poland  Sir  Edward 
Carson  would  have  been  recognized  as  the  Marshall  of 
the  confederacy.  With  several  counsellors  added,  he 
would  have  constituted  the  executive  board  of  the 
confederacy.  The  representatives  of  the  various  dis- 
tricts in  the  confederacy  formed  a  Council  similar  to 
the  Diet.  When  the  confederacy  was  general,  i.  e., 
embracing  the  whole  country,  the  enactments  of  the 
Council  superseded  those  of  the  regular  Diet.  The 
decisions  of  the  confederacy  were  taken  by  a  major- 
ity vote.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Diets  required 
unanimous  vote,  the  confederacies  were  at  times  the 
only  way  out  of  serious  difficulties.  In  the  long  run, 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  203 

however,  they  did  more  harm  than  good  in  undermin- 
ing the  already  weak  foundation  on  which  public  law 
rested  in  Poland. 

Each  estate  or  class  of  Polish  population  had  a 

distinct  legal  position  with  its  own  courts  vested  with 

judicial  authority.     The  district  courts 

Administration      J    .  ,         .  .  J ,  .         , 

of  justice  with  elective  judges  were  the  lower 

courts  of  the  nobility.  The  court  met 
three  times  a  year  in  a  place  designated  by  law  and 
had  jurisdiction  over  civil  matters.  The  chamber- 
lain's courts  had  cognizance  over  land  boundary 
disputes.  The  starostas'  courts  had  jurisdiction  over 
criminal  cases,  and  entertained  civil  suits  in  cases 
where  one  of  the  parties  was  a  non-resident  noble. 
For  gathering  evidence  the  courts  had  power  to  ap- 
point special  commissions.  Appeals  from  all  the  above 
courts  in  civil  matters  could  be  taken  to  the  tribunals, 
of  which  there  were  three:  one  for  Great  Poland, 
one  for  Little  Poland  and  the  third  for  Lithuania. 
Appeals  in  criminal  cases  were  taken  to  the  King's 
court.  No  appeal  from  a  decision  of  the  Tribunal 
could  be  taken  to  the  King's  court.  At  times  the  Diet 
acted  as  a  court,  but  only  in  cases  referred  to  it  by  the 
tribunals.  Cases  of  lese  majeste  and  of  high  treason 
came  into  its  competence.  The  trial  could  not  last 
longer  than  the  time  specified  for  the  session  of  the 
Diet,  and  a  liberum  veto  could  annul  the  court  decrees. 

In  matters  pertaining  to  land  ownership  and  the 
collection  of  tithes  the  clergy  had  to  resort  to  ordinary 
courts.  In  criminal  offences  of  the  clergy,  and  in 
matters  pertaining  to  canon  law,  the  bishops  wielded 
judicial  authority.  The  bishop's  court  was  the  court 
of  first  instance,  the  primate's  court  the  second,  and 
the  nuncio's  court  the  third. 

The  townspeople  had  their  own  courts  based  on 
German  law,  with  elective  judges  and  the  mayor  as 


204  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

presiding  officer.  Appeals  from  these  courts  went  to 
the  King's  court. 

The  peasants  were  dependent  in  their  disputes 
upon  the  owner  of  the  village.  In  those  villages 
which  were  founded  upon  the  German  law,  elective 
-courts  remained,  but  the  chief  of  the  village  became 
in  time  an  appointee  of  the  owner  of  the  manor  and  a 
tool  in  his  hands. 

The  Jews  had  their  own  courts,  but  in  cases 
against  Gentiles  jurisdiction  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Governor's  or  Woyevoda's  courts;  appeals  could  be 
taken  to  the  King's  court.  Sometimes  the  King's 
court  acted  as  a  court  of  first  instance.  Jews  who 
settled  in  the  villages  came  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  owner  of  the  village  without  the  right  of  appeal. 

The  state  revenue  was  derived  from  various 
duties  and  taxes,  and  from  the  leasing  of  the  crown 
Finances  domains.  The  land  tax  was  a  general 

tax,  from  which  only  the  clergy,  and 
later  the  nobility  also,  were  exempt.  The  products 
of  the  salt  and  metal  mines  were  taxed,  as  were  also 
dwellings  in  the  country  and  in  the  cities.  Mint 
seigniorage,  excise  taxes,  the  various  taxes  levied  in 
the  cities  on  commerce,  transportation,  manufac- 
tures and  crafts,  and  the  Jewish  capitation  tax  were 
the  other  kinds  of  state  revenue.  The  tax  rate  was  a 
variable  quantity;  in  cases  of  need  the  Diet  would 
double,  treble  and  even  quadruple  the  usual  tax  rate. 
Until  the  year  1717  the  clergy  were  exempt  from 
taxation.  In  extraordinary  cases  the  Church  would 
donate  to  the  state  treasury  a  "subsidium  charita- 
tivum,"  the  amount  of  which  was  fixed  by  the  Church 
Council.  After  1717  the  Church  paid  a  regular  an- 
nual tax. 

The  expenditures  went  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  King  and  his  court,  for  state  administration 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  205 

and  foreign  representation,  and  for  the  regular  army. 
The  collection  of  taxes  and  the  disposition  of  the 
revenues  were  under  the  control  of  the  Treasurer, 
responsible  to  the  Diet.  Some  taxes  went  directly 
to  certain  officials  on  whose  ability  to  collect  them 
depended  the  size  of  their  incomes;  others  were 
farmed  out,  and  in  s'ome  instances  the  army  officers 
collected  the  taxes  designated  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  army. 

In  addition  to  state  taxes  there  were  provincial 
and  town  duties  of  all  kinds  levied  by  the  proper 
authorities.  The  Church  tithes  were  devoted  ex- 
clusively to  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy. 

"Great  democracies  are  not  belligerent."  On 
account  of  the  persistent  refusals  of  the  nobility  to 
Nation  i  make  suitable  appropriations  for  na- 

Defence  tional  defence  the  standing  army  of 

Poland  was  very  small.  It  was  com- 
posed of  natives  and  foreigners,  who  were  paid  a 
stipulated  amount  for  their  services.  In  return  for 
the  multifarious  privileges  the  nobility  was  bound  to 
serve  in  the  national  militia  and  to  answer  the  call  to 
arms  whenever  made  by  the  king  in  conformity  with 
a  resolution  of  the  Diet  authorizing  the  levy.  The 
nobles  were  obliged  to  appear  fully  equipped.  A  mili- 
tary census  was  taken  every  five  years.  In  theXVIIth 
century  about  300,000  men  were  registered  in  the 
national  militia.  The  militia  was  composed  entirely 
of  heavy  and  light  cavalry,  hussars,  uhlans  and  dra- 
goons. The  regular  army  had  all  kinds  of  arms, 
ordnance,  cavalry  and  infantry;  the  latter  having 
been  put  on  a  regular  and  efficient  basis  by  King 
Stefan  Batory. 

In  addition,  private  troops  were  maintained  by 
the  spiritual  and  temporal  magnates.  Most  of  the 
residences  of  the  magnates  were  fortified  castles. 


206 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


The  number  of  these  castles  was  very  large.  Many 
of  them  were  very  spacious  and  beautiful  in  design. 
Since  1572  the  Cossacks  have  been  utilized  for  light 
cavalry  purposes  and  stationed  at  the  frontiers  of  the 
country.  The  "registered"  (as  they  were  called) 


(Courtesy  of  Scribners'   Sons)  (Drawn  by  W.   T.  Benda) 

FIG.    105— A   POLISH  WINGED   HUSSAR 


Cossacks  received  pay  for  their  services  and  were 
exempt  from  any  control  by  civil  authorities.  They 
were  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  their  Chief,  who,  in 
turn,  was  under  the  Polish  Field  Hetman.  During 
the  reign  of  Zygmunt  II  August,  Biala  Cerkiev  was 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  207 

the  seat  of  the  Cossack  Chief,  and  the  depository  of 
their  magazines  and  munitions.     King  Stefan  Batory 


FIG.    106 — THE   CASTLE   OF   THE    LESZCZYNSKI    FAMILY   AT    GOLUCHOV 

moved  the  capital  of  the  registered  Cossacks  to  Trach- 
tymirov,  on  the  Dnieper,  below  the  City  of  Kieff. 


208 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


The  Nobles.  The  nobles  were  the  ruling  class 
with  the  exclusive  right  to  enjoy  full  citizenship. 
Nobility  was  hereditary  in  the  male 
line,  and  an  escutcheon  was  an  outward 
sign  of  it.  The  power  to  ennoble  re- 
sided originally  in  the  King,  but  after 
the  end  of  the  XVIth  century  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Diet  was  required.  As  the  class  con- 
sciousness of  the  nobility  grew,  attempts  were  made 


Legal  Status 
of  the  Various 
Classes  of  the 
Population 


FIG.   107— THE   CASTLE   AT   BARANOV 

to  restrict  admission  to  the  caste.  Naturalization  of 
foreign  nobles,  after  1641,  similarly  became  a  matter 
over  which  the  Diet  had  sole  control.  In  the  XVIIth 
century  a  new  conception,  that  of  a  scartabellate 
developed,  whereby  the  newly  ennobled  persons  en- 
joyed but  certain  privileges.  Only  their  progeny  in 
the  third  generation  came  into  possession  of  full  rights' 
of  citizenship.  This  was  the  only  gradation  in  the 
ranks  of  the  nobility  who  guarded  jealously  against 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION 


209 


the  rise  in  station  of  anyone  by  reason  of  heredi- 
tary title.  By  the  act  of  1638  no  noble  could  accept 
or  use  a  title  which  had  not  been  registered  in  the  acts 
of  the  Union  of  Lublin  in  1569.  The  Polish  Kings 
were  prohibited  from  giving  titles  to  Poles  but  were 
free  to  bestow  them  upon  foreigners.  Orders  were 
not  allowed  in  Poland.  In  violation  of  the  law,  the 
first  was  established  in  1705,  during  the  period  of 
political  disintegration. 


FIG.   108— CASTLE  AT  KRASICZYN 


The  following  were  the  special  privileges  and  im- 
munities enjoyed  by  the  nobility  exclusively:  The 
right  to  acquire  and  own  land  in  the  country  as  well 
as  real  estate  in  cities,  with  all  the  wealth  below  the 
surface;  the  property  of  the  nobles  was  exempt  from 
confiscation  without  due  process  of  law;  only  to  the 
nobility  was  the  door  of  the  more  exalted  temporal 
and  spiritual  offices  open;  they  were  exempt  from 
taxation,  making  only  such  contributions  as  they 
voluntarily  imposed  upon  themselves,  with  the 
single  exception  of  compulsory  military  duty  in  case 
of  war.  A  noble  was  answerable  only  to  his  own 


210 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


courts.  For  killing  a  person  not  of  noble  rank  he 
was  punishable  by  a  fine  only.  He  enjoyed  the  right 
of  habeas  corpus,  had  complete  freedom  of  speech, 
was  an  elector  of  the  King,  and  qualified  to  become 
a  candidate  for  the  royal  office.  Finally,  he  had  a 
voice  in  the  affairs  of  the  country  by  electing  dele- 
gates to  the  National  Diet  through  the  local  assem- 


FIG.   109 — A  VIEW   OF  THE   CASTLE  AT   KRZY2TOP6R 

blies.  There  was  only  one  restriction  to  which  the 
nobles  had  to  submit,  and  that  was  the  prohibition 
of  being  a  merchant  or  an  artisan.  By  settling  in  a 
city  and  engaging  in  this  kind  of  work  a  noble  for- 
feited all  his  rights  to  nobility. 

The  Clergy.  Next  to  the  nobility  in  order  of  en- 
joyment of  special  privileges  and  immunities  were 
the  Roman  Catholic  clergy.  All  the  higher  ecclesiasti- 
cal offices  were  given  exclusively  to  persons  from 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION 


211 


among  the  nobility,  with  the  exception  of  the  "doc- 
toral canons,"  to  which  only  priests  holding  doctors' 
degrees  in  theology,  law  and  medicine  could  be  ap- 
pointed. Beginning  with  1496  no  cathedral  chapter 
could  have  more  than  five  plebean  members,  all  of 
whom  were  required  to  have  doctors'  degrees.  In  the 
case  of  a  dearth  of  properly  qualified  doctors  of  noble 
rank,  priests  from  among  other  classes  of  society 


FIG.    110— THE   CASTLE   AT   PODHORCE 

could  be  appointed.  Catholic  diocesan  bishops  were 
ex-officio  members  of  the  Senate.  Many  high  state 
offices,  including  that  of  the  Chancellor,  were  open  to 
the  clergy,  and  as  a  rule  were  occupied  by  them  alter- 
natively, i.  e.,  an  office  vacated  by  a  temporal  digni- 


212 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


tary  would  in  turn  be  occupied  by  a  spiritual  person, 
and  vice  versa. 

The  King  appointed  the  bishops  and  canons,  as 
well  as  the  abbots  and  rectors.  Kazimir  the  Great 
had  attempted  to  influence  the  cathedral  colleges  in 
the  election  of  bishops,  Jagiello  followed  his  example, 
and  his  second  son,  Kazimir  Jagiellonczyk,  obtained 
this  right  from  the  Pope,  confirmed  later  by  Sixtus  V 
in  1589.  The  policy  of  Poland  consistently  endeav- 


FIG.    Ill— THE   FACADE    OF   THE   CASTLE   AT    DWORNISKA 

ored  to  submit  the  Church  to  State  control.  Those 
among  the  clergy  who,  by  importunity  or  procure- 
ment, obtained  appointments  in  Rome,  and  in  this 
wise  infringed  upon  the  royal  prerogatives,  were 
liable  to  the  penalty  of  exile  and  confiscation  of 
personal  property. 

The  nobility  were  tireless  in  opposing  the  tax 
exemptions  of  the  clergy,  the  tithes  and  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction.  By  a  law  of  1510  the  Diet  prohibited 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION 


213 


bequests  of  land  to  the  Church  in  order  to  stop  the 
tremendous  growth  of  "the  dead  hand, "as  the  Church 


FIG.   112— A  MANOR  HOUSE  OF  THE  XVII  CENTURY  AT  SZYMBARK 


FIG.  113— A  COUNTRY  HOUSE  OF  A  POLISH  SQUIRE  NEAR  SIERADZ 

estates  were  called.    In  1562  the  church  courts  were 
deprived  of  the   right   to  enforce   their  decrees  by 


214  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

means  of  the  executive  power  of  the  State,  and  in  1635 
appeals  to  Rome  were  made  illegal.  In  the  XVIIth 
century  restrictions  were  placed  upon  the  building  of 
monasteries  and  convents,  and  further  restrictions 
placed  upon  bequests. 

The  Dissidents.  The  legal  guarantees  of  equality 
of  rights  of  dissidents  with  Catholics  were  contained 
in  the  provisions  of  the  Warsaw  Confederacy  of  1573, 
and  were  sworn  to  by  every  new  monarch.  With  the 
growth  of  the  Catholic  reaction  they  became  more  or 
less  a  dead  letter,  and  dissidents  were  made  the  sub- 
jects of  discrimination.  No  bishop  of  the  Orthodox 
Church  or  even  of  the  Uniate  Church  was  recognized 
in  the  Senate,  and  State  offices  were  very  seldom  filled 
by  persons  from  among  the  non-Conformists.  In 
1632  the  Diet  prohibited  the  erection  of  new  dissident 
churches  in  the  cities  of  the  Crown,  and  in  1717  this 
prohibition  was  extended  to  the  rest  of  the  country. 

The  Arians,  or  anti-trinitarians,  were  declared  to 
be  outside  of  the  term  ''dissidents,"  and  were  ban- 
ished from  the  country  in  1658.  The  underlying 
motive  for  this  radical  method  of  dealing  with  the  sect 
was  political  rather  than  religious. 

The  Burghers.  The  XVIth  and  XVIIth  centuries 
saw  the  decline  of  the  once  prosperous  and  powerful 
Polish  cities.  Geographical  and  economic  conditions 
as  well  as  pernicious  legislation  were  the  causes  of  it. 
Gdansk  (Danzig)  only,  and  a  few  other  maritime 
cities,  continued  to  prosper.  The  direct  interchange 
of  the  products  of  the  manor  for  the  foreign  manu- 
factures and  luxuries,  and  the  development  of  self- 
sufficing  communities  around  the  manor  eliminated 
the  need  of  cities,  and  their  marts  and  fairs.  The 
character  of  the  city  population  changed.  The  old, 
prosperous  and  respectable  families  became  ennobled 
and  settled  in  the  country;  others  emigrated.  The 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  215 

lower  elements  came  into  power,  and,  not  appreciat- 
ing the  real  causes  of  the  decline  of  the  cities,  en- 
deavored to  put  the  blame  upon  the  Jews  and  other 
foreign  elements.  The  weakness  and  disorganization 
of  the  cities  became  reflected  in  their  relation  to  other 
elements  of  the  population  and  to  the  Government. 
The  cities  lost  their  former  right  to  home  rule  and 
representation,  and  were  subjected  to  the  authority 
of  state  officials  and  private  magnates.  The  woye- 
vodas  prescribed  prices  for  city  products,  the  rates  of 
excise  taxes,  etc.,  and  the  Diet  established  rules  as  to 
profits  and  even  as  to  private  expenditures  and  the 
kind  of  dress  to  be  worn  (lex  sumptuaria).  The  dis- 
integration of  city  life  was  accelerated  by  special 
rights  claimed  by  the  nobility  owning  real  estate 
within  the  city  limits  and  by  the  clergy,  who  did  not 
want  to  submit  to  the  city  administration  and  estab- 
lished special  jurisdiction  of  their  own.  In  this  they 
were  encouraged  by  the  Diet  which  passed  laws 
making  certain  persons  and  houses  exempt  from 
municipal  law,  and  dependent  solely  upon  provincial 
authorities  and  their  jurisdiction. 

The  burgesses  did  not  have  access  to  any  state 
offices  nor  to  the  higher  spiritual  positions.  They 
were  excluded  from  the  national  militia.  Only  the 
Prussian  cities  and  the  City  of  Cracow  had  a  right 
to  the  acquisition  and  tenure  of  land  outside  the  town 
limits. 

Aside  from  the  economic  advantages  the  nobility 
planned  to  derive,  by  making  themselves  independent 
of  the  cities,  the  chief  motive  in  destroying  impor- 
tant and  powerful  cities  was  to  remove  every  pos- 
sibility of  furnishing  the  King  with  an  ally  strong 
enough  to  overturn  the  existing  order  of  things  and 
to  introduce  absolute  government  in  Poland.  The 
cities  declined  very  rapidly,  and  even  the  so-called 


216 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


"storage  laws"  could  not  prevent  this  process.  By 
these  laws  no  merchant,  foreign  or  domestic,  could 
pass  a  "storage"  city  without  offering  his  wares  for 
sale  on  a  specified  day. 


FIG.   114— TYPES   OF  PEASANTS   FROM   THE  VICINITY   OF   LOWICZ 

The  Peasants.  In  the  XVIth  century  there  was 
not  so  much  as  a  trace  left  of  the  independence  of  the 
peasant  and  his  right  to  self-government.  The  laws 
limiting  his  freedom  became  more  rigid,  and  the 
punishment  for  flight  from  the  jurisdiction  of  his  mas- 
ter more  severe.  The  owner  of  the  manor  had  juris- 
diction over  his  peasants,  and  prescribed  laws  and 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  217 

regulations  for  them;  he  could  transfer  them  from 
place  to  place;  he  could  take  away  certain  leased 
parcels  of  land  and  give  them  others  instead;  he 
prescribed  the  amount  of  free  labor  the  peasant  had 
to  render.  There  existed  no  state  regulations  as  to 
the  number  of  free  days  the  peasant  was  obliged  to 
give  to  his  landlord,  as  to  the  number  of  beasts  of 
burden  he  had  to  bring  with  him  to  help  in  the  work, 
and  as  to  the  other  duties  he  had  to  perform. 


FIG.  115— POLISH  MOUNTAINEERS  OF  ZAKOPANE,  TATRA  MOUNTAINS 

In  time  the  manor  became  an  entirely  independ- 
ent economic  unit.  The  peasant  was  obliged  to  buy 
all  his  necessities  of  life  from  the  landlord  and  was 
compelled  to  sell  all  the  products  of  his  farm  to  the 
manor.  The  manor  also  established  a  monopoly  of 
milling,  bleaching  and  of  spirits  and  beer  production. 
The  landlord  compelled  his  peasants  to  purchase 
certain  quantities  of  these  drinks  for  various  occa- 
sions, such  as  marriages  and  christenings.  Similar 
conditions  prevailed  in  church  estates  and  crown 


218  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

lands,  except  that  in  crown  lands  the  peasant  had  a 
right  to  appeal  to  the  royal  referee's  court  for  redress. 
In  spite  of  the  loss  of  personal  liberty,  dating 
from  1496  in  Poland  and  lasting  longer  than  in  the 
western  countries  of  Europe,  the  Polish  peasant  was 
not  a  slave.  He  could  not  be  sold,  and  he  was  not 
deprived  of  legal  competence,  although  since  1573  he 


FIG.   116— A  PEASANT   BRIDE  OF  SIERADZ 

was  the  "peculium"  of  his  overlord.  He  could  hold 
property,  both  real  and  personal,  and  nobody  could 
deprive  him  of  it.  He  had  hereditary  rights  to  his 
land  and  could  buy  land  from  his  landlord,  to  which 
his  children  had  hereditary  claims.  His  rights, 
however,  were  greatly  restricted;  he  could  not  leave 
the  landlord  except  with  his  consent,  or,  as  in  some 
places,  by  forfeiting  a  certain  sum,  but  by  law  he 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION 


219 


remained  a  free  man.  His  legal  status  resembled 
that  of  minors  or  of  women  in  those  countries  where 
they  are  not  permitted  by  law  to  enter  into  any 
transactions  without  the  consent  of  father  or  hus- 
band. The  fact  that  in  the  XVIth  and  XVIIth  cen- 
turies many  peasants  from  foreign  countries  settled 


FIG.    117— A   PEASANT   WOMAN    OF    LOWICZ 

in  Poland  indicates  that  the  lot  of  the  peasant  in 
Poland  was  better  than  that  of  his  confreres  in  some 
of  the  west  European  countries. 

The  jews.  The  Jews  in  Poland  had  complete 
autonomy  in  their  internal  affairs.  In  each  city  in 
which  they  were  allowed  to  live  there  was  a  special 


220 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION  221 

Jewish  college  called  "Kahal,"  which  governed  the 
Jewish  affairs  of  the  community.  In  addition  they 
had  other  colleges,  such  as  that  of  neemunim  to 
supervise  or  police  the  community;  shamaim  to  col- 
lect taxes;  gabbaim  to  attend  to  charities,  and  others. 
The  members  of  the  colleges  were  elected  annually 
from  among  the  taxpayers.  Every  year  during  the 
great  fairs  at  Lublin  and  Jaroslav  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Jews  from  all  the  provinces  of  Poland 
assembled  in  synods  to  settle  the  internal  affairs  of 
the  various  communities  and  inter-communal  mat- 
ters; also  to  make  joint  representations  to  the  King 
and  to  apportion  the  taxes  levied  upon  them  as  a 
body.  In  time  the  Jewish  autonomy  became  weaker, 
and  they  came  more  under  the  supervision  of  the 
woyevoda  and  his  subordinates,  but  they  always 
retained  their  right  to  appeal  to  the  King's  court  for 
redress.  In  1699  the  King  issued  a  special  codifica- 
tion of  all  the  privileges  concerning  Jews  and  by  this 
document  their  status  was  clearly  defined. 

The  Jews  could  not  settle  in  the  towns  belonging 
to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  in  such  cities,  of  the 
Crown  #,s  Warsaw,  for  example,  whose  ancient  char- 
ters forbade  their  settlement.  To  insure  themselves 
against  competition,  the  burghers  made  the  Jews 
sign  covenants  limiting  the  scope  of  their  pursuits. 
In  some  cities  the  Jews  were  prohibited  from  leasing 
real  estate  or  handling  customs  and  other  tax  collec- 
tions. In  those  cities,  however,  where  they  had  a 
right  to  settle,  they  could  own  real  estate  and  houses. 
In  the  villages  the  Jews  were  subject  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion-of  the  landlord.  On  the  whole,  their  disabilities 
in  Poland  were  comparatively  few,  although  from  the 
very  beginning  the  Jewish  settlers  were  looked  upon 
with  disfavor  by  the  peasants,  and  were  made  the 
subject  of  numerous  complaints  and  blind  vengeance, 


222 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


particularly  in  times  of  economical  crises  or  other  ca- 
lamities, like  the  Black  Death  of  1360.  The  laws  of 
the  country  were  designed  to  protect  them  against 
outrages  and  cruelties  on  the  part  of  the  native  popu- 
lation, and  were  effective  until  the  time  of  the  Catholic 
reaction,  when  all  non-Conformists,  either  Christian 
or  Jews,  became  ostracized  and  subject  to  the 
"tumults"  of  the  ignorant  and  fanatical  street  rabble. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Jews  suffered  less  than  the 
Protestants,  and  had  more  protection  than  the  Chris- 
tian non-Conformists. 


FIG.  118— A  SYNAGOGUE  FOUNDED  BY   KING    SOBIESKI  AT  26LKIEV  (GaliCia) 

Upon  joining  the  Catholic  Church  the  Jews 
received  nobilitation  and  came  into  possession  of  the 
golden  liberties  of  the  nobility,  the  highest  privilege 
the  Republic  could  offer. 

The  liberality  of  the  Polish  law  giving  a  wide 
autonomy  to  the  Jewish  population  worked  against 
the  best  interests  of  the  Republic,  as  it  was  condu- 
cive to  the  perpetuation  of  a  distinct  race  conscious- 
ness, and  prevented  the  polonization  and  nationaliza- 
tion of  an  element  of  the  population  which  had  be- 


THE  POLISH  CONSTITUTION 


223 


come  attached  to  the  land  of  their  adoption,  where 
they  found  homes,  work  and  protection  at  a  time 
when  they  were  cruelly  persecuted  almost  every- 
where else  in  Europe.  Subsequent  laws  modelled 
after  foreign  patterns,  which  prohibited  Jews  from 
employing  any  help  other  than  that  of  their  corelig- 
ionists, from  sending  their  children  to  Polish  schools, 
from  living  outside  of  ghettos,  and  from  wearing 
apparel  like  the  rest  of  the  population,  helped  to 
widen  the  gaps  which  the  original  grants  of  autono- 
mous rule  had  established. 


FIG.   120— BOOK  COVER  EMBROIDERED  BY  QUEEN   ANNA  JAGIELLON 


Political 

and  Economic 

Conditions 

of  the  Country 

in  the  First 

Half  of  the 

XVIIIth 

Century 


_  AL: 

F.IG.  121 — VIEW  OF  GDANSK,.     From  G.  Braun's  "Civitates  orbis  terrarum,"  1491 

CHAPTER  XII. 
The  Cossack  Wars 

It  was  an  almost  foregone  conclusion  that  Wlady- 
slav,  the  older  son  of  Zygmunt  III,  would  succeed 
his  father  to  the  throne.  He  was  the 
antithesis  of  the  older  Vasa,  and  was  as 
much  loved  by  the  people  as  his  father 
had  been  hated.  Though  of  a  Swedish 
father  and  a  German  mother,  he  was  a 
Pole  in  every  respect  other  than  race. 
He  was  sincere  and  openminded,  cor- 
dial and  easy  going,  democratic  and 
sympathetic  to  arts  and  sciences,  and 
tolerant  in  matters  of  religious  belief.  It  was  almost 
worth  while  to  have  endured  Zygmunt  for  the  com- 
pensation afforded  by  his  son.  His  election  was  a 
matter  of  form.  Unfortunately  the  era  of  anarchy 
had  lasted  too  long  to  allow  for  a  speedy  rectification 
of  conditions.  Moreover,  the  nobles,  despite  their 
fondness  for  Wladyslav,  had  not  failed  further  to 
restrict  the  King's  powers.  The  Convocation  Diet 
took  from  him  the  power  to  declare  war  except  for  de- 
fensive purposes,  and  ordered  void  all  decisions  which 
the  King  might  make  in  conjunction  with  the  Senate 
in  the  interim  between  the  biennial  sessions  of  the 
Diet,  irrespective  of  how  important  and  urgent  the 
matters  may  have  been  if  they  were  considered  inimi- 
cal to  the  interests  of  the  nobles.  In  the  pacta  con- 


225 


yenta  they  enjoined  the  King  from  levying  the  chim- 
ney tax  and  the  acreage  tax,  the  only  two  kinds  of 
taxes  the  nobles  paid,  and  which  amounted  to  a  mere 
bagatelle.  The  King  was  deprived  of  the  power  to 
enlist  foreign  soldiers  without  the  consent  of  the 


(Portrait  by  Rubens) 
FIG.   122— WLADYSLAV  IV,   1632-1648 


Senate  and  of  th£  House  of  Deputies.  The  consent 
of  the  two  Houses  was  also  made  necessary  for  the 
King's  marriage.  "So  was  accomplished  the  building 
of  the  edifice  of  the  nobles'  liberties ;  the  royal  power, 
completely  fettered,  became  a  plaything  in  the  hands 


226  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

not  of  the  nobles,  but  of  the  oligarchy  of  the  magnates. 
The  small  land  assemblies  and  the  "kinglets"  (as  the 
magnates  were  called),  leading  the  masses  of  land- 
owners on  the  leash  of  their  own  ambitions  and  in- 
terests, became  the  sureme  majesty  in  the  Republic."* 
The  political  tendency  was  toward  decentraliza- 
tion, as  at  the  local  assemblies  various  convenient 
measures  could  be  more  easily  passed  than  at  the 
National  Diet.  The  country  became  divided  into  a 
great  many  entirely  independent  administrative 
units.  The  provincial  soldiery,  paid  by  the  local 
legislatures,  took  the  place  of  the  national  army. 
Magnates,  holding  the  local  assemblies  in  the  hollow 
of  their  hands,  accumulated  immense  wealth  by  all 
sorts  of  injustices  and  extortions.  Their  holdings 
and  power  became  disquietingly  large.  Some,  like 
the  Radziwills,  owned  16  cities  and  583  villages,  and 
kept  an  armed  retinue  6,000  strong.  The  Potockis 
owned  3,000,000  acres  and  130,000  serfs.  In  national 
affairs  they  were  able  to  exercise  a  powerful  influence 
by  direct  representation  in  the  Senate  and  by  patron- 
age among  the  representatives  of  the  nobility  in  the 
Diet.  The  spirit  of  overbearing  wantonness  among 
the  magnates  was  particularly  strong  in  Lithuania 
and  Ukraine.  The  frontier  lords,  less  disturbed  by 
sovereign  authority  and  less  protected  from  foreign 
invasions,  developed  an  attitude  of  haughty  inde- 
pendence and  became  intractable.  It  was  in  those 
provinces  particularly  that  the  exploitation  of  the 
peasant  was  most  pronounced,  though  the  peasant  of 
Ukraine  was,  thanks  to  the  incomparable  fertility 
of  the  soil,  better  off  economically 'than  his  brethren 
in  Poland  and  Lithuania.  Yet,  because  of  the  lawless- 
ness of  his  overlords  and  their  retainers,  mostly  im- 

*  Sokolowski,  loc.  cit.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  214. 


THE  COSSACK  WARS  227 

poverished  Polish  yeomen  and  squires,  who  differed 
from  him  in  language  and  religion,  his  lot  was  unen- 
viable, and  for  this  reason  most  of  the  Cossacks  were 
recruited  from  among  the  Ruthenians,  who  fled  to 
the  Sich  on  the  Dnieper  to  become  free  highwaymen. 
In  Poland  proper,  as  all  over  Europe  at  that  time,  the 
peasant  was  attached  to  the  soil  and  severely  ex- 
ploited. 

With  the  growth  of  the  Polish  exports  of 
grains  the  stimulus  of  enlarging  land  holdings 
greatly  increased.  As  the  manors  of  the  nobles  grew 
the  peasants'  holdings  shrank  proportionately,  and 
the  amount  of  free  labor  exacted  from  them  mounted 
indefinitely.  In  1633  a  law  was  enacted  whereby 
every  settler  who  lived  on  a  nobleman's  estate  for  a 
year  became  his  subject.  The  peasant  in  some  cases 
was  obliged  to  begin  labor  at  the  age  of  eight,  but 
never  later  than  at  fifteen.  He  sometimes  had  to  work 
five  or  six  days  a  week,  giving  the  use  of  his  horses 
or  oxen  in  time  of  harvests.  There  was,  however,  no 
definite  slave  class  in  Poland,  as  was  the  case  in  Ger- 
many and  Muscovy,  and  the  fact  that  German  peas- 
ants continued  to  settle  in  Poland  even  as  late  as  the 
XVITIth  century  constitutes  sufficient  proof  that  the 
conditions  of  the  peasants  in  Poland,  bad  as  they 
may  have  been,  still  were  better  than  in  the  adjoining 
countries. 

The  peasant  had  to  buy  his  beasts  of  burden 
from  the  landlord.  The  crops  could  not  be  sold  in 
any  way  except  through  him,  and  he  could  not  buy 
anything  except  in  the  store  of  the  manor.  This 
strikingly  resembles  the  "company  stores"  in  some 
of  the  American  factory  towns.  The  landlord  had, 
in  addition,  a  monopoly  of  whiskey  and  beer  sales, 
flour  milling,  linen  bleaching,  and  so  on.  Certain  in- 


228  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

• 

dustrial  privileges  of  the  lord  were  farmed  out  to  Jew- 
ish money  lenders,  who  became  the  subjects  of  hatred 
of  the  exploited  peasant.  In  addition  to  local  duties, 
the  peasant  had  to  bear  many  state  and  church  bur- 
dens in  the  form  of  taxes  and  tithes.  The  landowner 
was  the  supreme  judge,  often  unjust  and  cruel. 

The  lot  of  the  town  plebs  was  somewhat  better, 
but  town  life  had  become  demoralized  since  the  old 
prosperity  of  the  Polish  towns  vanished.  Home  rule 
had  been  superseded  by  crown  or  local  land  officials, 
who  exacted  from  the  population  heavy  contribu- 
tions, in  both  lawful  and  unlawful  ways.  The  quality 
of  city  products  deteriorated  with  the  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  the  regulation  of  profits  modeled  after  west 
European  legislation:  the  maximum  profit  of  a  Polish 
merchant  was  put  at  seven  per  cent. ;  for  a  foreign 
merchant,  five  per  cent. ;  and  for  a  Jew,  three  per  cent. 
The  Diet  went  so  far  as  to  prescribe  the  limit  of  ex- 
penditures and  the  type  of  dress  of  city  people. 
Many  skilled  artisans  and  merchants  left  the  cities; 
their  places  were  taken  by  petty  Jewish  mongers  and 
cobblers.  The  rich  burghers  sought  nobilitation.  and 
settled  in  the  country.  Incidentally  it  may  be  stated 
that  nobilitation  at  the  time  became  more  difficult, 
the  law  of  1641  requiring  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Diet  in  each  case  of  nobilitation. 

In  proportion  as  the  economic  prosperity  of  the 
cities  declined  their  political  rights  became  curtailed. 
In  the  XVIIth  century  the  city  of  Cracow  was  the 
only  city  that  had  representation  in  the  Diet.  In 
times  of  grave  crises  some  of  the  other  cities  were 
asked  to  send  representatives.  Few  and  unheeded 
were  the  voices  of  those  statesmen  who  pointed  out 
that  fine  cities  were  an  embellishment  for  every 
country,  and  a  source  of  economic  and  national 
strength. 


THE  COSSACK  WARS 


229 


230  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  new  King  and  the  foremost  political  think- 
ers of  the  time  realized  that  reforms  were  urgently 
needed.      Conditions,     however,     over 
The  Entangle-     which  the  Kinsr  had  no  control,   ore 

ments  of  , 

Foreign  Policy  vented  even  the  first  attempts  at  re- 
form. Prior  to  Wladyslav's  election, 
Tsar  Michael  Romanoff  broke  the  truce  to  which  he 
had  agreed  in  1618.  He  anticipated  a  disorderly  in- 
terregnum, and  planned  to  profit  by  it  and  to  regain 
some  of  the  territories  he  had  ceded  to  Poland.  He 
miscalculated,  however,  the  extent  of  Polish  unpre- 
paredness,  and  paid  for  it  by  a  loss  of  the  provinces  of 
Seversk,  Czernihov,  Smolensk  and  a  surrender  of  all 
claims  to  Livonia,  Esthonia  and  Courland.  In  return 
Wladyslav  resigned  his  claims  to  the  throne  of  Mus- 
covy. By  Article  IV  of  the  treaty  the  King  of  Poland 
recognized  the  Grand  Duke  Michael  Fedorovich  as 
"Tsar  of  all  the  Muscovite  Russias,  without,  however, 
giving  him  any  right  whatever  over  the  Ruthenias 
which  belong  ab  antique  to  Poland."  The  terms  of 
the  Polanov  peace  of  1634  marks  the  zenith  of  the 
achievements  of  the  Polish  sword  in  the  east. 

Synchronously  with  the  war  against  Muscovy, 
Poland  carried  on  a  war  with  Turkey.  The  Mus- 
covite defeats  and  the  brilliant  successes  of  the  small 
Polish  forces  operating  against  the  Turks  under  the 
command  of  Crown  Hetman  Stanislav  Koniecpolski 
cut  short  the  war  in  1634.  Poland  promised  to  re- 
strain the  Cossacks  and  Turkey  agreed  to  curb  the 
Tartars.  The  right  of  the  Turkish  Sultan  to  appoint 
the  Moldavian  hospodars  was  recognized,  with  the 
proviso,  however,  that  the  appointments  be  made 
from  a  list  of  candidates  submitted  by  the  Polish 
King. 

The  successful  completion  of  the  two  campaigns 
brought  great  glory  to  the  martial  King.  The  coun- 


THE  COSSACK  WARS 


231 


try  now  expected  a  lasting  peace,  but  a  turn  of  cir- 
cumstances favored  a  retaliatory  war  on  Sweden  for 
the  restoration  of  lost  territories.  In  the  year  of  Wla- 
dyslav's  election,  Gustavus  Adolphus  perished  in  the 
battle  at  Liitzen  and  his  youthful  daughter  ascended 
the  Swedish  throne.  This  was  during  the  Thirty 
Years'  War,  when  the  power  of  the  Protestant  forces 
was  beginning,  temporarily,  to  wane,  and  the  time 


FIG.    124 — STANISLAV    KONIECPOLSKI,    Grand    Hetman    of    the    Crown, 

distinguished    for    his    military    accomplishments    and 

for   his   genius   of   organization 

seemed  to  be  most  propitious  for  a  war  on  exhausted 
Sweden.  To  offset  this  possibility  and  to  draw  Po- 
land into  the  war  on  the  side  of  Sweden,  Richelieu 
strained  every  means  which  his  ingenuity  could 
devise.  Among  other  compensations  he  offered  in 
return  for  help  against  the  Emperor  was  the  long  lost 


232  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

and  wealthy  province  of  Silesia.  England  and  Hol- 
land added  the  weight  of  their  influence  to  bring  Po- 
land into  line.  The  King,  whose  foreign  policy  was 
entirely  different  from  that  of  his  father,  and  who 
was,  in  fact,  pronouncedly  anti-Hapsburgian,  was 
inclined  to  side  with  Richelieu,  but  the  raison  d'etat 
demanded  immediate  action  against  Sweden.  The 
Diet,  however,  though  not  sparing  compliments  for 
the  King's  virtues  and  valor,  preferred  peace  to  any 
far-reaching  political  schemes,  and  lent  but  a  deaf  ear 
to  the  King's  demands  for  war  appropriations.  With 


FIG.  125— CARTOUCH  WITH  THE  VASA  EAGLE 

such  an  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  knighthood  no 
far-reaching  plans  could  be  attempted.  A  temporary 
agreement  was  made  with  Sweden  whereby  peace 
was  to  be  preserved  for  twenty-six  years ;  the  Swedes 
were  to  return  all  the  territories  which  they  occupied 
in  Prussia  and  the  Polish  vessels  which  they  captured 
on  the  Baltic.  All  towns  and  castles,  however,  which 


THE  COSSACK  WARS  233 

they  occupied  in  Livonia,  were  to  remain  in  their 
hands,  and  the  question  of  Wladyslav's  hereditary 
rights  to  the  Swedish  crown  was  left  in  abeyance. 
This  agreement  was  signed  on  September  12,  1635, 
at  Sturmdorf,  and  hence  it  is  known  by  that  name. 
The  unsatisfactory  settlement  of  a  situation  which 
contained  possibilities  of  epochal  importance  illus- 
trates the  pettiness  of  the  nobles  of  that  reactionary 
period,   who   were   concerned   with   nothing   except 
good,  easy  living  and  the  enjoyment  of  unlimited 
rights.     They  were  constantly  suspecting  the  King 
of  Machiavelian  designs  to  introduce  despotism,  and 
were  unable  to  rise  to  an  understanding  of  any  in- 
volved   problem    of    foreign    policy.      They    were, 
moreover,  deprived  of  a  sense  of  collective  national 
pride,  as  the  following  humiliating  incident  may  well 
illustrate.     The  King,   desirous  of  developing  new 
sources  of  revenue,  which  were  required  for  the  most 
fundamental  needs  of  the  state,  and  which  the  ava- 
ricious gentry  would  not  grant,  proposed  maritime 
import  duties  at  the  Polish  ports  of  entry.     Such 
duties  were  being  levied  in  all  the  neighboring  coun- 
tries and  in  the  Polish  ports  during  Swedish  occupa- 
tion.    After  long  debates  the  Diet  finally  approved 
the  measure.     The  city  of  Danzig,  however,  fearing 
that  such  a  measure  might  deflect  trade  from   its 
doors,  refused  to  allow  the  collection  of  the  taxes  at 
the  port  and  threatened  armed  resistance.     Wlady- 
slav   replied  by   dispatching   four   warships    to   the 
recalcitrant  city.     The  city  invited  Danish  interven- 
tion in  the  matter,  and  the  Danish  Admiral,  having 
captured  the  Polish  war  ships  and  torn  down  the 
royal  insignia  and  flags,  entered  the  city  amidst  de- 
monstrative ovations  by  the  populace.     Wladyslav 
had  a  right  to  expect  that  the  Diet  would  be  stirred 


234  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

with  indignation  over  this  act  of  rebellion  and 
treason,  and  would  authorize  appropriate  steps 
against  the  city.  Something  entirely  different  hap- 
pened. The  suspicious  nobles  saw  in  the  King's  act 
an  attempt  to  subjugate  Danzig,  to  organize  a  power- 
ful navy  on  the  Baltic  and  to  establish  with  its  aid 
absolutum  dominium  in  Poland.  The  adjudication  of 
the  matter  in  the  courts  was  a  hollow  mockery  and 
an  insult  to  the  King  and  to  the  national  honor  of  a 
great  country.  The  incident  also  frustrated  the 
King's  efforts  to  build  up  a  Polish  fleet  on  the  Baltic. 
In  spite  of  the  nobles'  desire  for  peace  at  any 
price  the  country  was  plunged  into  a  most  bloody  and 
devastating  war  with  the  Cossacks, 
Ct-on£?itip"s.on  which,  because  it  had  the  character  of  a 

the  Ukrainian  .    ,  ,          1 .     .  1     .  . 

Frontier  social    and    religious    revolution,    was 

thoroughly  destructive,  and  fought  with 
terrific  furor  and  rage. 

Ukraine,  an  enormous  prairie  watered  by  the 
Dnieper  and  its  tributaries,  was  a  country  "flowing 
with  milk  and  honey."  With  the  union  of  Lithuania 
and  Poland  it  came  under  Polish  sovereignty,  but  its 
population,  because  of  the  inaggressiveness  of  the 
Polish  character  and  the  Uniate  Church,  became  but 
very  slightly  Polonized.  *  The  growth  of  the  power 
of  the  palatines  and  the  unscrupulousness  of  their 
agents  created  a  grave  social  discontent  among  the 
Ukrainian  peasants  which  was  kept  alive  and  nour- 
ished by  the  church  agents  of  Muscovy.  They  were 


*  Some  historians,  like  Prof.  Bobrzynski  and  others,  consider  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  LTniate  Church  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  the  Polish 
State.  Because  this  Church  became  united  with  the  prevailing  Church,  the 
Polish  government  did  nothing  to  encourage  the  establishment  of  Roman 
Catholic  churches  in  Ukraine  and,  as  a  consequence,  thousands  of  the 
descendants  of  Polish  settlers  became  Ruthenized.  Rome  hoping  to  conquer, 
eventually,  Russia  by  means  of  the  Uniate  Church  was  similarly  quiescent 
in  its  activities  in  that  region. 


THE  COSSACK  WARS 


235 


236 

even  successful  in  inspiring  the  hitherto  indifferent 
Cossacks  with  religious  fervor.  The  Patriarch  of 
Jerusalem,  Theophan,  sent  by  the  Russian  Tsar  on  a 
journey  through  Ukraine,  told  the  people  about  the 
holy  fire  that  every  year  on  the  eve  of  the  Resurrec- 
tion descends  from  heaven  upon  the  tomb  of  the 
Saviour,  which  is  in  the  possession  of  the  true  Chris- 
tians, i.  e.,  those  who  belong  to  the  Greek  Church. 
He  did  not  fail,  also,  to  lay  strictures  upon  the  Roman 
Church,  and  to  advise  the  Ukrainians  to  abstain  from 
wars  upon  Muscovy,  whose  rulers  and  people  follow 
the  path  of  the  true  Church  of  Christ  and  are  hated 
for  it  by  the  Poles. 

Frontier  populations  are  usually  hard  to  manage. 
It  is  particularly  so  when  the  frontiers  are  extensive 
and  inadequately  protected  against  the  constant  raids 
of  such  nomadic  half  savages  as  had  been  roving  on 
the  abutting  seas  and  steppes.  Small  wonder  that 
constant  warfare  was  more  or  less  of  a  normal  condi- 
tion on  the  Ukrainian  frontier.  The  southernmost 
plains  of  Ukraine  adjoining  the  Black  Sea,  known  as 
"Dzikie  Pola"  or  Wild  Steppes,  became  the  habitat 
of  the  Cossacks  and  the  Tartars,  where  they  could 
organize  their  bands,  and  whence  they  could  under- 
take their  raiding  expeditions  into  Poland  and 
Turkey.  By  the  treaty  of  1634  Poland  was  bound  to 
restrain  the  Cossacks  from  such  raids  on  the  domains 
of  the  Padishah.  This  implied  supervision  over  them, 
which  the  Cossacks  resented.  When  the  Polish  Diet 
voted  to  build  a  strong  fortress  On  the  first  Dnieper 
Cataract,  near  the  main  seat  of  Cossackdom,  open 
rebellions  broke  out  among  the  Ukrainian  peasants. 
The  fortress,  known  by  the  name  of  Kudak,  was  built 
in  1635  by  a  French  engineer,  Beauplan,  on  the  Dnie- 
per, where  the  Russian  city  of  Ekaterinoslav  is  now 


THE  COSSACK  WARS  237 

situated.  Immediately  upon  its  completion  and 
before  a  sufficient  garrison  was  stationed  in  the  fort 
the  Cossacks  stormed  and  demolished  it.  This  and 
several  other  rebellions  were  put  down  by  the  Field 
Hetman  Nicholas  Potocki,  with  the  aid  of  one  of  the 
Ukraine  palatines,  Jeremiah  Wisniowiecki,  an  intense 
foe  of  the  Cossacks,  and  a  man  of  indomitable  courage 
and  of  an  adventurous  character,  a  scion  of  one  of  the 
oldest  princely  families  of  Lithuania,  and  owner  of 
extensive  territories  in  Ukraine.  In  retaliation  for 
the  rebellion,  the  Diet  of  1638  passed  a  law  divesting 
the  Cossacks  of  "all  their  old  prerogatives  and  other 
decora,"  and  decreeing  that  "those  of  the  rabble 
whom  the  fortunes  of  war  had  spared,  be  turned  into 
peasantry."  Even  the  "registered"  or  salaried  Cos- 
sacks who  had  hitherto  been  faithful  were  deprived 
of  the  privilege  to  elect  their  own  chief,  whose  resi- 
dence city  was  taken  and  placed  in  charge  of  a  Crown 
official.  Rebellions  followed,  which  were  subdued, 
and  the  Kudak  fortress  rebuilt  and  strengthened.  The 
Cossacks  sent  delegates  to  the  King  and  the  Senate 
asking  for  the  restoration  of  some  of  their  privileges 
and  renouncing  certain  others,  such  as  the  right  to 
elect  their  own  Hetmans.  The  Senate  and  the  Diet 
were  shortsighted  and  refused  to  grant  any  conces- 
sions. The  Ukrainian  palatines  were  particularly 
active  in  preventing  any  concessions  being  granted  to 
the  Cossacks.  It  was  in  their  interest  to  convert 
them  into  serf  labor.  A  contemporary  writer,  the 
Bishop  Piasecki  of  Przemysl,  said  that  "this  change 
in  the  life  of  the  Cossacks  was  a  private  gain  and  a 
loss  to  the  Republic."  The  oligarchy  of  magnates 
was,  however,  supreme.  They  terrorized  the  King 
and  subordinated  the  public  weal  to  their  private 
interests.  It  may  be  of  interest  to  record  here  the  fact 


238  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

that  it  was  during  this  period  that  the  women  of  Po- 
land and  Lithuania  for  the  first  time  in  their  history 
collectively  memorialized  the  Diet  demanding  better 
protection  against  exploitation,  and  the  restriction 
of  the  rights  of  fathers  and  an  enlargement  of  the 
rights  of  mothers. 


FIG.  126 — QUEEN  MARIE  LOUISE  de  GONZAGUE 

Wladyslav  well  realized  the  folly  and  perilous- 
ness  of  the  course  adopted  with  reference  to  the  Cos- 
sacks. The  policy  of  Zygmunt  August  and  of  Batory 
of  utilizing  the  Cossacks  for  a  war  with  Turkey,  and 
befriending  rather  than  alienating  them,  appealed  to 


THE  COSSACK  WARS  239 

him  much  more.  To  achieve  this  it  was  necessary 
first  to  administer  a  severe  blow  to  Turkey  which 
had  been  fomenting  disturbances..  Accordingly,  he 
began,  with  the  aid  of  Hetman  Koniecpolski,  to  or- 
ganize an  army,  expending  upon  it  the  private  for- 
tune of  his  second  wife,  Marie  Louise  Gonzague,  the 
French  Duchess  of  Mantois,  and  negotiated  an  al- 
liance with  Venice  and  the  Pope,  and  also  with  the 
Cossack  leaders.  Although  the  Porte  was  a  source  of 
constant  danger  and  the  Tartar  raids  almost  inces- 
sant, yet  because  the  campaign  was  planned  by  the 
King  without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  mag- 
nates and  their  retainers,  they  voted  against  it  in 
1646,  preferring,  as  they  thought,  immediate  peace  to 
questionable  political  advantages  in  the  future. 

Equally  unsuccessful  were  the  King's  endeavors 
to   bring  about   the   organization   of  a  special   pa- 
triarchate for  the  Ruthenian  schismatics 
Chmieinicki's       m    order    to    make    them    independent 
1648  of   either   Constantinople    or    Moscow. 

The  Pope  Urban  VHIth  objected  to  it, 
but  the  Polish  bishops  assembled  in  Warsaw  in  1643, 
supported  the  King  and  invited  all  the  schismatics  to 
a  friendly  conference  the  next  year  in  Thorn.  This 
"colloquium  charitativum,"  which  made  Wladyslav 
famous  in  Europe  and  inspired  Martin  Opitz  to  write 
a  poem  in  honor  of  the  King,  did  not  bring  about  the 
desired  results.  The  King,  busy  organizing  a  cam- 
paign against  Turkey,  which  the  new  Pope,  Innocent 
'X,  was  to  finance  to  a  considerable  degree,  left  the 
matter  in  the  hands  of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  failed 
thereby  to  bring  about  the  organization  of  an  inde- 
pendent Ruthenian  Church.  Owing  to  the  above 
mentioned  opposition  of  the  Senators  and  Deputies 
the  campaign  against  Turkey  did  not  come  to  pass, 
but  a  terrific  Cossack  revolution  broke  out  under  the 


240  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

leadership  of  Bohdan  Chmielnicki,  a  poor  but  ambi- 
tious Polish  nobleman  who  in  his  action  was,  to  a  great 
extent,  actuated  by  revenge  for  the  outrage  suffered 


FIG.    127— BOHDAN   CHMIELNICKI,    the   leader  of   the   Cossacks 

at  the  hands  of  a  Crown  dignitary,  who  abducted  his 
wife  and  burned  his  manor.  Social  and  religious 
causes  were  responsible  for  the  uprising,  which  was 


THE  COSSACK  WARS  241 

not  directed  against  the  King,  who  was  loved  by  the 
Cossacks,  but  against  "the  magnates,  the  Jews  and  the 
Jesuits."  The  Ukrainian  peasants  and  the  Cossacks 
forced  into  serf  labor  rose  almost  to  a  man.  Upon 
receipt  of  the  news  of  the  rebellion  the  King  dis- 
patched a  commission  to  discuss  and  straighten  out 
the  differences  with  Chmielnicki.  Before  the  com- 
mission arrived  the  Polish  Field  Hetman  sent,  con- 
trary to  the  orders  of  the  King,  a  body  of  troops 
against  Chmielnicki,  who  were  defeated  by  him  in 
two  encounters.  It  was  at  that  time  that  the  brilliant 
and  wise  Wladyslav  died  on  May  20,  1648,  during  the 
journey  he  had  undertaken  to  pacify  Ukraine  by  his 
personal  influence  and  intervention.  -  The  nobles  un- 
justly suspected  him  of  instigating  the  revolution  in 
order  to  overpower  them  and  to  deprive  them  of  their 
liberties. 

The  Cossack  revolution  was  the  main  issue  at 
the  pre-election  Diet.  There  were  two  parties:  one 
led  by  Chancellor  George  Ossolinski, 
was  ^or  compromise  with  the  Cossacks ; 
the  other,  headed  by  Jeremiah  Wisnio- 
wiecki,  was  for  a  ruthless  war  of  extermination  of 
the  "rabble."  The  peace  party  prevailed,  and  a 
commission  was  elected  to  carry  on  the  negotia- 
tions, but  failed,  first  because  of  the  unfortunate 
choice  of  the  commissioners,  and  second,  because  the 
revolution  had  received  such  a  momentum  that  it  was 
difficult  to  stem  it.  To  make  matters  worse,  th«  un- 
manageable Wisniowiecki,  who  had  an  insanely  in- 
tense hatred  of  the  Cossacks,  organized  a  private  and 
successful  expedition  against  them.  Soon  the  regular 
army  and  the  militia  had  to  be  sent  to  support  his  in- 
dividual endeavors,  but  the  army  was  defeated,  and 
an  immense  host  of  infuriated  Ukraine  peasants 
began  to  move  into  Poland.  Lemberg  held  out 


242 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


against  a  long  siege,  but  finally  surrendered.  Chmiel- 
nicki  then  moved  on  to  the  fortress  of  Zamosc,  near 
Lublin.  The  situation  became  very  serious.  In  the 
meantime  Wladyslav's  brother,  Jan  II  Kazimir,an  ex- 
Cardinal  and  Jesuit, released  from  his  Church  vows  by 


FIG.  128— GEORGE  OSSOLINSKI  (1595-1650)  GRAND  HETMAN  OF  THE  CROWN 

the  Pope,  was  elected  King.  Chmielnicki  favored  Jan 
Kazimir,  and  upon  his  election  resolved  to  withdraw 
into  Ukraine.  Through  the  good  offices  of  Adam 
Kisiel,the  Governor  (Woyevoda)  of  Kieff,a  Ruthenian 
and  a  schismatic,  who,  from  the  beginning  had  urged 
peaceful  negotiations,  the  Cossacks  obtained  many 


THE  COSSACK  WARS  243 

concessions:  the  recognition  of  their  independence 
of  anyone  except  the  King,  the  restoration  of 
ancient  privileges  and  the  recognition  of  Chmielnicki 
as  their  hetman.  Their  demands  for  the  abolition  of 
the  Church  union  and  the  banishment  of  the  Jesuits 
could  not  be  granted.  Both  sides  remained  dissatis- 
fied. The  Ukrainian  nobles  and  the  magnates  bit- 
terly resented  the  action  of  the  Diet  in  granting  any 


(J.   Mateyko) 
FIG.   129— JAN  II  KAZIMIR    (1648-1668) 

concessions,  and  continued  their  raids  upon  the 
despised  rebels.  Wisniowiecki  openly  defied  the  Diet 
and  the  treaty  with  the  Cossacks,  and  gathered  forces 
for  further  expeditions.  Soon  the  Diet  reversed 
itself  and  sent  an  army  to  support  him.  "Jarema" 
Wisniowiecki  was  elected  Generalissimo  of  all  the 
forces.  Chmielnicki  joined  hands  with  the  Tartars, 
who  under  the  leadership  of  the  Crimean  Khan  Islam 


244  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


THE  COSSACK  WARS  245 

Girey,  came  to  drive  the  Polish  troops  out  of  Ukraine. 
Wisniowiecki  brilliantly  defended  the  fortress  of  Zba- 
raz  on  the  river  Gniezna,  a  tributary  of  the  Sereth,  in 
Podolia,  but  the  army,  under  the  leadership  of  the 
King,  was  surrounded  and  routed.  The  Cossacks 
agreed  to  stop  the  revolution  on  condition  that  the 
provinces  of  Kieff,  Bratslav  and  Czernihov  were  made 
into  an  autonomous  Cossack  state;  that  all  registered 
Cossacks  be  given  equal  rights  and  privileges  with 
those  of  the  Polish  nobles;  that  all  Jesuits  and  Jews 
be  sent  out  of  the  Cossack  state;  that  the  Ruthenian 
metropolitan  be  given  a  seat  in  the  Polish  senate;  and 
that  all  crown  officials  in  the  Cossack  state  be  chosen 
from  among  the  schismatics  (opponents  of  the 
Church  union).  The  consideration  of  the  matter  of 
the  abolition  of  the  Church  union  they  consented  to 
defer  until  the  next  session  of  the  Diet.  These 
demands,  large  as  they  were,  however,  did  not  satisfy 
the  followers  of  Chmielnicki,  and  were  deemed  to  be 
insufficient,  particularly  since  the  registered  Cossacks 
were  to  be  limited  to  but  40,000.  The  other  tens  of 
thousands  of  Cossacks  and  the  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  peasants  who  revolted  against  oppression  and  ex- 
ploitation could  not  be  forced  back  into  their  old 
conditions  of  subjection.  On  the  other  hand,  the  loss 
of  a  very  large  portion  of  Ukraine  was  not  cherished 
by  the  magnates,  neither  was  the  Polish  clergy  ready 
to  admit  the  Ruthenian  metropolitan  into  the  Senate. 
In  1651  the  third  Cossack  war  began.  It  was  carried 
on  with  great  determination  on  both  sides.  Chmiel- 
nicki sought  support  everywhere.  He  declared  him- 
self the  champion  of  the  Greek  Church  in  a  holy  war 
against  Rome,  and  brought  over  the  Patriarch  Eudox 
of  Antiochia  to  help  in  fanning  the  flames  of  religious 
hatred.  He  carried  on  negotiations  with  the  Tsar  of 


246  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Muscovy,  the  Hospodor  of  Wallachia  and  the  Duke  of 
Transylvania,  and  declared  himself  the  vassal  of  the 
Sultan,  who  recognized  him  as  Duke  of  Ukraine.  The 
Polish  King  gathered  a  big  army,  won  a  brilliant 
three  days'  battle  at  Beresteczko  on  the  Styr,  in  Vol- 
hynia,  and  was  confident  of  final  success  when  the 
news  of  a  revolution  of  the  peasantry  in  Poland 
reached  him.  The  agents  of  Chmielnicki  were  dis- 
seminating the  seeds  of  unrest  throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  the  Republic.  The  ground  was  well 
prepared  for  a  serious  uprising.  The  peasants  began 
to  plunder  and  burn  the  manors,  and  murder  their 
masters,  whom  they  hated.  The  uprising  was  directed 
by  one  Kostka  Napierski,  said  by  some  to  be  the 
illegitimate  son  of  Wladyslav  IV,  and  assumed  dis- 
quieting proportions.  When  the  news  of  it  reached 
the  nobles  in  camp,  many  of  them,  led  by  the  traitors 
Christopher  Opalinski  and  Jerome  Radzieyowski, 
left  the  King,  whom  they  bitterly  disliked,  and  will- 
fully returned  home.  The  rebellion  was  soon  sup- 
pressed, but  the  victory  over  the  Cossacks  and 
Tartars  could  not  be  exploited  in  the  manner  its 
magnitude  justified.  By  the  terms  of  the  new  peace 
agreed  upon  at  Biala  Cerkiev,  in  1651,  the  number  of 
registered  or  state  supported  Cossacks  was  reduced 
to  20,000;  the  self-governed  Cossack  territory  was 
limited  to  the  Province  of  Kieff  alone;  the  schismatics 
were  to  have  equal  rights  with  the  Uniates;  and  the 
Jews  were  to  be  allowed  to  reside  in  Ukraine. 

The  new  treaty  was  resented  by  the  nobles.  The 
King,  like  his  predecessor,  was  Accused  of  favoring 
the  Cossacks  and  endeavoring  to  accomplish  a  coup 
d'etat  with  their  help.  The  same  men  who  aban- 
doned him  at  Beresteczko  and  who  made  it  impossible 
for  him  to  pursue  the  enemy  were  at  the  head  of  the 


THE  COSSACK  WARS  247 

malcontents.  The  terms  of  the  treaty  at  Biala  Cer- 
kiev  were  not  ratified  by  the  Diet  of  1652,  which 
disbanded  without  accomplishing  anything,  as  a  result 
of  the  insistence  of  one  deputy  that  it  was  unconsti- 
tutional to  prolong  the  Diet  beyond  the  time  specified 
by  law.  This  deputy,  Wladyslav  Sicinski,  prompted 
by  the  haughty  potentate  Janus  Radziwill,  covered 
himself  with  the  fame  of  Herostratus  in  Poland.  Some 
historians  claim  that  he  is  unjustly  regarded  as  the 
first  man  to  have  had  invoked  the  liberum  veto.  In 
1637  George  Lubomirski  broke  up  the  Diet  by  his  per- 
sonal opposition.  Prior  to  that  Diets  were  dissolved  by 
recalcitrant  minorities.  In  1607  the  famous  preacher 
Peter  Skarga  was  instrumental  in  bringing  about  the 
disruption  of  the  Diet  because  the  dissidents  were 
given  equal  rights  with  those  of  Roman  Catholics. 
However,  Sicinski's  action  is  generally  regarded  as 
the  beginning  of  the  cursed  "liberum  veto,"  which 
proved  to  be  a  legal  sanction  of  anarchy.  The  situa- 
tion became  grave.  Chmielnicki  was  still  in  command 
of  an  immense  army  and  was  preparing  for  another 
invasion.  A  fortunate  circumstance  only  saved  Po- 
land from  a  catastrophe  at  the  time.  Chmielnicki  con- 
templated establishing  an  independent  Cossack  state, 
and  for  family  reasons  began  a  war  with  the  Hospo- 
dar  of  Moldavia,  which  ended  in  a  marriage  of  the 
Moldavian  Princess  with  Chmielnicki's  son.  Fearing 
such  a  strengthening  of  Moldavia,  the  two  neighbor- 
ing Princes  of  Transylvania  and  Wallachia  joined 
Poland  against  the  Cossacks.  When  the  Turkish 
Sultan  also  turned  against  Chmielnicki  truce  was 
established  in  1653. 

Finding  that  theTurkish  Sultan  could  not  be 
relied  on  to  the  extent  he  anticipated,  Chmielnicki 
turned  to  the  Muscovite  Tsar,  and  offered  to  him  his 


248  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

allegiance  and  that  of  Cossackdom.  By  the  treaty 
of  Pereyaslavl,  in  1654,  Ukraine  became  a  part  of  the 
Muscovite  empire  under  the  name  of  Little  Russia. 
The  Cossacks  received  a  great  measure  of  freedom 
in  internal  affairs,  and  the  right  to  elect  their  own 
hetmans  and  chiefs.  The  number  of  registered  Cos- 
sacks was  raised  to  60,000,  and  the  church  metropolis 
of  Kieff  was  left  independent  of  the  Patriarch  of 
Moscow.  Chmielnicki's  act  led  to  an  inevitable  war 
between  Poland  and  Russia,  lasting  from  1654  to 
1656.  The  Tsar's  armies  entered  Lithuania  and 
Ukraine.  The  encounters  were  exceedingly  bloody, 
and  the  vengeance  wrought  on  the  Cossacks  and 
peasants  was  terrible.  When  the  Tartars  joined  the 
Poles  against  the  Russians  and  the  Cossacks  the 
country  was  turned  into  a  veritable  inferno.  Ac- 
cording to.  some  historians  over  100,000  people  were 
slaughtered,  1,000  churches  burned  and  120  cities 
razed.  "Fire  and  sword"  swrept  the  beautiful  Ukraine 
country  and  destroyed  all  the  civilization  which  the 
hard  work  of  the  preceding  centuries  had  built.  The 
rivers  of  blood  and  destruction  flowing  in  Ukraine 
turned  into  a  Polish  "Deluge"  when  the  Swedish 
armies  swooped  down  upon  Poland  from  the  north. 


FIG.   131— HARVEST  (J.  Kossak  pinx.) 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
The  Passing  of  Poland's  Position  as  a  Great  Power. 

The  peace  of  Westphalia  (1648)  greatly  enhanced 
the  power  of  Sweden  by  giving  to  her  control  of  a  con- 
siderable stretch  of  Baltic  seaboard,  in- 
The  Causes  eluding  the  estuaries  of  the  Oder,  Elbe 
^ith  l^den,  and  Weser.  Soon  afterward  Sweden, 
1655-1660  desirous  to  emulate  the  prosperous  com- 

merce of  Holland  and  England,  pre- 
pared for  the  extension  of  her  control  of  the  sea,  and 
plans  were  laid  for  a  campaign  against  Poland 
weakened  by  the  bloody  Cossack  rebellions  and  the 
war  with  Muscovy.  The  new  Swedish  King,  Charles 
X  Gustavus,  in  whose  favor  the  extravagant  and  philo- 
sophically inclined  Christine  had  abdicated,  desired, 
moreover,  to  dispose  finally  of  the  claims  of  the  Po- 
lish King  to  the  Swedish  throne  and  chose  the  time 
when  Poland  was  least  able  to  defend  herself  against 
foreign  aggression.  Knowing  the  martial  qualities 
of  the  Poles  he  hesitated  at  the  opening  of  the  hos- 
tilities. The  pendulum  finally  swung  against  Poland 
when  an  outlawed  Polish  magnate,  Jerome  Radziey- 
owski,  went  to  the  Swedish  monarch  with  tales  of 
the  hatred  borne  by  the  people  against  King  John 
Kazimir  and  of  the  great  opposition  party  awaiting 


250 


only  an  opportunity  of  uniting  with  Sweden,  and 
urged  that  the  time  was  most  propitious  for  making 
a  triumphal  entry  into  Poland. 

Although  the  truce  of  Stumdorf  was  not  to  have 

expired  until  1661  and  regardless  of  international  law 

and  a  specific  agreement,  the  first  Swed- 

Trhf,  TrJ!af.0"        ish  host  under  Wittemberg  appeared  in 

of  the  Polish  -  .  <•  T?  1        j  •      -ICKK 

Nobility  „  the  northwestern  part  of  .Poland  in  looo 
when  the  country  was  in  the  throes  of 
the  Cossack  and  Russian  wars.  The  nobility  of  Great 
Poland  assembled  in  camp  at  Uyscie,  on  the  Netze, 
under  the  leadership  of  the  traitor  woyewodas  Chris- 
topher Opalinski,of  Posen,and  Charles  Grudzinski,of 
Kalisz.  In  spite  of  the  superiority  of  numbers  and 
a  favorable  position,  the  Polish  army  capitulated 
without  firing  a  shot  and  swore  allegiance  to  Charles, 
after  having  receiving  sole'mn  assurance  that  none  of 
their  privileges  and  religious  beliefs  would  be  vio- 
lated. Meanwhile,  another  army  under  the  personal 
leadership  of  the  Swedish  King  entered  Great  Poland, 
and  a  third  army  under  General  de  la  Gardie  made  its 
way  into  Lithuania  through  Livonia.  After  the  Rus- 
sian troops  occupied  Wilno,  the  schismatic  Lithu- 
anian hetman  Janus  Radziwill  laid  down  his  arms  at 
Kiejdany,  to  the  north  of  Kovno.  The  Swedish 
armies  reached  Warsaw  without  difficulty.  Later 
Cracow,  although  bravely  defended  by  Czarniecki, 
was  also  forced  to  surrender.  At  the  same  time  the 
Russian  troops  and  Chmielnicki's  Cossacks  took  Lem- 
berg  and  camped  outside  the  walls  of  Lublin.  Ap- 
prised of  the  situation,  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg, 
brother-in-law  of  Radziwill,  entered  West  Prussia  "to 
protect  it."  Recalled  from  Ukraine,  the  regular  army 
also  surrendered  upon  finding  the  whole  country  bow- 
ing in  recognition  of  Charles.  John  Kazimir,  with  his 
wife  and  small  court  fled  to  Glogow  in  Silesia,  and 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  251 

Poland  ceased  to  exist  as  an  independent  nation.  The 
country  was  divided  among  Sweden,  Russia  and 
Brandenburg.  Soon,  however,  seizing  the  oppor- 
tunity when  Charles  turned  against  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  the  people  rose  in  a  body  and  with  the 
aid  of  foreign  alliances  restored  their  national  and 
state  existence. 

When  the  nobles  betrayed  their  King  and  sur- 
rendered to  Charles  X  they  entertained  the  hope  that 

the  military  power  of  Sweden  would 
ofhthYPPeopfe  assist  them  in  defeating  the  Muscovites 

and  Cossacks.  Keen  was  their  disap- 
pointment when  they  found  that  even  their  own 
estates  and  churches  were  not  immune  from  plunder. 
The  Swedish  soldiery  robbed  the  manors,  desecrated 
the  churches,  violated  the  convents  and  outraged  the 
population.  The  cruelty  of  the  soldiery  soon  brought 
forth  a  strong  reaction  on  the  part  of  the  Poles  of  all 
classes.  The  peasants  first,  armed  with  scythes, 
sickles  and  flails  began  a  guerilla  warfare.  In  Great 
Poland  the  local  armed  attempts  merged  into  a  strong 
movement  under  Christopher  Zegocki,  and  was  soon 
followed  by  similar  organizations  formed  in  Little 
Poland  and  Lithuania.  In  December,  1655,  the  pro- 
vincial armies  became  united  by  the  act  of  confedera- 
tion. The  foremost  soldier  of  the  time 'was  Stefan 
Czarniecki,  a  man  of  austere  principles  of  life,  of  un- 
impeachable honesty  and  deep  patriotism.  An  im- 
placable foe  of  the  magnates  and  of  political  anarchy, 
he  was  one  of  the  rare  types  that  combine  an  exalted 
conception  of  civic  duty  with  clear  vision  and  force 
of  action.  He  was  a  man  of  genius  and  of  excep- 
tional strength  of  character.  When  the  King  re- 
turned the  confederacy  was  solemnly  confirmed  at 
Lancut  (in  present  day  Galicia)  and  Stefan  Czar- 
niecki was  proclaimed  generalissimo  of  the  confederate 


252  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

army.     The  picturesque  and  valiant  defense  of  Czen- 
stochowa  (the  city  famous  for  the  miraculous  image 


FIG    132— HETMAN    STEFAN    CZARNIECKI 


of  the  Madonna)  by  Kordecki,  Prior  to  the  Paulist 
Abbey,  supplied  an  additional  stimulus  and  gave  as- 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  253 

surance  to  the  masses  that  the  "Queen  of  the  Polish 
Crown"  had  not  abandoned  them.  In  the  Cathedral 
of  Lemberg  the  King  swore  to  alleviate  the  hard  lot 
of  the  peasantry  who  first  rose  in  defence  of  their 
country. 

Seeingthe  extent  of  the  popular  uprising, Charles 
turned  for  help  to  Poland's  enemies.     The  Elector  of 

Brjjjdenhurg  in  1656  signed  a  treaty  to 
The  Swedish  support  Sweden  in  compensation  for 
theiapoHshnd  which  he  was  proclaimed  independent 
League  ruler  of  the  East,  or  Ducal  Prussia,  and 

was  promised  a  few  districts  in  Great 
Poland.  Little  Poland,  Mazovia  and  Lithuania  were 
offered  to  Rakoczy,  Duke  of  Transylvania,  and  Uk- 
raine to  Chmielnicki.  The  rest  of  Poland,  namely, 
West  or  Royal  Prussia  and  Livonia,  were  to  go  to 
Sweden.  The  allied  troops  ravaged  the  country  and 
defeated  the  Polish  armies  in  several  encounters.  To 
balance  the  Swedish  alliance,  John  Kazimir  set  out  to 
form  a  counter  league.  Muscovy,  dissatisfied  with 
the  disposition  Charles  had  made  of  the  coveted  Lithu- 
ania and  Livonia,  was  ready  to  conclude  the  war  with 
Poland  and  to  join  against  Sweden.  The  negotiations 
were  prolonged,  the  Tsar  demanding  the  cession  of 
Lithuania  which  hehadoccupiedand  a  war  indemnity. 
The  reasons  advanced  by  the  Tsar's  deputies  for  his 
claims  are  so  characteristic  and  so  purely  Hegelian  that 
they  are  worthy  of  quotation:  "The  war  must  have 
been  right  when  God  gave  Lithuania  into  the  Tsar's 
hands ;  and  what  God  gave,  the  Tsar  must  not  return 
to  anybody."*  They  did,  however,  consent  to  the  return 
of  Lithuania  to  Poland  in  twenty  years;  only  White 
Russia  and  the  territories  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Dnieper  were  to.  remain  in  the  Tsar's  possession.  In 

*  Smolensk!,  "Dzieje  Narodu  Polskiego,"  Warsaw,  1898,  Vol.  II,  p.  102. 


254  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

addition, they  insisted  on  the  recognition  of  theTsare- 
vich  as  successor  to  John  Kazimir.  The  Polish  dele- 
gation could  not,  of  course,  agree  to  this  demand,  so 
glaringly  against  the  constitution.  They  promised, 
however,  to  bring  the  matter  up  at  the  next  Diet  with 
a  view  of  proposing  the  Tsar  as  hereditary  king  of 
Poland.  The  treaty  was  signed  at  Niemieza  near 
Wilno,  in  1656,  and  soon  the  Muscovite  troops  took  the 
field  against  Charles  with  the  hope  of  making  a  per- 
manent conquest  of  Livonia.  For  Poland  the  relief 
afforded  by  the  cessation  of  hostilities  in  the  East  was 
of  great  importance.  At  the  same  time  Polish  di- 
plomacy also  scored  a  few  additional  successes.  The 
struggle  for  supremacy  between  France  and  Aus- 
tria gave  an  opportunity  of  exploiting  one  side  in 
favor  of  Poland.  Each  of  the  two  countries  had 
strong  adherents  in  Poland  and  at  the  court.  The 
King,  like  his  father,  Zygmunt  III,  had  pro-Austrian 
attachments;  the  Queen,  Marie  Louise  Gonzague,  the 
widow  of  Wladyslav  IV  whom  John  Kazimir  mar- 
ried, was  a  Frenchwoman  with  strong  leanings  to- 
ward her  native  country  and  with  powerful  friends 
in  Poland.  The  pro-Austrian  policy  prevailed  and  not 
only  did  the  intervention  of  Ferdinand  III  expedite 
the  negotiations  with  Muscovy,  but  by  the  treaty  of 
Vienna  (1657)  Austria  promised,  though  she  did  not 
send,  an  army  to  defend  Cracow.  A  few  months  later 
Denmark  also  covenanted  to  help  Poland  against 
Sweden  as  did  the  Tartars.  The  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg, seeing  the  magnitude  of  the  Polish  league,  in 
spite  of  the  treaty,  promptly  abandoned  his  Swedish 
ally  and  entered  into  an  agreement  with  Poland  at 
Wielawa  (1657)  by  which  he  was  released  from  rec- 
ognizing Polish  suzerainty  over  East  Prussia.  In 
consideration  of  the  two  fiefs  given  to  him,  those  of 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  255 

Bytow  and  Lauenberg,  he  agreed  to  send  six  thou- 
sand men  against  Sweden. 

So  fortified,  Poland  threw  herself  with  new 
vigor  into  the  fight  which  was  exceedingly  sangui- 
nary because  of  the  determination  and 
The  Defeat  of  strength  of  the  invaders.  Rakoczy's 
the'peace1!!!  large  Hungarian  army  was  finally  over- 
oiiva,  i860  powered  and  the  Swedes  driven  out  of 
the  country  by  the  hero  of  the  war, 
Stefan  Czarniecki.  He  pursued  them  as  far  as  Den- 
mark, and  the  feats  of  the  Polish  cavalry  who  twice 
swam  the  straits  to  the  Island  of  Alsen,  have  gained 
for  them  lasting  glory.  A  new  outbreak  of  hos- 
tilities with  Muscovy  led  to  an  early  peace  with 
Sweden,  which  was  made  under  French  mediation 
and  signed  at  Oliva  near  Gdansk,  on  May  3, 1660,  and 
by  which  Poland  lost  all  Livonia  to  the  north  of  the 
River  Dvina  and  John  Kazimir  renounced  his  heredi- 
tary claims  to  the  throne  of  Sweden.  Thus  came  to 
an  end  the  long  feud,  which  had  lasted  almost  sixty 
years. 

The  war  with  a  Protestant  nation  and  its  tocsin 
cry,  "For  our  faith  and  our  country,"  the  excesses  of 
the  Swedish  soldiery  and  their  desecra- 
<1?p<i-r°wth  tion  °f  Catholic  churches,  the  success- 
Fanadosm8  ful  defence  of  Czenstochowa  and  the 
final  defeat  of  the  Swedes,  attributed  to 
divine  interference,  the  assistance  afforded  the  Swedes 
by  the  Protestant  elements  in  Poland,  the  impending 
war  with  orthodox  Russia,  and  the  constant  danger 
from  Mohammedan  Turkey,  all  contributed  to  the 
arousing  of  religious  fervor  and  fanaticism  in  Poland, 
and  to  the  identification,  in  the  popular  mind,  of 
Catholicism  with  patriotism.  The  future  history  of 
Poland  but  tended  to  merge  the  two  conceptions  into 
one.  The  Arians  or  Anti-Trinitarians,  who  openly 


256 

helped  the  Swedes,  were  the  objects  of  particular 
animus  and  were  singled  out  for  banishment  from 
the  country  (1658).  The  enforced  emigration  of 
hundreds  of  the  most  enlightened  families  was  a 
great  loss  to  Poland,  comparable  with  the  loss  later 
sustained  by  France  in  her  similar  intolerance  of  the 
Huguenots.  Among  the  Polish  exiles  were  writers  of 
first  magnitude,  such  as  Zbigniew  Morsztyn,  Erazm 
Otwinowski  and  Simon  Budny,  the  last  having  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  masterful  and  critical  studies 
of  biblical  texts  which  outdistanced  modern  biblical 
scholars  by  two  centuries. 

War  with  Muscovy,  which  hastened  the  conclu- 
sion of  war  with  Sweden,  was  caused  by  the  flat  re- 
fusal of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  lords 
The  Causes  of  of  Poland  to  consider  the  Tsar's  ambi- 
M^vyWith  tions  to  the  Polish  throne  and  to  ratify 
1658-1667  the  new  agreement  into  which  the  Re- 

public entered  writh  the  Cossacks.  The 
Cossacks,  whom  Chmielnicki  had  placed  under  the 
suzerainty  of  Muscovy,  soon  became  dissatisfied  with 
the  Tsar.  They  realized  that  only  in  Poland  could 
their  ideals  of  freedom  and  liberty  be  respected,  and 
that  the  autocratic. and  despotic  form  of  the  Tsar's 
government  was  inherently  inimical  to  them.  When 
Chmielnicki  died  in  1657  John  Wyhowski,  the  tem- 
porary hetman,  proceeded  immediately  to  arrange  for 
a  return  of  the  Cossacks  to  Polish  sovereignty.  On 
September  16,  1658,  an  agreement  was  signed  at 
Hadziacz,  near  Poltava,  by  the  terms  of  which  the 
Cossacks  were  admitted  into  the  Polish  state  on  the 
same  basis  as  the  Lithuanians  had  been  by  the  terms 
of  the  Union  of  Lublin,  as  "the  equal  with  the  equal, 
and  the  free  with  the  free."  The  Cossacks  were  given 
equal  privileges  with  the  nobility  of  Poland;  had  simi- 
lar rights  over  peasants;  and  were  free  to  elect  their 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  257 

own  hetmans,  marshals,  chancellors  and  other  dig- 
nitaries who  were  entitled  to  seats  in  the  Polish  Sen- 
ate, as  were  their  metropolitan  and  the  diocesan  bish- 
ops. They  were  guaranteed  freedom  of  faith  and  the 
Uniate  Church  was  abolished  in  Ukraine.  Polish 
political  thought  now  soared  high  above  the  narrow- 
minded  spirit  of  a  short  time  before  and  laid  an  equi- 
table, just  and  solid  foundation  for  a  symbiosis  of 
Ukraine  with  Poland  and  Lithuania.  Perceiving  this, 
the  Tsar  determined  to  prevent  it  by  force  of  arms 
and  sent  an  unexpected  expedition  into  Poland. 
Though  still  at  war  with  Sweden  the  Republic  raised 
an  army  large  enough  to  deal  successfully  with  Mus- 
covy despite  the  fact  that  a  section  of  the  Cossacks 
under  the  younger  Chmielnicki  fought  against  her. 
The  Polish  arms  triumphed  in  battle  after  battle  and 
after  the  Peace  of  Oliva,  when  the  Western  armies 
were  released,  they  forced  the  Muscovites  to  capitu- 
late at  Cudnow  in  Volhynia  (1661).  Chmielnicki 
then  declared  for  Poland.  As  had  so  often  before 
happened  in  Polish  history,  so  now  again  the  brilliant 
military  successes  could  not  be  properly  exploited, 
this  time  on  account  of  the  revolt  of  the  unpaid  armies. 
The  Crown  troops  as  well  as  those  of  Lithuania 
formed  confederacies  and  refused  to  continue  the 
campaign  until  their  wages  had  been  paid.  The 
nobility,  too,  seeing  the  enemies  beaten  off,  resolved 
to  discontinue  hostilities  and  to  turn  their  atten- 
tion to  the  sorely  needed  internal  reforms. 

The  betterment  of  the  economic  status  of  the 

peasantry  and  the  King's  vows  to  that  effect  made  in 

the  Cathedral  of  Lemberg  during  the 

The  Rebellion      Swedish    invasion    could    well    be    and 

of  Lubomirski,  ..  ,     ,    ,  .  j      r 

1666  were  disregarded,  but  the  need  of  regu- 

lating parliamentary  procedure  and  of 
simplifying  the  method  of  royal  elections  was  urgent 


258  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

and  immediate.     The  intrigues  of  the  Austrian  Am- 
bassador Lisolfiprevented  the  consideration  of  parlia- 


FIG.   133  -GEORGE  LUBOMTRSKI,   "The  Polish  Cromwell" 


mentary  reforms  and  made  the  matter  of  succession 
to  the  throne  precedent  over  all  else.     An  attempt 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  259 

was  made  at  preventing  the  impending  interregnum 
by  electing  an  heir  to  the  throne  during  the  life  of 
John  Kazimir,  but  it  resulted  in  nothing  except  a 
terrific  political  tempest  which  for  a  time  made  im- 
possible the  consideration  of  any  other  question.  The 
main  influences  at  work  in  the  matter  of  succession 
were  those  of  France  and  Austria.  The  Queen,  aided 
by  Pac  and  John  Sobieski,  favored  the  Duke  d'Eng- 
hien,  the  son  of  Conde  the  Great.  The  Austrian  fac- 
tion was  headed  by  George  Lubomirski,  marshal  of 
the  Crown,  a  man  of  great  distinction  and  wealth 
and  no  less  ambition.  When  the  matter  of  election 
was  brought  up  at  the  Diet  of  1661  feeling  rose  so 
high  that  the  King  feared  the  disruption  of  the  ses- 
sion and  recalled  the  subject  from  consideration. 
After  the  close  of  the  Diet  both  parties  set  to  work  to 
gain  supporters.  A  confederacy  was  organized  by 
George  Lubomirski,  called  the  Polish  Cromwell,  who, 
by  his  demogogue-like  appeals  to  the  ignorant  squires, 
rallied  great  support  for  the  cause  of  "free  elections, 
threatened  by  the  French  party,"  thus  dodging  the 
real  issue.  Preparations  were  made  for  armed  re- 
sistance to  the  election  of  the  candidate  of  the  party 
he  opposed.  The  King  brought  suit  against  him  for 
conspiracy,  treason  and  the  incitement  of  rebellion. 
The  Court  of  the  Diet,  composd  of  the  King's  sup- 
porters, sustained  the  charges  and  sentenced  him  to 
infamy,  loss  of  dignity  and  exile.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
knighthood  he  was  a  martyr  of  the  cause  of  liberty, 
to  be  supported  to  the  utmost.  Meanwhile  Czar- 
niecki  formed  another  confederacy  and  with  the  aid 
of  Sobieski  took  up  the  defense  of  the  country  against 
Muscovy.  The  Cossacks,  encouraged  by  the  turmoil 
in  Poland  and  prompted  by  a  lust  for  plunder  and 
spoils  began  to  harass  Poland  and  Czarniecki's  at- 


260  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

tention  had  to  be  turned  to  them.  In  the  midst  of  all 
this  came  the  clash  of  Lubomirski's  forces  with  those 
of  the  King.  The  rebels  threatened  Warsaw  and  a 
compromise  was  finally  agreed  upon.  Lubomirski 
expressed  his  regrets  and  the  King  promised  to  aban- 
don his  plan  of  bringing  about  an  election  of  his 
successor. 

The  rebellion  prevented  the  development  of  suf- 
ficient strength  to  support  the  loyal  Cossacks.  Dis- 
heartened, they  turned,  under  Doros- 
°f  zenko,  to  Turkey  at  the  time  when 
Mahmed  IVwas  getting  ready  for  a  war 
with  Christendom.  In  the  face  of  a  common  danger 
and  harassed  by  internal  disorders,  Muscovy  and  Po- 
land agreed  to  a  thirteen  years  truce  at  Andrushov  in 
1667,  by  which  the  Tsar  renounced  all  claims  to  Lithu- 
ania and  Livonia  and  Poland  ceded  to  him  Smolensk, 
Siewiersk,  Czernihov  and  the  part  of  Ukraine  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Dnieper.  The  city  of  Kieff  was  left 
in  Muscovite  hands  for  two  years.  These  cessions  to 
Muscovy  were  considered  but  temporary  in  Poland, 
and  no  crown  offices  pertaining  to  them  were  abol- 
ished. 

At  the  Diet  which  assembled  in  1667  the  King, 

led  by  his  strong-willed  wife,  once  more  brought  up 

the  matter  of  succession  and  again  pro- 

The  Ascending     posed  the  Duke  d'Enghien.     The  Diet, 

Star  of  John  i-    i-         •  r  Ai.      •  J-         J 

Sobieski  which  in  view  of  the  impending  dangers 

carried  through  certain  reforms  and  ap- 
propriated funds  to  pay  the  army,  rejected  the  King's 
proposal  although  Lubomirski  was  no  more  alive. 
They  again  expressed  their  preference  for  "free  elec- 
tions." Meanwhile  the  Turks,  Tartars  and  Cossacks 
made  their  appearance  on  the  frontiers.  John  Sobie- 
ski, then  Field  Hetman,  met  them  and  with  small 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  261 

forces  maintained  almost  wholly  at  his  own  expense, 
and  though  battling  against  great  odds  was  able  by 
superior  strategy  to  stay  the  avalanche  and  compel 
their  retreat. 

The  splendor  of  the  achievements  of  Sobieski  en- 
tirely eclipsed  the  waning  star  of  trie  unfortunate 
John  Kazimir  whom  the  people  held  re- 
TheAbdication     sponsible  for  the  deluge  of  misfortunes 

of  King  John  i  •    1     i      j    i_     <•    n         .«_  j       • 

Kazimir,  1668  which  had  befallen  the  country  during 
his  reign.  Deprived  of  the  sustaining 
power  of  his  remarkable  wife  and  abandoned  by 
almost  everybody,  he  lost  heart  and  abdicated  on 
September  16,  1668.  In  a  pathetic  speech  he  warned 
the  country  against  the  many  existing  evils,  and 
ended :  "Wearied  with  age  and  the  hardships  of  war, 
exhausted  by  deliberations,  oppressed  by  the  worries 
of  twenty  years,  I,  your  King  and  father,  surrender 
that  which  the  world  values  most  highly — the  Crown 
of  this  country."  He  stayed  in  Poland  for  another 
year,  then  left  for  France  where  he  died  three  years 
later  in  the  modest  Abbey  of  St.  Germain  near  Paris. 
During  the  interregnum  following  John  Kazi- 
mir's  abdication  the  alignment  of  the  political 
forces  came  into  strong  relief.  The 
Co-niption  magnates  and  political  leaders  were  di- 
vided into  two  camps,  the  French  and 
Austrian.  French  gold,  lavishly  spent  by  Louis  XIV, 
not  only  in  Poland  but  everywhere  else,  made  corrup- 
tion an  almost  political  institution  in  the  whole  of 
Europe.  The  vast  sums  spent  by  the  late  Queen  in 
support  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien  gained  a  large  num- 
ber of  influential  supporters  for  the  candidates  of 
France.  Even  those  among  the  magnates  who  favored 
the  French  party  by  conviction,  were  given  boun- 
tiful subsidies.  The  Austrian  party  similarly  sought 


262 

influential  support  by  bribing.  Demoralization  and 
corruption  became  the  order  of  the  day.  The  great 
body  of  electors  saw  what  was  going  on  and  resented 
the  foreign  candidates  and  the  corruptive  influence 
which  came  with  them  into  the  country.  At  the  elec- 
tion field  where  over  80,000  men  assembled,  the  hos- 
tility of  the  great  body  of  citizens  toward  the  mag- 
nates became  apparent  and  led  almost  to  serious 
bloodshed,  so  intense  was  the  opposition  to  the 
Frenchmen  and  to  all  the  other  foreigners.  At  a 
proper  moment  Bishop  Olszowski  proposed  a  native 
candidate,  the  son  of  the  famous  Cossack  vanquisher, 
Wisniowiecki,  who  had  become  completely  impover- 
ished by  the  loss  of  all  the  great  frontier  estates, 
forfeited  by  the  loss  of  a  part  of  Ukraine.  "Long  live 
King  Michael  Wisniowiecki !"  was  the  spontaneous 
and  unanimous  reply  (1669). 

The  healthy  instinctive  impulses  of  the  electorate 
unfortunately  were  ill-directed,  as  the  new  King  was 
weak-hearted,  weak-willed  and  weak- 
King  Michael  minded,  and  entirely  under  the  domina- 
Wisniowiecki,  ^on  °^  a  small  coterie.  Educated  at  the 
1669-1673  Austrian  court,  he  had  strong  pro-Aus- 

trian leanings  and  married  Eleanor,  the 
sister  of  Emperor  Leopold  I  against  the  will  of  the 
Senate,  composed  largely  of  French  sympathizers. 
Soon  the  French  party,  conniving  with  Louis  XIV, 
began  to  lay  plans  for  dethroning  the  legally  chosen 
King  and  for  elevating  the  young  French  duke,  Saint- 
Paul  de  Longueville,  an  adventurer  par  excellence. 
A  passionate  strife  ensued,  characterized  by  rancor 
and  vituperation.  Diet  after  Diet  was  broken  up, 
and  not  a  few  deputies  lost  their  lives  at  the  swords 
of  angry  partisans.  Chaos  became  general  and  to 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  263 

make  matters  worse  an  immense  Crescent  host  ap- 
peared in  Poland. 

When  news  of  the  election  of  Wisniowiecki,  son 
of  the  hated  "Jarema,"  became  known  to  the  Cossacks 
it  once  again  awakened  their  animos- 
The  Turkish        ity    toward    Poland.     They    broke    the 
Treaty^!*  Hadziacz  agreement  and  went  over  to 

Buczacz,  1672  Turkey.  The  Cossack  ally  was  wel- 
come at  the  time  when  the  Porte, 
having  reached  the  zenith  of  its  power  was  planning 
conquests  of  Austria  and  Poland  in  order  to  reach  the 
Baltic.  The  new  Turkish  danger  stood  in  the  way  of 
the  realization  of  the  plans  of  Louis  XIV  and  of  the 
French  party  in  Poland,  which  was  spending  all  its 
time  and  energy  to  counteract  the  influences  of  the 
Austrian  faction.  In  the  capital  not  much  thought 
was  given  to  the  organization  of  an  adequate  army 
to  meet  the  Turks.  Hetman  Sobieski,  with  his 
small  forces  was  accomplishing  marvels  of  gallantry. 
He  was,  however,  only  retarding  the  Turkish  ad- 
vance, not  checking  it.  Soon  the  enemy  overrode 
Ukraine  and  after  a  desperate  defense  by  its  small 
garrison  Kamenietz  Podolski,  the  strongest  Polish 
frontier  fortress  and  the  key  to  the  South,  surrendered. 
In  spite  of  the  proximity  of  the  enemy  and  the  appear- 
ance of  Sobieski  in  Warsaw  and  his  insistence  on  ener- 
getic action,  partisanship  dominated  patriotism.  The 
Diet  dissolved,  nothing  accomplished,  and  as  a  conse- 
quence Poland  found  herself  suing  for  peace  under 
the  most  humiliating  terms.  By  the  so-called  Buc- 
zacz Treaty,  the  Republic  ceded  to  Turkey  the  prov- 
inces of  Podolia  and  Ukraine,  paid  a  heavy  war  tax 
of  80,000  thalers  and  promised  an  annual  tribute  of 
22,500  thalers  (1672). 


264  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

This  unprecedented  humiliation  was  exploited 
by  the  Austrian  party,  to  crush  the  French  party  by 

attributing  to  them  complete  blame  for 
Confederacy1  tne  disaster  and  even  accusing  them  of 

courting  it  with  the  aid  of  French  di- 
plomacy. They  formed  a  confederacy,  known  as  that 
of  Golomb,  indicted  the  leaders  of  the  Senate  and, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  Primate  Prazmowski,  deprived 
some  of  their  offices  and  confiscated  their  estates. 
The  confederacy  had  a  distinct  class  character.  It 
was  the  expression  of  resentment  and  distrust  on 
the  part  of  the  rank  and  file  squire  against  the 
corruption  and  dishonesty  of  the  rich  and  power- 
ful lords.  The  Assembly  of  the  Confederation  pro- 
posed to  do  away  with  life  tenure  of  State  office  and 
to  discourage  the  use  of  the  liberum  veto.  Three 
Diet  members  who  used  this  malicious  device  were 
iridicted.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  the  as- 
sertions and  accusations  of  the  Golomb  Confederacy. 
The  time,  however,  was  not  opportune  for  recrimina- 
tions and  vengeance,  the  more  so  because  the  struggle 
threatened  to  develop  into  a  civil  war,  for  Sobieski 
returning  from  his  expeditions  surrounded  by  glory, 
organized  a  counter-confederacy  in  support  of  the 
Primate.  Through  the  good  offices  of  reasonable  and 
clear-headed  men,  and  also  because  of  the  death  of 
the  Primate,  the  clash  was  prevented  and  steps  were 
taken  to  organize  an  adequate  army  and  to  repudiate 
the  Buczacz  treaty.  Austria  and  Muscovy  were  asked 
to  join  the  campaign  but,  as  always,  refused  to  help. 

A  single-handed  expedition  was  sent  against  the 
Turks  under  Sobieski  and  at  Chocim,  where  fifty-two 
The  Victory  years  before,  in  Zygmunt  Vasa's  reign, 
Over  the  Turks  Chodkiewicz  had  checked  the  same  en- 
at  Chocim,  1673  emy  poljsh  arms  scored  a  splendid  vic- 
tory over  the  Porte.  The  Turkish  army  was  almost 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  265 

entirely  annihilated,  and  120  mortars,  400  standards 
and  the  entire  supply  store  fell  into  Polish  hands. 
It  was  in  keeping  with  Polish  tradition  that  the  fruits 
of  this  victory  were  not  fully  gathered.  The  mer- 
cenaries, not  having  been  paid,  struck,  and  the  militia, 
apprised  of  the  death  of  the  King  who  expired  on 
November  10,  1673,  at  the  age  of  thirty-three  years, 
were  anxious  to  get  back  home  for  electioneering. 

The  Convocation  Diet  assembled  in  Warsaw  by 
the  middle  of  January  and  the  Austrian  party,  fearing 

the  popularity  of  Sobieski,  proposed  the 
sfobfeskf"1  HI  elimination  of  all  Polish  candidates  at 
1674-1696  the  election.  The  measure  did  not  go 

through  .and  in  view  of  the  war  situa- 
tion money  was  voted  for  the  maintenance  of  an  army 
70,000  strong,  and  the  date  of  election  was  set  for 
April  20,  1674.  Led  by  the  powerful  Pac  family, 
Lithuania  stood  irrevocably  for  the  Austrian  ca'n- 
didate,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  whom  they  had  also 
chosen  to  be  the  husband  of  the  widowed  Polish 
queen,  the  sister  of  the  Austrian  Emperor.  The 
Duke  of  Neuburg  was  the  French  candidate.  When 
it  appeared  that  he  could  not  be  elected,  the  French 
party  proposed  John  Sobieski  who  by  his  heroic  deeds 
had  gained  considerable  popularity  among  the  nobles, 
although  his  past  record  as  an  active  supporter  of 
Louis  XIV's  policies,  a  participant  in  an  illegal  plot 
to  dethrone  the  late  King,  and  as  a  member  of  the 
camarilla  of  the  intriguante  queen,  Marie  Louise 
Gonzague,  and  of  late  the  organizer  of  a  counter  con- 
federacy in  opposition  to  the  Polish  Cromwell, 
weighed  strongly  against  him.  In  spite  of  the  ob- 
jections of  the  Pacs  and  the  Wisniowieckis  he  was 


266 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


elected.     The  election  was  questioned  by  the  Lithua- 
nians who  left  the  field,but  two  days  later  after  recon- 


(J.   Mateyko) 


FIG.    134— JAN   IIl'sOBIESKI,   1674-169G 


sidering  the  matter,  they  voted  to  support  the  new 
King-elect. 


267 


268  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Almost  immediately  after  the  election,  the  King 
left  with  the  army  to  halt  a  new  Turkish  invasion, 
postponing  the  coronation  until  a  later 
Zoravno*ci678  date.  After  two  years  of  brilliant  cam- 
paigning in  the  course  of  which  the 
Turks  were  thrown  across  the  Dniester  and  a  great 
many  towns  (except  that  of  Kamenetz  Podolski) 
were  retaken,  Sobieski  returned  to  Cracow  for  the 
coronation,  and  at  the  Diet  immediately  following 
the  ceremony  asked  for  adequate  appropriations  to 
continue  the  war.  He  was  soon  in  the  field  again. 
After  the  famous  siege  of  Zoravno,  where  a  hundred 
thousand  Turks  in  vain  endeavored  to  surround  the 
small  forces  of  the  Polish  King,  by  the  aid  of  French 
mediation,  peace  was  established,  the  terms  of  which 
superseded  the  Buczacz  treaty.  Many  other  advan- 
tages were  gained  by  Poland,  among  them  the  res- 
toration of  two-thirds  of  Ukraine  (1676). 

The  Diet  expected  more  of  the  martial  genius 
of  the  King  and  the  treaty  was  not  ratified.  An  ad- 
ditional reason  for  this  action  on  the 
Dissensions  Part  °^  tne  Diet  was  the  suspicion  en- 
tertained as  to  the  reasons  that  led 
France  to  bring  about  the  peace.  It  was  a  matter  of 
common  knowledge  that  Louis  XIV  desired  to  draw 
Poland  into  a  war  with  his  enemies,  Austria  and 
Brandenburg,  and  for  certain  considerations  Sobieski 
supported  the  Hungarian  revolutionaries  and  allowed 
the  use  of  Polish  territory  for  the  passage  of  Swedish 
troops  marching  against  Brandenburg.  He  even  con- 
templated a  campaign  against  the  Elector  to  regain 
East  Prussia.  Austria  was  alarmed  by  the  cessation 
of  Polish  hostilities  with  Turkey,  fearing  that  the 
latter  might  turn  against  her  and  strained  every  ef- 
fort to  gain  sufficient  support  in  the  Diet  against  the 
King's  plans.  She  was  ably  seconded  by  Branden- 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  269 

burg  and  the  Pope,  Innocent  XI,  who  desired  to  see 
Poland  in  a  league  against  Turkey,  and  who  issued  in- 
structions to  the  Polish  clergy  advising  them  to  work 
in  that  direction.  Their  endeavors  were  not  in  vain. 
The  suspicious,  ill-informed,  ignorant  and  presump- 
tuous country  squires  assumed  the  same  attitude  to- 
ward the  King  as  they  had  done  in  Wladyslav's  days 
and  thwarted  the  realization  of  large  plans,  based  on 
the  possibilities  of  a  European  conflict.  They  again 
prevented  the  country  from  gaining  the  last  chance  to 
become  an  important  factor  in  European  politics,  to 
which  she  was  entitled  by  her  magnitude  and  posi- 
tion. Seeing  the  pettiness  of  the  thoughtless  mob, 
which  held  supreme  power  in  the  State,  Sobieski 
conceived  the  idea  of  effecting  a  coup  d'etat,  which 
alone  could  have  saved  the  country  from  decadence. 
He  informed  Louis  XIV  that  he  intended  putting  a 
stop  to  anarchy  and  introducing  absolute  govern- 
ment in  Poland,  and  asked  his  support  in  the  matter. 
To  his  disappointment,  the  egotistic  French  mon- 
arch replied  that  he  saw  no  advantage  to  himself  in 
the  proposed  scheme.  Left  unsupported,  Sobieski 
submitted  to  the  pacifist  measures  of  the  Diet,  which 
reduced  the  army  from  thirty  to  twelve  thousand 
men.  His  attentioa  was  soon  again  turned  to  Tur- 
key and  Muscovy. 

In  spite  of  the  failure  of  the  Polish  Diet  to  ratify 
the  treaty  of  Zoravno,  Turkey  did  not  resume  hos- 
tilities,    having     meanwhile     engaged 
The  Alliance        Muscovy  in  a  war  over  the  control  of 

with    Austria,         T  T1        .  r^*  j  t        ,  i 

March  1683  Ukraine.  I  he  war  was  crowned  by  the 
treaty  of  Bakchiseray  (Crimea)  in  1681, 
according  to  which  the  part  of  Ukraine  to  the  east  of 
the  Dnieper  was  to  remain  in  the  Tsar's  hands,  but  the 
western  part  of  Ukraine,  which  the  Andrushov  agree- 
ment of  1667  guaranteed  to  Poland,  was  to  be  divided 


270  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

between  Turkey  and  Poland  and  a  desert  maintained 
between  the  Dnieper  and  the  Boh  to  separate  the 
possessions  of  the  two  nations.  Poland  could  not 
consent  to  sharing  Ukraine  with  Turkey,  and  the 
King,  disappointed  with  the  Diet  and  with  Louis 
XIV,  to  whom  also  his  beloved  wife,  Marie  Casimir, 
took  a  sudden  dislike  because  he  refused  to  grant  a 
ducal  title  to  her  father,  Marquis  d'Arquien,  turned 
to  Austria.  The  alliance  with  Austria  was  based  on 
a  community  of  interests  and  on  account  of  this  it 
gave  assurances  of  sincerity  of  purpose  and  firmness. 
It  was,  moreover,  a  realization  of  the  idea  of  the  Sa- 
cred League  against  the  Infidel.  Early  in  1683  Aus- 
tria and  Poland  finally  concluded  a  treaty  for  defen- 
sive and  offensive  purposes,  by  which,  among  other 
things,  the  Emperor  promised  to  raise  an  army  of 
sixty  thousand,  to  contribute  200,000  gold  coins  to  the 
Polish  war  treasury  and  to  interfere  at  Madrid  for  the 
repayment  of  the  so-called  "Neapolitan  sums"  which 
Queen  Bona,  the  wife  of  Zygmunt  I,  loaned  to  Spain 
and  which  were  never  returned  to  Poland,  in  spite  of 
many  representations.  The  Polish  King  covenanted 
to  raise  an  army  of  forty  thousand  and  agreed  not  to 
conclude  a  separate  peace  with  Turkey.  In  case  of  a 
siege  of  either  Vienna  or  Cracow  the  allies  agreed  to 
send  relief  expeditions  and  the  monarch  present  with 
the  allied  troops  in  the  field  should  be  in  command  of 
the  united  forces. 

Very  soon  after  the  alliance  was  established 
an  immense  host  approached  Vienna  under  the 
leadership  of  the  gifted  Grand  Vizier 
Kara  Mustafa.  The  Imperial  army 
under  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  could  not 
stem  the  rapid  Turkish  advance.  The  Emperor,  who 
fled  the  capital,  had  sent  imploring  messages,  one  after 
another,  to  Sobieski.  On  the  15th  of  July,  1683,  the 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND 


271 


investment  of  Vienna  was  complete  and  a  regular 
siege  begun.  Desirous  of  arriving  in  time,  Sobieski 
made  hasty  preparations  and  not  waiting  for  the 
Lithuanian  armv  and  the  Cossacks,  left  in  forced 


(J.  Kossak  pinx.) 
FIG.   136 — KING  SOBIESKI  AT   THE   GATES  OF  VIENNA,   1683 

marches  toward  Vienna.  On  September  7th  he 
joined  the  Austrian  forces  and  assumed  supreme  com- 
mand over  the  allied  army  which  comprised  Bavarian 
and  Saxon  troops  also.  On  the  12th  the  famous 


272 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


battle  took  place,  directed  by  the  Polish  King  in  per- 
son. The  course  of  the  battle  is  a  matter  of  record. 
The  right  wing  of  the  allied  army,  comprised  of  the 
Polish  winged  hussars  and  other  types  of  Polish  horse 
for  which  the  country  has  been  famous,  saved  the  day. 


FIG.  137 —  THE  ARMOR  WORN  BY  SOBIESKI  DURING  THE 
BATTLE   OF  VIENNA 

The  backbone  of  the  Turkish  army  was  broken.  The 
Vizier  fled  with  the  remnants  of  his  host  and  the 
green  standard  of  the  Prophet  and  all  supplies  and 
munitions  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Christian  sol- 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  273 

diers.  Kara  Mustafa  was  pursued  into  Hungary  by 
Sobieski,  who,  because  of  the  lack  of  support  on  the 
part  of  the  Allies,  suffered  a  reverse  which  was,  how- 
ever, promptly  compensated  by  another  victory.  The 
heroic  achievements  of  Sobieski  and  his  army  brought 
to  him  and  his  country  everlasting  fame  and  praise 
for  the  saving  of  European  civilization  and  Christian- 
ity from  destruction  by  a  powerful  and  ruthless 
enemy  who  was  determined  to  conquer  Europe.  It 
brought,  however,  no  political  advantage  to  Poland. 
Leopold  and  his  court  very  soon  became  cold  to  their 
saviors  and  forgot  the  services  rendered.  It  seems 
almost  incredible  that  the  army  which  saved  Austria 
from  destruction  should  have  been  treated  as  they 
were  only  a  few  days  after  the  battle  of  Vienna. 
Forage  was  refused  to  the  horses,  and  other  petty 
difficulties  put  in  the  way.  After  having  pursued  the 
Turks  into  Hungary  and  having  cleared  a  consider- 
able part  of  the  country  of  them,  Sobieski  returned  to 
Poland. 

Austria  did  not  keep  the  tacit  agreement  made 
with  the  Polish  King  of  giving  the  Austrian  Arch- 
duchess Marie  Antoinette  in  marriage 
The  Holy  to  his  son  James.     She  also  prevented 

League  hjs    marriage    to    Princess    Radziwill, 

Turkey  daughter  of  Boguslav,  who  was  heir  to 

immense  riches  in  Lithuania  and  who 
subsequently  became  the  bride  of  Louis  Hohenzollern, 
the  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  This  marriage  was 
the  cause  of  a  great  political  tempest  as  the  Hohen- 
zollerns  thus  came  into  possession  of  very  large  es- 
tates and  a  number  of  cities  in  Lithuania.  Anxious 
to  insure  regal  station  for  his  children  and  to  crush 
the  Porte  forever  Sobieski,  in  spite  of  his  disquieting 
experiences  with  Austria,  joined  the  Holy  League 
against  Turkey,  the  Emperor  having  given  assur- 


274  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

ances  that  Moldavia  and  Wallachia  would  be  given  to 
James  Sobieski,  the  King's  son.  The  expedition  into 
Wallachia  was  unsuccessful  and  to  obtain  the  aid  of 
Muscovy  the  Polish  King  made  a  sacrificing  agree- 
ment with  that  country  which  had  only  a  short  time 
before  proven  treacherous  and  unreliable.  By  this 
new  agreement  of  1686  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Polish  commissioner,  Grzymultowski,  Poland,  for  the 
support  against  Turkey  and  for  a  compensation  of  a 
million  and  a  half  roubles,  forever  ceded  Ukraine  to 
the  east  of  the  Dnieper  and  the  important  City  of 
Kieff  on  the  western  shore.  The  cession  of  the  ter- 
ritories was  an  irreparable  loss  to  Poland.  She  was 
deprived  of  her  predominant  position  and  influence 
in  the  East,  and  her  command  over  the  Cossacks,  and 
was  cut  off  from  the  Black  Sea  which  became  the 
foundation  for  the  growth  of  the  Muscovite  Empire. 
The  political  ideas  of  Batory  and  Wladyslav  IV  were 
forever  abandoned.  Moreover,  neither  Muscovy  nor 
Austria  kept  their  promises.  The  Wallachian  ex- 
peditions carried  on  single-handed  were  unsuccessful 
and  finally  abandoned  in  1691. 

The   constant   internal   dissensions   caused   and 
nourished   by   foreign    intrigues   were   in   no   mean 

measure  responsible  for  the  King's  fail- 
Political  ures  in  his  final  campaigns  and  in  his 
SobYe'sk^s ai  diplomacy.  They  resulted  in  the  loss 
Death,  1696  of  territory  and  the  decline  of  Poland's 

position  as  a  great  European  power. 
French  and  Austrian  money  supported  Polish  anar- 
chy. Diets  were  constantly  torn  up,  some  even 
before  the  presiding  officer  could  be  elected.  No  law 
could  be  enacted.  Corruption  was  rampant.  Sev- 
eral attempts  were  made  to  depose  the  King.  Re- 
ligious intolerance  became  intensified  and  the  first 
and  last  auto  da  fe  in  Poland  was  executed  in  1689,  on 


THE  PASSING  OF  POLAND  275 

one  Casimir  Lyszczynski  for  his  atheistic  procliv- 
ities. The  country  became  a  theatre  of  constant 
strife  between  the  various  magnate  families.  At 
times  the  clashes  resulted  in  formal  civil  wars,  as  was 
the  case  in  the  feud  between  the  Sapiehas  and  the 
Bishop  of  Wilno.  With  the  death  of  Sobieski  on  June 
17,  1696,  ended  the  glory  of  old  Poland.  He  was  the 
only  man.  says  Prof.  Sokolowski,  who  if  he  could  not 
revive  the  country,  could  at  least  prevent  Poland's 
speedy  destruction.  But  "blindness  and  evil  passion 
destroyed  the  last  salvation  plank  and  then  begins  the 
slow  death  of  a  powerful  organism." 


FIG.    138— GENERAL  VIEW   OF   SANDOMIR 
From  Georg  Braun's  "Civltates  Orbis  Terrarum,"  1491. 


The    Election 
of  August  of 
Saxony,   1697 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
The  Disintegration  of  Political  Sovereignty. 

The  election  following  Sobieski's  death  was  the 
last  that  was  free.  Subsequent  elections  were  held 
at  the  point  of  foreign  bayonets.  The 
debasement  into  which  political  moral- 
ity had  fallen  at  that  period  everywhere 
in  Europe  received  its  echo  in  Poland. 
Sordid  haggling  and  corruption  took  possession  of 
Polish  political  life  under  mischievous  foreign  in- 
fluence. All  past  glory  and  lofty  tradition  were  for- 
gotten, and  the  country  was  given  over  to  the  per- 
sonal rapacity  of  the  magnates  and  the  intrigues  of 
foreign  monarchs.  James  Sobieski  was  the  candidate 
of  the  Austrian  party,  bitterly  opposed  by  his  mother, 
who  favored  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  her  son-in-law. 
The  French  candidate  was  the  Duke  Frangois  Louis 
de  Conti.  The  family  jealousies  of  the  Polish  mag- 
nates prevented  the  election  of  Sobieski;  Conti's  good 
chances  were  spoiled  by  the  sudden  decision  of  the 
Court  of  Versailles  not  to  spend  any  more  funds  for 
the  election;  and  so  Saxon  gold,  supported  by  Rus- 
sian influence,  carried  the  day.  The  dissolute,  intern- 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY     277 

perate  and  sly  Elector  of  Saxony,  August  the  Strong, 
having  become  a  Catholic,  mounted  the  throne  of 
Poland  as  King  August  II,  in  1697,  although  the 
Primate  declared  the  French  candidate  to  have  been 
legally  chosen.  August  was  a  man  possessed  of  a 
strong  will  and  of  great  political  ambitions.  Poland 
was  to  serve  his  designs.  Heir  to  despotic  traditions, 
he  planned  to  turn  her  into  a  hereditary  domain  of 
his  house. 


(J.  Mateyko) 
FIG.    139— AUGUST   II    (1697-1733) 

In   the   pacta   conventa   he   promised   to   bring 

Ukraine  and  Podolia,  with  the  fortress  of  Kamenetz, 

back  to  Poland.     Soon  after  the  elec- 

The  Close  of       tion    he    determined   upon    and    prose- 

with^Turkey,       cuted  a  war  with  Turkey  as  the  first 

1698  step  in  the  seeming  fulfillment  of  his 

promises.     The  conflict  was   not  long 

drawn  out,  for  the  Porte,  after  a  series  of  long  and  dis- 


278  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

astrous  wars  with  Sobieski  and  Austria  was  exhausted. 
The  allied  forces  of  Poland  and  Saxony,  under  Field 
Hetman  Felix  Potocki,  won  a  brilliant  victory  at  Pod- 
hayce  in  1698,  which  hastened  the  conclusion  of  the 
peace  at  Karlowice,  b)^  the  terms  of  which  Austria 
received  Transylvania  and  Hungary  as  far  as  the 
Save;  Azov  was  ceded  to  Russia;  and  Ukraine  and 
Podolia  with  Kamenetz  came  back  to  Poland.  Po- 
land in  return,  abandoned  all  claims  to  Wallachia  and 
Moldavia.  This  peace  marks  the  end  of  hostilities 
between  Poland  and  Turkey.  The  growth  of  Russia 
made  them  natural  allies,  in  opposition  to  the  dis- 
quieting growth  of  the  colossus  in  the  East. 

An  alliance  with  Russia  was,  however,  within  the 
political   machinations   of   the   Saxon    Elector.     He 

schemed  to  take  advantage  of  Charles 
The  Beginning  XII,  the  youthful  King  of  Sweden,  and 
Northern  War,  to  wrest  Swedish  Livonia  from  him. 
1700-1721  Accordingly  he  entered  into  a  secret 

treaty  with  Peter  of  Russia  for  a  divi- 
sion of  the  Swedish  Baltic  littoral,  a  Swedish  traitor 
by  the  name  of  Patkul  being  the  chief  agent  in  carry- 
ing out  the  negotiations.  August  was  able  to  draw 
into  the  league  the  Danish  King  Frederick  IV  and  later 
the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  who,  with  the  consent 
of  the  perfidious  Polish  king,  crowned  himself  in 
Konigsberg  as  King  in  Prussia  on  January  18,  1701, 
although  his  sovereignty  extended  only  over  East 
Prussia.  West  or  Royal  Prussia  was  then  still  an 
integral  part  of  Poland.  When  the  Polish  Diet  voted 
its  opposition  to  a  war  with  Sweden,  August  decided 
to  carry  it  on  with  his  Saxon  troops  which  very  soon 
invaded  Lithuania.  Protests  were  made  against  the 
presence  of  Saxon  soldiery  in  Poland,  but  in  the 
private  war  that  was  being  waged  between  the  power- 
ful magnates,  the  Sapiehas  and  the  Oginskis,  the 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    279 

cunning  King  found  a  pretext  for  the  unlawful  sta- 
tioning of  his  troops  in  Lithuania.  The  Oginskis  had 
formed  a  confederacy  for  the  protection  of  the  rights 
of  the  nobility  against  the  iniquities  of  the  Sapieha 
"kinglets."  The  Saxon  troops,  under  Field  Marshal 
Flemming,  were  dispatched  to  Lithuania  ostensibly 
to  protect  the  nobles  against  the  oppression  of  the 
Sapiehas,  whom  the  King  hated  because  of  their 
power,  but  in  reality  to  be  near  the  frontier  ready  for 
an  attack  on  Sweden.  Soon  they  fired  the  first  shot 
which  started  the  great  Northern  War,  lasting  from 
1700  to  .1721.  But  to  the  allied  powers,  how  disap- 
pointing were  the  opening  chapters  of  that  venture! 
In  a  few  months  Denmark  was  defeated  and  con- 
cluded a  separate  peace  at  Travendal  (1700).  Peter's 
army,  five  times  as  large  as  that  of  Charles,  was  routed 
at  Narva  on  the  Gulf  of  Finland  and  put  to  a  most 
ignominious  flight.  The  Saxons  were  defeated  at 
Riga  and  compelled  to  retire,  hotly  pursued  by  the 
Swedes,  who  occupied  Courland  and  entered  Lithu- 
ania. The  Diet  wrhich  assembled  in  Warsaw,  to  the 
unpleasant  surprise  of  the  King  and  his  Russian  ally, 
demanded  the  withdrawal  of  Saxon  troops  from  Po- 
land and  the  cessation  of  hostilities  with  Sweden,  and 
protested  against  the  recognition  of  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg  as  King  in  Prussia.  Charles  sent  a  re- 
quest to  the  Polish  government  for  the  dethrone- 
ment of  August.  No  immediate  reply,  however,  was 
given  to  the  demand  of  Charles,  except  that  he 
respect  the  neutrality  of  the  country.  When  the 
latter  insisted  on  the  dethronement  of  August  and 
occupied  Warsaw,  war  became  inevitable.  In  the 
confusion  that  followed  the  conquests  of  the  Swedish 
army  in  Poland,  no  unity  of  action  could  be  expected. 
Great  Poland  was  against  the  King,  while  Little  Po- 


280 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


land  and  Lithuania  remained  loyal  to  him.     A  con- 
federacy of  loyalists  was  formed  at  Sandomir,  and  a 


(J.   Mateyko) 


FIG.    140— STANISL.AV   LESZCZYSSKI    (1704-1710) 


protest  formulated  against  the  breaking  of  the  peace 
of  Oliva  by  the  Swedes.     August  called  a  Diet  at 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    281 

Lublin,  which  demanded  certain  guarantees  from  the 
King  and  voted  appropriations  for  a  large  army  of 
defense.  Still  the  treacherous  King  sued  for  peace, 
offering  to  Sweden  the  provinces  of  Courland  and 
Livonia. 

Charles,  however,  refused  to  consider  peace 
and  insisted  that  August  be  deposed.  Pressed 
by  him,  Great  Poland  formed  its  own 
The  Election  confederacy  at  Warsaw  against  the 
i70**San£y$ic1'  King  who  was  conniving  with  foreign 
Civil  War  enemies  against  the  country.  *  A  few 

months  later  the  ruler  was  declared  de- 
prived of  his  royal  office  (1704).  Charles  favored  the 
election  of  James  Sobieski,  but  when  August's  agents 
apprehended  him  and  his  brother,  and  Alexander,  the 
youngest  of  King  Sobieski's  sons,  refused  to  be  a  can- 
didate, the  Swedish  King  proposed  Stanislav  Lesz- 
czynski,  the  woyevoda  of  Posen,  who  was  elected  by 
a  small  assembly  of  the  nobility.  The  Sandomir  Con- 
federacy, supported  by  the  Tsar  of  Muscovy,  refused 
to  recognize  the  new  King,  and  as  a  result  a  civil  war 
ensued,  fought  in  the  interest  of  foreign  monarchs 
and  leading  to  the  practical  disappearance  of  Polish 
sovereignty  wThich  became  divided  between  Charles 
on  one  hand  and  Peter  on  the  other,  the  latter  having 
assumed  the  role  of  protector  of  the  opponents  of  the 
Uniate  Church. 

After  a  series  of  defeats  at  the  hands   of  the 
Swedes,  August  fled  to  Dresden,  but  soon  Saxony  was 
overrun  by  the  armies  of  Charles,  and 
Abdication  b        August  wras  forced  to  sign  the  peace 
AugiSt  ii"i706     of  Altranstaedt   in   1706.     He    surren- 
dered his  right  to  the  Polish  throne  in 
favor  of  Leszczynski  and  released  the  two  Sobieskis. 
Austria,  Brandenburg,  Holland  and  England  recog- 


282  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

nized  the  new  Polish  King,  but  the  Sandomir  Confed- 
eracy was  less  tractable.  Aided  by  Russian  troops, 
they  waged  a  bitter  war  against  the  Leszczynski  fac- 
tion and  the  Swedish  army.  The  country  was  laid 
waste  and  neither  the  Swedish  nor  the  Muscovite 
armies  showed  consideration  for  the  native  popula- 
tion. Peter,  ostensibly  protecting  the  opponents  of 
the  Uniate  Church,  persecuted  the  adherents  of  that 
church  in  a  most  cruel  manner,  and  unceremoniously 
interfered  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Lithuania  and 
Little  Poland,  hoping  to  pave  the  way  for  his  son  as 
the  next  King  of  Poland. 

Having  disposed  of  the  Saxon  Elector,  Charles 
turned  his  attention  to  the  last  adversary  and  soon 
cleared  Poland  of  all  traces  of  Musco- 
The  Russian  vite  occupation.  He  planned  to  push  his 
SiTfiatfie  of d  campaign  northward,  and  reached  Smo- 
Poitava,  1709  lensk  after  a  series  of  triumphant  bat- 
tles; but,  persuaded  by  Mazepa,  the  last 
elective  hetman  of  the  Cossacks,  who  promised  the 
support  of  Ukraine  and  large  supplies  of  food  and  am- 
munition, he  turned  southward  to  free  the  Cossacks 
from  the  domination  of  the  Tsar.  The  Polish  King 
was  apprised  of  Mazepa's  plans  and  favored  the  new 
opportunity  of  bringing  the  Cossacks  back  to  Poland. 
The  campaign  rashly  undertaken  ended  disastrously 
for  Charles.  A  part  of  his  army  did  not  reach  him  in 
time;  the  winter  in  Ukraine  was  extremely  severe; 
the  ill-provided  army  suffered  intensely,  becoming 
considerably  attenuated;  and  Mazepa  failed  to  arouse 
Cossack  support  for  the  venture.  Surrounded  at  Pol- 
tava by  an  immense  Muscovite  host  and  wounded, 
Charles  barely  escaped  to  Turkey  under  the  care  of 
Stanislav  Poniatowski,  and  the  remnant  of  his  army 
capitulated  (1709). 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    283 

The  Swedish  disaster  tolled  the  death  knell  of 

Leszczynski's  reign.     Immediately  after  the  battle 

of  Poltava,  the  Tsar  and  August  moved 

T^  ,  into  Poland.     Hetman  Adam  Sieniaw- 

Withdrawal  of         ,  .  r     .  .  ,  ,. 

Leszczynski,        ski,  one  of  the  most  rabid  opponents  ot 
1710  King  Stanislav,  joined  hands  with  Peter. 

Only  a  part  of  the  Polish  army  remained 
loyal  to  Leszczynski,  who,  seeing  that  the  matter 
could  not  be  settled  amicably  as  the  opposition  did  not 
wish  to  have  his  case  adjudged  by  the  Diet,  and  try- 
ing to  avoid  further  bloodshed,  withdrew  into 
Sweden.  Meanwhile  August  renewed  his  treaty 
with  Peter  and  offered  him  the  much  coveted  Livonia. 
He  also  withdrew  his  abdication,  claiming  that  it  was 
exacted  under  duress  and  quoting  the  Polish  statute 
of  1669,  which  prohibited  abdications.  The  Diet  of 
1710  proceeded  according  to  the  dictation  of  the  Tsar 
and  reaffirmed  the  kingship  of  August.  The  Diet 
also  granted  freedom  of  faith  to  the  communicants  of 
the  Greek  Church.  Peter  demanded  that  he  be  made 
the  guarantor  of  their  rights,  and  in  this  wise  received 
legal  sanction  for  his  meddling  in  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  country. 

Charles,  however,  did  not  resign  his  plans.    With 

the  aid  of  Stanislav  Poniatowski,  one  of  his  warmest 

friends,   he   was   able   to   prevail   upon 

Russian  inter-     Turkey  to  start  a  new  war  on  Muscovy. 

vention  in  ,        J   ,  .  .   ,  .  .    .,     ,    r 

Poland  When  the   lurkish  campaign  failed  m 

171.1,  Leszczynski  begged  the  Swedish 
King  to  give  up  the  war.  Moreover,  internal  dissen- 
sions in  Sweden  compelled  him  to  postpone  further 
action  at  that  time,  and  Peter  was  left  unhampered  to 
do  in  Poland  as  he  pleased.  He  drafted  a  hundred 
thousand  Polish  recruits  into  his  army,  exacted  heavy 


284  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

contributions  from  the  population,  arrested  and  exe- 
cuted many  of  the  Uniate  clergy  and  planned  for  the 
eventual  extension  of  his  sovereignty  over  the  whole 
of  Poland.  These  designs  led  him  to  oppose  the 
realization  of  August's  plans  for  a  partition  of  Poland. 
The  latter  hoped  by  this  means  to  add  a  portion  of  the 
country  to  his  Saxon  patrimony.  For  help  in  carry- 
ing out  his  designs,  August  planned  to  cede  West  or 
Royal  Prussia  to  Frederick.  When  halted  by  Peter 
he  tried  another  expedient. 

Under  the  pretext-^ of  fear  of  a  Turkish  invasion, 
August  kept  his  Saxon  troops  in  Poland  in  the  hope 
that  their  insolent  behavior  might 
ms-rm  War>  cause  a  revolution,  which  he  expected 
to  quell  and  then  to  change  the  form 
of  government  to  suit  his  plans.  The  Saxon  provo- 
cation caused,  indeed,  an  armed  uprising  under  the 
leadership  of  Stanislav  Ledochowski,  during  which 
the  country  was  turned  into  a  barren  waste.  Every- 
thing that  had  survived  former  wars  was  destroyed 
in  this  civil  strife.  Agriculture,  commerce  and  in- 
dustry came  to  a  standstill.  Peaceful  inhabitants 
turned  into  bands  of  brigands.  Cities  were  depopu- 
lated. Cracow  could  count  only  ten  thousand  in- 
habitants. The  unfortunate  ancient  city  of  Kalisz, 
which  in  the  XVIIth  century  had  been  the  centre  of 
cloth  manufacture  with  a  large  and  prosperous  popu- 
lation, was  demolished  during  this  war.  Violence, 
rape,  murder  and  plunder  ruled  supreme.  August 
was  unable  to  crush  the  revolution  he  had  fomented 
and  accepted  Peter's  offer  of  mediation.  The 
eighteen  thousand  men  Peter  sent  into  Poland  en- 
abled Prince  Dolgorookey  to  bring  about  an  agree- 
ment (1716). 


The  treaty  of  Warsaw,  as  the  agreement  was 
called,  abolished  the  existing  confederacies  and  pro- 
hibited future  formation  of  such  organi- 
Dumt^Diet          zations ;  the  Saxon  troops  were  ordered 
1717  withdrawn  from  Poland  within  twenty- 

five  days'  time;  the  authority  of  the 
hetmans  was  reduced  to  military  matters  only;  the 
administration  of  the  army  was  entrusted  to  the  sub- 
division of  the  Treasury  Department;  the  regular 
army  was  reduced  to  twenty-four  thousand  men, 
eighteen  thousand  in  the  Crown  and  six  thousand  in 
Lithuania;  the  tenure  of  state  offices  was  reduced  to 
two  years  and  the  duties  revised;  and  finally,  the 
building  of  new  dissident  churches  was  prohibited. 
The  Diet  of  1717  approved  without  discussion  all  the 
measures  and  dissolved  six  hours  after  its  opening. 
It  is  known  in  Polish  history  as  the  first  "Dumb" 
Diet.  The  Tsar  became  the  guarantor  of  the  laws 
and  did  not  withdraw  his  troops  from  Poland  which 
he  considered  a  conquered  territory.  Almost  all 
of  the  measures  approved  by  the  "Dumb"  Diet 
were  harmful,  particularly  the  diminution  of  the 
army  to  a  number  entirely  inadequate  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  country,  surrounded  as  it  was  by  military 
powers  with  large  and  modern  armies. 

Soon  the  Tsar  an$  the  Prussian  King  made 
an  agreement  in  Berlin  (1719)  to  act  jointly  in 
Polish  affairs  and  to  prevent  any  re- 
irTtoferance  forms  which  would  tend  to  strengthen 
the  Republic.  August's  plan  to  form  an 
alliance  with  Austria  and  England  against  Russia 
and  Prussia  was  frustrated  by  the  shrewd  political 
moves  of  the  ambassadors  of  the  two  latter  countries. 
The  ignorant  and  fanatical  nobility  did  not  realize  the 
gravity  of  the  situation  and  by  their  religious  intol- 
erance, inculcated  and  nourished  by  the  Jesuits, 


286  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

afforded  opportunities  for  foreign  powers  to  interfere 
in  Polish  internal  affairs.  In  1718  the  Diet  excluded 
one  of  its  deputies  because  he  was  a  Protestant,  and 
in  1733  the  dissenters  were  deprived  of  civic  and  po- 
litical rights.  The  intolerance  of  that  period,  not  as 
rabid,  perhaps,  as  in  other  countries,  was  alacriously 
taken  advantage  of  for  Russian  and  Prussian  in- 
terference which  eventually  led  to  the  dismember- 
ment of  the  country.  The  first  step  in  that  direction 
was  made  by  Peter  at  the  close  of  the  Northern  War 
when  Livonia  became  a  part  of  the  Russian  Empire. 

Realizing  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  make 
Poland  a  hereditary  monarchy,  August  endeavored 
at  least  to  prepare  the  ground  for  his 
SeC"Thiee  °f  son's  succession.  The  marriage  of 
Black  Eagles"  Leszczynski's  daughter  to  King  Louis 
Dedath"f?3S3'S  XV  of  France,  in  1724,  spoiled  his  de- 
signs, for  it  gave  a  powerful  support  to 
the  exiled  King.  He  then  conceived  the  plan  of  with- 
drawing his  son's  candidacy  to  the  Polish  throne  and 
of  enlisting  French  influence  against  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction  of  Charles  VI  of  Austria  in  the  hope  that  his 
son  who  was  married  to  the  daughter  of  Emperor 
Joseph  I,  might  press  his  claims  to  Austrian  succes- 
sion. The  Court  of  Vienna,  apprised  of  this  move, 
approached  the  Russo-Prussian  alliance  and  the  union 
of  the  "three  black  eagles"  came  to  pass  in  1732,  by 
which  the  three  monarchs  pledged  to  use  their  in- 
fluence against  the  election  of  either  Leszczynski  or 
the  son  of  the  Saxon  Elector  and  to  resist  any  attempt 
at  reforms  in  Poland.  This  union  led  the  perfidious 
August  to  suggest  once  more  to  Prussia  and  Austria 
that  Poland  be  dismembered,  one  part  to  become  a 
hereditary  part  of  his  Saxon  patrimony.  In  the 
midst  of  negotiations  he  died  on  February  1,  1733,  in 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY     287 


Warsaw,  whither  he  had  gone  to  attend  the  session 

of  the  Diet. 

By  the  nature  of  things,  the  interregnum  follow- 

ing the  death  of  August  could  be  nothing  but  tur- 
bulent. The  majority  of  the  electors 
had  become  convinced  that  only  a  native 
King  should  sit  on  the  throne  and  fa- 
vored the  banished  Stanislav  Leszczyn- 
ski,  who  was  spending  his  life  in  retire- 

ment and  study.     The  most  powerful  magnate  fami- 

lies with  Theodore  Potocki,  the  Primate  at  the  head, 


The  Interreg- 
num, 1733-1735, 
and  the  Second 
Election  of  ' 
Leszczynski 


FIG.  141 — A  SOUVENIR  MEDAL  OF  THE  ELECTION  OF  LESZCZYtfSYI  IN  1733 


indorsed  his  candidacy  and  practically  excluded 
everybody  else.  At  the  .>n  field  the  great  as- 

sembly of  citizens,  with  a  unanimity  seldom  known  in 
Poland,  elected  Leszczynski  on  September  12,  1733, 
and  the  Primate  officially  announced  His  election,  in 
spite  of  the  threatening  declaration  made  by  Aus- 
tria and  Russia  that  they  would  not  consent  to  recog- 
nize him.  Counting  on  personal  gains  Prince  Wis- 
niowiecki,  the  Great  Chancellor  of  Lithuania,  and 
Theodore  Lubomirski,  the  Woyevoda  of  Cracow,  to- 
gether with  the  Bishops  of  Posen  and  Cracow,  with- 


288  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

drew  with  a  small  band  of  six  thousand  of  their  re- 
tainers to  the  suburb  of  Warsaw  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Vistula,  and  upon  the  arrival  of  Russian  troops 
elected  the  son  of  the  late  King  August. 

Although  the  union  of  the  black  eagles  excluded 
also  the  Saxon  candidate  who  was  a  son-in-law  of  the 


(J.  Mateyko) 
FIG.    142— AUGUST    III    (1733-1763) 

Austrian  Emperor,  yet  the  enticing  of- 

ferencnandter"  ^ers  ^e  ma(^e  to  Russia  and  Austria  won 
August  in  their  consent.  The  inducement  offered 
to  Austria  was  his  renunciation  of  all 
claims  to  Austrian  succession  and  a  promise  to  re- 
spect the  Pragmatic  Sanction;  and  to  Russia,  he 
promised  Courland  for  Ernest  Biron,  the  lover  of 
Empress  Anna.  Under  the  protection  of  Russian 
and  Saxon  arms,  August  III  was  crowned  in  Cracow, 
on  January  17, 1734. 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY     289 

Leszczynski,  the  legally  chosen  King,  withdrew 
with  his  supporters  to  Danzig,  pursued  by  the  Rus- 
sian  army.     The    Russian   Field   Mar- 


ConfederacW        ska^  Miinnich  threatened  to  destroy  the 
1734  CC  beleaguered  city  and  to  butcher  all  in- 

fants for  the  resistance  offered  by  their 
fathers.  The  unfortunate  Leszczynski  fled  to  Kon- 
igsberg,  but  the  war  between  the  two  factions  lasted 
for  two  years.  The  magnate  Adam  Tarlo  became 
the  marshal  of  the  general  confederacy  which  was 
organized  in  1734  at  Dzikow  in  defense  of  King  Stani- 
slav.  The  failure  of  SwederrpTtlrkey  and  France  to 
send  support  against  Russia  and  Saxony  made 
August's  position^  strong  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
France  declared.  war  against  Austria,  nominally  for 
the  Polish  succession  (1733-1738)  but  de  facto  in  her 
own  interests.  In  1735  the  Confederacy  suffered  a 
defeat  and  the  King  was  forced  to  leave  the  country. 
He  abdicated  the  throne  and  France  made  him  the 
Duke  of  the  newly  acquired  province  of  Lorraine 
which  he  ruled  wisely  and  intelligently  until  his 
death  in  1766. 

The  Diet  of  1736  was  forced  to  recognize  the  new 
King  and  to  consent  to  the  cession  of  Courland  to 

Russia  after  the  death  of  the  last  Duke 

nSl^ne^and      of  the  ^ouse  of  Kettler.     This  was  the 
His  Times  only  Diet  that  had  not  been  broken  up 

during  the  twenty-eight  years  of  Au- 
gust Ill's  reign  which  is  marked  by  a  most  crass  and 
abject  degradation  of  all  life  values  —  moral,  social, 
political  and  scientific.  Servility  took  the  place  of 
patriotism;  all  respect  for  law  and  order  disappeared 
and  the  wantonness  of  magnates  held  full  sway. 
Even  tribunals  hitherto  respected  were  put  under 
the  thumb  of  the  local  potentates.  The  magnates 
openly  carried  on  negotiations  with  foreign  sover- 


290  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

eigns  and  received  subsidies  for  services  rendered; 
the  government  ceased  to  be  able  to  exercise  any  of 
its  functions  and  to  be  a  factor  in  European  politics. 
Foreign  governments  interfered  in  Polish  affairs 
and  fostered  anarchy  to  retain  excuses  for  their  in- 
terference. Neither  Russia  nor  Prussia  or  Austria 
respected  her  sovereignty  or  her  boundaries.  They 
sent  their  armies  through  Poland  whenever  it  suited 
their  plans  and  at  times  even  resorted  to  recruiting 
in  Poland  to  replenish  their  forces. 

Exhausted  by  constant  civil  wars,  the  country 
was  in  a  desperate  condition  of  poverty.  The  lot  of 
the  Polish  peasant  grew  worse  and  the  amount  of  un- 
paid labor  he  was  obliged  to  render  to  his  overlord 
increased.  Ignorance  and  fanaticism  reigned  su- 
preme. The  number  of  convents,  cloisters  and  mon- 
asteries multiplied  immensely.  The  beautiful  litera- 
ture of  the  Golden  Age  almost  disappeared.  Silly, 
mediaeval  stories,  astrology  and  the  lives  of  the  saints 
took  its  place.  Separated  from  the  West  by  the  war- 
rent  and  devastated  German  states,  Poland  was  de- 
prived of  the  refreshing  scientific  currents  from 
France,  Italy  and  England.  *  The  former  custom  of 
sending  Polish  youth  to  Western  universities  was  re- 
placed by  pilgrimages  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre  or  to  less 
remote  places  of  religious  worship.  "In  the  contem- 
porary intellectual  movement  of  the  West,"  says 
Smolenski,  "Poland  took  no  part;  she  did  not  even 
adopt  its  most  significant  achievements.  The  great 
discoveries  of  Keppler,  Galileo,  Newton,  Pascal  and 
Torricelli  in  astronomy  and  physics  were  as  foreign  to 
her  as  were  the  philosophical  ideas  of  Bacon,  Des- 
cartes, Locke  and  Leibnitz.  Ignorance  closed  the 
eyes  of  the  people  to  a  realization  of  the  gravity  of 
their  situation.  Men  of  wisdom  and  thought,  who 
could  look  critically  at  public  affairs,  had  to  conceal 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    291 

their  opinions  lest  they  be  indicted  for  heresy  or  as- 
sault upon  the  liberty  of  the  nobles  .  .  .  Without 
being  aware  of  the  causes  of  the  evil  and  the  means 
for  remedying  them,  the  nation  was  rolling  into  the 
abyss  of  ruin."  *  But  the  inexhaustible  spiritual  re- 
sources of  the  Polish  nation  were  not  crushed  by  this 
trying  period.  Like  Phoenix  from  the  ashes  they 
suddenly  arose  again  to  life  and  asserted  themselves 
with  vigor  toward  the  close  of  the  century,  during  the 
Four-Years'  Diet,  when  Poland  again  took  place  be- 


no.  143— THE  ZALUSKI  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  AT  WARSAW,  Opened  to  the  public 

in  1748  with  200,000  volumes  donated  by  Bishop  Joseph  Zaluski.     The 

whole   collection  was   later  removed   from  Warsaw   to   St. 

Petersburg  by  the  order  of  Empress  Catherine. 

side  France  as  a  center  whence  progress  and  regen- 
eration spread  over  Europe. 

The  middle  of  the  XVIIIth  century  saw  the 

awakening  of  Polish  thought.     During  his  candidacy 

the    philosophically    inclined    Stanislav 

Thf  Indepei"  •      Leszczynski  published  a  pamphlet  on 

cai  Awakening"     the  need  of  political  reforms,  which  did 

not  go  entirely  unheeded.     He  enthused 

a  number  of  younger  men  who  went  abroad  to  study. 

*Loc.  cit.  Vol.  II,  pp.  159-160. 


292 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


In  subsequent  years  his  court  at  Nancy  was  the  seat 
of  art  and  learning,  whence  modern  thought  and  ideas 
radiated  into  Poland  and  found  numerous  adepts 
among  the  magnates,  constantly  vying  with  each  other 
for  power  and  influence.  Among  other  influential 


FIG.   144 — ELIZABETH    DRU2BACKA    (1695-1765) 
The  First  Polish  Woman  Writer. 

publicists  of  the  time  were  the  two  brothers  Zaluski, 
Andrew  and  Joseph,  both  bishops,  who,  in  1746, 
founded  the  first  well  equipped  public  library  in  War- 
saw. Stanislav  Poniatowski  and  a  few  others  also 
published  pamphlets  on  the  need  of  political  reform. 
It  is  noteworthy  that  in  this  dark  period  of  Polish 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    293 

intellectual  life  a  strong  stimulus  to  the  literary 
awakening  came  from  a  woman.  The  writings  of 
Elizabeth  Druzbacka  soared  high  above  the  sordid- 
ness  of  her  contemporary  environment  and  blazed  a 
new  trail  for  Polish  literature.  She,  in  a  measure, 
cleared  the  Polish  language  of  foreign  influences  and 
of  hybrid  expressions. 


FIG.  145— STANISLAV  KONARSKI   (1700-1733),  Patriot,  Educator  and  Jurist 

The  greatest  influence,  however,  was  wielded  by 
Stanislav  Konarski  a  highly  gifted  and  patriotic  priest 
who,  upon  his  return  from  abroad  after 
years  of  study,  established  the  famous 
"Collegium  Nobilium,"  where  modern 
subjects  and  modern  methods  of  instruction  were  in- 


294  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

troduced.  Scholasticism  was  banished  and  science, 
astronomy,  mathematics,  history  and  modern  lan- 
guages took  its  place.  In  addition  to  imparting 
knowledge,  Konarski  strove  to  inculcate  patriotism 
and  sound  civic  ideas  in  the  minds  of  his  students. 
With  him  began  the  intellectual  and  political  awak- 
ening of  Poland  which  found  expression  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  May  3, 179.1,  and  in  the  monumental  scien- 
tific works  of  the  close  of  the  XVIIIth  and  of  the 
XlXth  centuries.  He  wrote  a  great  deal  on  political 
and  social  problems  and  fearlessly  exposed  the  dan- 
gers of  the  existing  system  and  particularly  the 
wretched  "liberum  veto,"  which,  to  the  nobility,  was 
the  pearl  of  tneir  liberties.  Single-handed,  he  under- 
took the  Herculean  task  of  codifying  all  the  laws  of 
Poland,  begining  with  those  of  Kazimir  the  Great 
and  carrying  them  through  to  the  end.  His  "Vol- 
umina  legum,"  prefaced  by  a  learned  dissertation  on 
the  origin  and  sources  of  law,  became  subsequently 
recognized  as  the  official  handbook  for  the  use  of  the 
courts,  diets  and  other  state  offices.  The  college 
founded  by  Konarski  and  its  success  invited  imita- 
tion, and  a  number  of  old  schools  were  modernized  or 
new  ones  established.  The  revival  of  thought  became 
noticeable  all  over  the  country  and  it  did  not  fail  soon 
to  transmute  itself  into  action.' 

The  two  leading  and  most  enlightened  Polish 
families,  those  of  Potocki  and  of  Czartoryski,  under- 
took to  put  into  life  the  reforms  advo- 
Pareti?sef°rm         cated  by  the  poetical  thinkers  of  the 
time.     Unfortunately,    an    element    of 
family  pride  underlay  the  splendid  motives  of  the  two 
parties,  and  prevented  concerted  action.     Each  strove 
for  individual  distinction  and  adopted  different  ways 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    295 

of  carrying  out  their  programs.  The  strife  of  the 
two  political  factions  formed  by  the  two  families  con- 
stitutes the  political  history  of  the  reign  of  the 
thoughtless  and  slothful  August  III.  The  Potockis, 
firm  supporters  of  Leszczynski,  formed  a  party  known 
as  the  Patriotic  or  National  Party;  the  Czartoryski 
party  was  generally  known  as  the  "Family."  The 
National  Party  aimed  at  the  transformation  of  the 
Republic  into  a  strong  state;  the  other  of  reforming 
the  government  by  securing  a  firm  "family"  hold 
upon  it.  The  first  party  sought  alliances  with  France, 
Sweden  and  Turkey;  the  second  relied  on  Russia  for 
support  in  the  accomplishment  of  their  plans.  August 
III  was  an  ally  of  Russia  to  whom  he  was  indebted 
for  his  election  as  King.  Accordingly  he  offered  no 
protest  when  Russian  armies  passed  through  Poland 
during  the  Russo-Turkish  war  (1737-1739),  and,  in 
compliance  with  his  pre-election  promise,  gave 
Courland  to  Biron,  protege  of  the  Russian  Empress, 
after  the  death  of  Duke  Ferdinand  Kettler  (1737). 
The  National  Party  protested  and  took  steps  to  or- 
ganize an  armed  confederacy.  Agreeing  with  the 
King's  Russian  policy,  and  having  at  their  command 
the  most  important  State  offices,  the  "Family"  Party 
was  able  to  frustrate  the  plans  of  their  opponents  by 
dissolving  the  Diet.  They  were  unsuccessful,  however, 
in  their  attempts.'to  induce  the  Republic  to  take  part 
in  the  war  of  the  Austrian  succession,  during  which 
Frederick  the  Great  wrested  from  Maria  Theresa  the 
ancient  Polish  province  of  Silesia.  The  Russians  de- 
feated the  Saxons,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  "Family" 
the  Polish  King  endeavored  to  equip  a  large  army 
and  to  draw  Poland  into  the  war.  By  preventing  any 
of  the  Diets  to  come  to  pass  the  opposition  rendered 
action  impossible.  Internal  disorder,  characterizing 
the  Saxon  rule  in  Poland,  reached  its  apogee  at  about 


296 

this  time.  Charged  with  designs  of  turning  the 
country  into  a  monarchy,  the  "Family"  Party  began 
to  lose  its  sway,  particularly  after  its  unsavory  deal- 
ings in  disposing  of  the  estates  of  the  heavily  in- 
debted Prince  Sanguszko  at  Ostrog  became  known 
and  raised  a  tide  of  public  indignation  and  contempt. 
Soon  the  "Family"  was  relegated  to  the  role  of  the 
opposition.  Realizing  that  their  chances  of  regain- 
ing influence  were  slim,  the  Czartoryskis  turned  for 
support  to  neighboring  nations,  especially  to 
Russia.  The  time  was  particularly  propitious,  as  a 
member  of  the  "Family,"  the  elegant  and  young 
Stanislav  August  Poniatowski,  as  Ambassador  to 
Russia,  gained  influence  at  St.  Petersburg  because  of 
his  love  affairs  with  the  wife  of  the  heir  to  the  throne. 
In  1762  the  old  Empress  Elizabeth  died,  and  Cath- 
erine II,  having  quickly  disposed  of  her  half-idiotic 
husband,  Peter  III,  ascended  the  throne  of  Russia. 
The  "Family"  gathered  forces  for  the  purpose  of 
overturning  the  government  and  introducing  the 
planned  reforms.  The  National  party  was  ready  to 
resist  them  by  force  of  arms,  and  a  civil  war  was  im- 
pending when  the  news  came  of  the  sudden  death  of 
August  III,  on  October  5,  1763. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that,  owing  to  the  exhaustion 
caused  by  the  Seven  Years'  War,  there  was  less  dis- 
position on  the  part  of  the  neighbors 
The  of  Poland  to  interfere  in  her  internal 

E?eSctSnfal  affairs,  this  chance  was  not  grasped  by 
May  7, 1784  the  political  leaders  of  the  time,  more  in- 
terested in  a  realization  of  their  individ- 
ual ambitions  than  in  the  destiny  of  their  country.  The 
Patriotic  party  favored  the  son  of  the  deceased  King. 
He  died,  however,  before  the  election,  and  the  leader  of 
the  party,  Hetman  John  Clement  Branicki,  became  the 
candidate.  The  Czartoryskis  had  prepared  them- 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY     297 

selves  thoroughly  for  the  convocation  diet  and  the 
election  which  they  sought  to  postpone  as  long  as  pos- 
sible. Russia  was  to  be  their  chief  supporter  and  she 
began  by  paying  eighty  thousand  roubles  to  the  in- 
terrex,  the  Primate  Wladyslav  Lubienski,  for  defer- 
ring the  election  until  May.  The  local  assemblies 
became  busy  places  of  pre-election  activity.  Support 
was  bought  by  intrigue,  bribe  and  promise;  the  recal- 
citrant members  were  disposed  of  by  thugs  hired  by 
the  "Family"  or  by  Russian  soldiers  brought  over  to 
intimidate  the  opposition.  To  the  convocation  diet 
the  two  parties  came  armed  to  the  teeth.  Branicki 
and  Radziwill  brought  considerable  forces  of  the 
Crown  and  Lithuanian  troops;  the  "Family"  invited 
Russia  to  garrison  the  city;  and  the  royal  palace 
and  convention  hall  were  guarded  by  the  private 
militia  of  the  Czartoryskis.  The  atmosphere  was 
not  particularly  conducive  to  an  amicable  settle- 
ment. The  opposition,  immediately  after  the  open- 
ing of  the  session,  declared  that  in  view  of  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Russian  troops  in  the  capital  no  Diet 
would  be  held.  Despite  the  pressure  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  Chairman  of  the  Diet  by  the  "Family"  he 
refused  to  continue  the  session  until  freedom  from 
military  intervention  was  restored.  The  opposition 
broke  up  the  Diet  and  withdrew.  The  Czartoryskis 
did  not  relish  the  idea  of  going  through  another 
costly  pre-election  campaign,  and  resorted  to  the 
flagrantly  illegal  measure  of  continuing  a  dissolved 
Diet  and  of  deciding  the  various  issues  by  a  majority 
vote.  Their  i^rogram  of  reforms  was  well  considered 
and  far-reaching,  but  could  be  adopted  only  in  part  as 
both  Prussia  and  Russia  declared  that  they  would 
not  tolerate  the  abolition  of  the  "liberum  veto"  and 
some  other  reforms.  The  measures  adopted  related 
to  the  simplification  of  parliamentary  procedure,  the 


298 

abolition  of  the  oath  binding  deputies  to  follow  the 
instructions  of  the  local  assemblies  they  represented, 
the  creation  of  executive  committees  in  matters  re- 
lating to  the  State  Treasury  and  the  Army, 
changes  in  the  judiciary,  the  protection  of  cities 
against  the  wilfulness  of  the  nobility,  and  improve- 
ment of  the  methods  of  taxation,  particularly  of  im- 
port duties,  and  the  limitation  of  the  power  of  the 
nobles  in  judicial  rights  over  the  peasants.  They 
legalized  proxy  representations  at  elections,  and  ex- 
cluded foreigners  from  candidacy  to  the  Polish 
throne.  Henceforth,  only  a  Polish  noble,  Roman 
Catholic  in  faith,  could  be  elected.  They  also  recog- 
nized the  imperial  title  of  the  Russian  monarchs, 
which  former  Diets  had  refused  to  do,  as  well  as  the 
royal  title  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  and  con- 
firmed the  cession  of  Courland  to  Biron.  The  op- 
positon  declared  all  the  laws  passed  by  the  "Family" 
Diet  not  binding,  and  left  the  capital.  They  were 
punished  by  a  loss  of  all  offices  held  by  them,  and 
their  supporters  were  pursued  by  the  Russian  troops 
sent  against  them.  The  "Family"  did  not  hesitate  to 
adopt  most  radical  measures  against  their  opponents, 
many  of  whom,  like  Branicki  and  Radziwill,  went 
abroad.  Their  estates  were  sequestered.  Thus  far 
everything  had  gone  well  for  the  Czartoryskis,  but 
their  first  disappointment  came  when  the  Russian 
Empress  expressed  a  wish  to  see  her  former  lover 
Poniatowski,  rather  than  Prince  August  Czartoryski, 
on  the  Polish  throne.  The  Czartoryskis  had  to  re- 
spect her  wish,  but  at  the  election  at  which  Stanislav 
August  Poniatowski,  then  thirty-two  years  old,  was 
elected  King  of  Poland,  only  five  thousand  electors 
were  present.  In  the  pacta  conventa  he  swore  to  re- 
spect the  laws  of  the  nation,  the  privileges  of  the  no- 
bility, the  enactments  of  the  convocation  diet,  and  to 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    299 

establish  a  military  school  for  the  nobles.     Contrary 
to  the  time-honored  custom,  his  coronation  took  place 


FIG.   146— STANISLAV  AUGUST  PONIATOWSKI    (1764-1795) 

in  Warsaw  and  not  in  Cracow,  on  November  25, 1764, 
on  the  name's-day  of  the  Russian  Empress. 


300  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  new  King,  son  of  the  Castellan  of  Cracow 
and  the  Princess  Constance  Czartoryska,  was  a  man 
of  broad  but  superficial  education,  re- 
Stanisiav  fined  tastes,  considerable  ability,  good 

Poniatowski,        breeding,    soft   manners,   but   of  weak 
1764-1795  character.     He    was    well-intentioned, 

but  had  no  strong  moral  principles,  was 
vain,  egotistic  and  effeminate.  He  took  great  pride 
in  receiving  the  Order  of  the  Prussian  Black  Eagle 
from  "so  great  a  man"  as  Frederick  the  Second,  felt 
no  impropriety  in  receiving  a  regular  salary  from 
Catherine,  whom  he  extolled  as  "the  great  Empress" 
and  whose  love  made  him  "the  happiest  of  men." 
The  perspicacious  Empress  well  knew  his  sentimental 
and  feeble  character,  and  decided  to  make  him  a  tool 
in  carrying  out  political  plans,  laid  jointly  by  her  and 
her  friend  Frederick  of  Prussia.  It  was  the  King  in 
Prussia  who  protested  most  vigorously  against  the 
Empress  giving  her  consent  to  the  abolition  of  the 
"liberum  veto"  when  the  new  King  asked  for  it  be- 
fore the  coronation  Diet  assembled. 

At  this  Diet  the  Czartoryskis  clearly  realized 
that  the  support  Russia  had  given  them  was  not 
meant  to  benefit  Poland,  but  only  to  af- 
The .Reforms      forcj  an  opportunity  for  interference  in 
"Family"  internal  affairs.     The  Russian  Ambas- 

sador proposed  an  alliance  for  offensive 
and  defensive  purposes,  and  informed  the  assembly 
that  should  such  an  alliance  be  made  the  Empress 
would  consent  to  the  increase  of  the  Polish  army 
from  twenty-four  thousand,  set  by  the  Dumb  Diet  of 
1717,  to  fifty  thousand.  He  proposed  a  rectification 
of  the  Russo-Polish  frontier  which  would  have  given 
a  considerable  stretch  of  territory  to  Russia,  and  the 
restoration  of  certain  rights  to  the  dissidents.  The 
Prussian  Ambassador  took  occasion  at  this  time  to 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    301 

inform  the  Diet  that  his  sovereign  regarded  the  con- 
templated tariff  reform  with  disfavor.  The  Diet 
realized  that  the  increase  in  the  army  was  greatly 
needed,  but  that  an  alliance  with  Russia  .for  offensive 
purposes  would  be  detrimental  to  Poland,  making  her 
a  vassal  of  Russia  and  leading  to  unnecessary  wars. 
Accordipgly,  they  informed  the  Empress  that  an  al- 
liance for  defensive  purposes  would  be  agreeable,  but 
no  common  cause  could  be  made  with  Russia  for  pur- 
poses of  foreign  aggression.  They  also  informed 
Catherine  that  the  privileges  she  requested  for  the 
"dissidents"  could  not  be  granted.  The  Prussian 
Ambassador  was  asked  to  state  to  his  sovereign  that 
the  matter  of  taxation  was  an  internal  matter  and  his 
interference  with  reference  to  it  was  resented. 

As  a  result  of  these  bold  expressions  by  the  Diet, 
the  Czartoryskis  lost  standing  in  St.  Petersburg,  and 
the   Russian  Ambassador  received   in- 
Russian  in-         structions  to  work  against  them  and  to 

tngue  against  ,        ,.  MM 

the  "Family"  revival  the  former  anarchy  by  all  avail- 
able means.  It  was  not  very  difficult  to 
foment  trouble  at,  that  time  when  the  great  body  of 
people  was  hostile  to  the  high-handed  methods  of  the 
"Family"  and  to  the  person  of  the  foppish  King, 
elected  by  a  handful  of  paid  retainers  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  troops  of  his  former  paramour,  who 
paid  his  debts,  .financed  his  election  campaign  and 
carried  him  on  her  annual  payroll.  Despite  the  fact 
that  the  King,  in  the  words  of  the  Russian  Ambas- 
sador, "considered  the  Russian  interests  as  his  own," 
he  nevertheless  tried  to  remedy  some  of  the  ills  of  his 
native  country.  At  the  Diet  of  1766  he  again  intro- 
duced a  measure  aimed  at  the  restriction  of  the  li- 
berum  veto,  and  the  adoption  of  the  principles  of  a 
majority  vote.  This  gave  an  opportunity  to  Repnin, 
the  Russian  Ambassador,  to  start  his  campaign 


302          .     THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

against  the  King  and  the  "Family."  He  declared 
that  the  Empress  would  never  consent  to  the  majority 
vote  because  "such  a  basis  for  law  enactment  could 
not  be  reconciled  with  the  freedom  of  the  nation." 
The  measure  failed  of  passage  and  the  seeds  of  dis- 
cord sown  by  Russian  and  Prussian  agents  soon  bore 
fruit.  With  the  aid  of  the  unspeakable  Gabriel 
Podoski,  a  priest  soon  afterwards  made  Primate  as  a 
prize  for  the  services  rendered  to  Russia,  Repnin  or- 
ganized a  confederacy  at  Radom,  ostensibly  with  the 
purpose  of  overthrowing  the  King  and  his  party. 
Russia  feared  the  "Family, '  not  the  King.  They 
knew  he  was  a  man  without  character,  with  whom 
they  could  do  as  they  pleased.  It  was  easier,  how- 
ever, to  form  the  Confederacy  under  this  slogan.  The 
coarse  and  shallow  Prin.ce  Charles  Radziwill,  who 
had  fled  after  Poniatowski's  election  and  whose 
large  estates  had  been  sequestered  by  Russia,  was 
asked  to  become  the  Marshal  of  the  Confederacy. 
For  the  return  of  his  estates  he  promised  to  do  every- 
thing the  Empress  might  demand  of  him.  A  Russian 
agent  was  assigned  to  guide  this  scion  of  a  proud  and 
ancient  family  in  his  abject  servility  to  a  foreign 
sovereign. 

When  the  Confederacy  was  organized  a  large 
Russian  army  arrived  at  Radom,  and  then  Repnin  de- 
manded  of   the    surprised   and    dumb- 
The  Radom         founded  Confederates  an  expression  of 

Confederacy,  .  T^.          ,-.       .  , 

1767  loyalty  to   King   Jroniatowski,  for  the 

dissenters  equal  rights  with  Roman 
Catholics  and  required  the  recognition  of  the  Russian 
Empress  as  the  guarantor  of  the  cardinal  laws  of  the 
Republic.  Russian  bayonets  exacted  an  acquiesence 
in  all  of  the  demands  of  Repnin.  At  the  confedera- 
tion Diet,  held  with  the  King's  approval  in  October, 
1767,  Repnin  presented  his  program,  which  in- 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY     303 

eluded  the  abolition  of  all  the  disabilities  of  the  dis- 
sidents, a  new  constitution  and  an  alliance  with  Rus- 
sia. When  a  strong  opposition  arose,  Repnin,  to 
facilitate  matters,  demanded  the  appointment  of  a 
commission  with  power  to  act.  This  project  was 
vigorously  opposed  by  Kayetan  Soltyk,  the  Bishop 
of  Cracow,  Joseph  Zaluski,  the  Bishop  of  Kieff,  the 
Field  Hetman  Watslav  Rzewuski  and  his  son  Severin. 
All  of  them  were  arrested  by  Repnin's  soldiers  and 
taken  to  Kaluga  in  Russia.  The  outrage  committed 
caused  a  storm  of  indignation.  After  it  had  quieted 
down  and  the  assembly  had  satisfied  itself  by  sending 
a  deputation  with  a  request  for  release  of  theJgfc* 
captive  senators,  business  was  resumed  and  Repnin 
was  able  to  prevail  upon  the  Diet  to  appoint  a  com- 
mission to  work  out  jointly  with  him  the  new  con- 
stitution. 

The  new  instrument  assured  to  the  dissidents 
religious  and  political  rights  equal  to  those  enjoyed 
by  the  Roman  Catholics.  It  may  be  of 
interest  to  note  that  the  total  number  of 
1768  dissidents,  that  is,  Protestants  and  ad- 

herents of  the  Uniate  Church  in  whose 
behalf  that  magnanimous  Russian  sovereign  pleaded 
so  vigorously,  was  at  the  time,  in  Poland,  somewhat 
over  a  million,  or  eight  per  cent,  of  the  population  of 
the  Republic.  With  only  one  exception  the  proposed 
constitution  abolished  all  the  reforms  of  the  Convoca- 
tion Diet  of  1764,and  retained  the  free  elections,  the 
unanimity  of  decision  in  almost  all  matters  of  impor- 
tance, the  liberum  veto  and  the  prerogatives  of  the 
nobility.  The  hetmans  were  elevated  to  senatorial 
dignity  and  Russia  became  the  guarantor  of  the  Con- 
stitution. All  these  provisions  were  adopted  by  the 
Diet  without  any  discussion,  and  with  but  one  lotfd 
voice  of  protest,  that  of  Joseph  Wybicki.  This  was 


304 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


the  only  demonstration  of  hostility  and  resentment 
by  the  assembled  poltroons,  for  whom  personal 
safety  was  superior  to  honor  and  the  fate  of  their 
country. 


FIG.   147— JOSEPH  WYBICKI,   Soldier  and  Patriot 

The  true  expression  of  the  outraged  feelings  of 

those  who  saw  the  iniquitous  designs  of  Russia  and 

resolved  to  save  the  country  from  the 

The  Bar  slavery  into  which  a  part  of  the  nobility 

Confederacy,  -7.11.  ir  i_         r  i 

1768-1772  was  willing  to  engulf  her  tor  personal 

profit  or  preferment,  can  be  found  in  the 
Confederacy  which  was  organized  "pro  religione  et 
libertate"  at  the  town  of  Bar,  on  the  Dniester,  in 
Podolia,  chiefly  by  the  middle  class  gentry  under  the 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    305 

leadership  of  Bishop  Adam  Krasinski,  his  brother 
Michael  and  the  elderly,  but  still  fiery  and  active, 
Joseph  Pulaski  and  his  three  sons,  one  of  whom, 
Kazimir,  subsequently  became  the  distinguished 
hero  of  the  American  War  for  Independence.  The 
highly  patriotic  and  exalted  movement  of  protest  and 
resentment  was  so  elemental  and  spontaneous  that  it 


(J.   Styka) 

FIG.    148 — KAZIMIR   PULASKI,    Soldier   and   Patriot, 
Hero  of  the  American  Revolution,  Died  in  the  Battle  of  Savannah 

lacked  sufficient  organization  and  planning.  The 
Confederates  had  such  faith  in  their  holy  cause  and 
were  so  certain  of  universal  support  that  they  neg- 
lected making  the  necessary  preparations  before 
hoisting  the  flag  in  defense  of  their  country  and  its  lib- 
erties and  religion  against  foreign  agression.  When 


306  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

the  news  of  the  formation  of  the  Confederacy  reached 
the  King  and  the  Senate  they  decided  to  persuade  the 
leaders  to  abandon  the  venture  and  at  the  same  time 
to  apprise  the  Russian  Ambassador  of  it  and  request 
his  support  if  need  be.  The  impetuous  and  shrewd 
Repnin  did  not  wait  for  the  result  of  the  conferences 
of  the  King's  envoy  with  the  Confederates,  but  gath- 
ered his  army  and  requested  the  aid  of  the  Polish 
crown  troops  in  his  campaign  against  the  insurgents. 
Francis  Xavier  Brahicki  led  the  Polish  crown  regi- 
ments which  joined  the  Russians  and  took  by  assault 
the  towns  of  Bar  and  Berdychov.  The  Confederates 
were  forced  to  withdraw,  and  in  their  retreat  were 
harassed  by  the  Cossacks  and  Ukranian  peasants 
who,  incited  by  their  priests  and  the  agents  of  the 
Russian  government,  burned  and  sacked  defenseless 
towns  and  manors  and  murdered  the  people  sparing 
neither  women  nor  children.  The  frontier  free- 
booters and  brigands,  known  as  haydamaks,  again 
laid  waste  the  country  which  had  been  rebuilt  and  re- 
stored laboriously  after  the  devastating  Cossack  wars. 
Wantonly  and  cruelly  they  pillaged  and  massacred. 
The  carnage  in  the  city  of  Human  is  one  of  the  most 
revolting  chapters  in  the  history  of  that  province, 
rife  as  it  is,  with  bloodshed  and  destruction. 

In  spite  of  lack  of  organization,  internal  dis- 
sensions, checks  and  defeats,  the  Confederacy  gained 
increasing  support  all  over  the  country,  not  only 
among  the  lower  strata  of  society  but  among  the 
magnates  as  well,  who  at  first  had  carefully  stayed 
away.  A  butcher,  by  the  name  of  Morawski,  the 
shoemaker  Szczygiel,  and  a  Cossack  Sawa  Calinski, 
distinguished  themselves  by  their  valor  and  devotion, 
as  did  the  saintly  monk,  Father  Mark  Jandolowicz, 
who  formed  a  special  brotherhood  of  the  Knights  of 
the  Holy  Cross.  The  managing  board  of  the  Con- 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    307 


(Sculpture  by  Kazimlr  Chodzifiski) 

FIG.  149— MONUMENT  ERECTED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES  GOVERNMENT 
AT  WASHINGTON    IN   MEMORY    OF    PULASKI 


308  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

federacy,  or  its  general  staff,  was  unable  to  unify  the 
direct  movement  adequately.  The  brilliant  achieve- 
ments of  Kazimir  Pulaski,  Zaremba,  Dierzanowski 
and  of  Dumouriez,  sent  by  France,  were  in  vain  be- 
cause of  the  lack  of  coherence  and  unity  in  the  direct- 
ing body,  the  majority  of  whom  consisted,  by  this 
time,  of  magnates  who  desired  to  overthrow  the 
King.  This  policy  was  unfortunate  because  when 
the  wavering  King  and  the  "Fam'ily"  were  ready  to 
join  the  Confederacy,  the  treacherous  Primate  Podo- 
ski,  acting  in  behalf  of  the  Russian  Government,  in- 
sisted upon  the  dethronement,  and  in  this  way  all 
chance  of  a  united  action  against  Russia  was  frus- 
trated. The  King  was  forced  back  upon  Russia,  where 
he  again  sought  support,  and  France,  which  during  the 
ministry  of  Choiseul  had  supported  the  Confederates 
with  money  and  experienced  officers,  became  some- 
what alienated  when  the  Governing  Board  refused  to 
join  hands  with  the  King.  The  other  and  most  faith- 
ful foreign  ally  of  the  Confederacy  was  Turkey  which 
declared  war  against  Russia  in  1768,  giving  as  its  cause 
the  illegal  activities  of  that  government  in  Poland. 
Unfortunately  for  trie  Confederacy,  the  Turkish  army 
was  no  match  for  tfie  Russian  naval  and  land  forces 
under  Admiral  Orloff  and  General  Rumiantseff.  The 
successes  of  Russia  cooled  the  Austrian  sympathies 
for  the  Confederates.  In  1767  Maria  Theresa  was 
ready  to  send  her  troops  to  free  Poland  and  the  King 
from  the  outrages  and  insults  of  Repnin.  She  was 
prevented  from  doing  so  by  Frederick  of  Prussia,  who 
threatened  war  if  she  carried  out  her  plans.  Her 
heir,  Joseph  II,  did  not  share  her' views.  Back  in 
3769  he  had  conferred  with  Frederick  with  reference 
to  Poland.  The  next  year  they  again  met  at  Neu- 
stadt  in  Moravia.  As  a  result  of  this  conference  Aus- 
tria, under  the  pretext  of  the  necessity  of  rectifica- 


DISINTEGRATION  OF  POLITICAL  SOVEREIGNTY    309 

tion  of  her  frontiers,  wrested  away  a  considerable 
part  of  the  Province  of  Cracow,  and  Prussian  troops 
occupied  West  Prussia  up  to  Great  Poland  in  order 
"to  establish  quarantine  against  plague"  which  Fred- 
erick "feared"  could  be  carried  into  his  domains.  At 
the  end  of  the  year  Frederick  sent  his  brother  to  St. 
Petersburg  to  negotiate  the  first  partition  of  Poland. 


FIG.  150— ST.  LEONARD'S  CRYPT  IN 
THE  CATHEDRAL  OF  CRACOW 


FIG.   151— THE  CASTLE  OF  TYNIEC  ON  THE  VISTULA 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Three  Partitions 

At  the  conferences  which  Frederick  the  Great 

held  with  Marie  Theresa's  heir  at  Nissa  in  1769  and  at 

Neustadt  in  1770,  the  Russian  victories 

over  the  Turks  and  their  possible  conse- 

Partition,  , .  r.         —,       .      .    . 

August  5, 1772  quences  were  discussed,  rredenck 
feared  Russian  aggrandizement  in  the 
South.  It  was  to  his  interest  to  preserve  a  strong 
Porte  which  could  be  advantageously  utilized  in  the 
event  of  a  Prussian  war  either  with  Russia  or  Austria. 
Despite  the  recent  enmity  between  Prussia  and 
Austria,  by  a  deft  presentation  to  the  future  Austrian 
sovereign  of  the  dangers  to  which  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire  would  be  exposed  by  Russia's  conquest  of 
Moldavia  and  Wallachia,  he  easily  won  the  acquies- 
cence of  the  young  and  vainglorious  Joseph  II  in  his 
selfish  scheme  of  protecting  Turkey  in  the  possession 
of  Moldavia  and  compensating  Russia  with  territories 
in  Poland.  Such  an  arrangement  was  doubly  advan- 
tageous, for  it  checked  Russ;a  in  the  south  and  by 
upsetting  the  existing  balance  of  political  influence  it 
opened  the  way  for  Prussian  and  Austrian  claims  to 
similar  shares  of  the  Polish  Republic,  Frederick's 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  311 

plan  was  well  thought  out,  and  its  accomplishment 
would  have  enabled  him  to  secure  the  much  coveted 
West  or  Royal  Prussia  without  cost.  He  was  deter- 
mined to  carry  the  scheme  through.  His  brother's 
mission  at  the  Russian  capital  in  1770  had  been  to 
secure  Catherine's  consent  to  it,  but  the  Russian  Em- 
press and  her  advisors,  Panin  and  Chernishev  did  not 
cherish  the  idea -of  sharing  Poland  with  other  powers. 
To  all  intents  and  purposes  Catherine  was  already 
mistress  of  the  country.  This  condition  served  to 
intrench  Maria  Theresa  in  her  adverse  attitude  to 
the  scheme.  The  Austrian  Empress  had  been  op- 
posed to  the  dismemberment  of  Poland  and  for  that 
reason  supported  the  Bar  Confederacy,  giving  shelter 
to  the  General  Board  of  that  organization.  In  1771 
Maria  Theresa  approached  Turkey  and  made  an  al- 
liance with  the  Ottomans  for  the  recohquest  of  Mol- 
davia, with  a  further  joint  agreement  to  insist  upon 
the  territorial  integrity  of  Poland.  The  plans  alarmed 
Russia,  and,  fearing  the  strengthening  of  the  alliance 
by  the  entry  of  Prussia,  she  submitted  to  the  insist- 
ence of  Frederick  and  agreed  to  cede  Moldavia  in 
return  for  a  share  in  the  partition  of  Poland.  This 
caused  Austria  to  retrace  her  steps.  On  February 
19,  1772,  the  agreement  of  partition  was  signed  in 
Vienna.  A  previous  agreement  between  Prussia  and 
Russia  had  been  made  in  St.  Petersburg  on  February 
6,  1772.  Early  in  August  the  Russian,  Prussian  and 
Austrian  troop's  simultaneously  entered  Poland  and 
occupied  the  provinces  agreed  upon  among  them- 
selves. On  August  5,  1772,  the  occupation  manifesto 
was  issued,  much  to  the  consternation  of  a  country 
too  exhausted  by  the  heroic  endeavors  of  the  Bar 
Confederacy  to  offer  further  resistance. 


312  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  regiments  of  the  Bar  Confederacy,  whose 
executive  board  had  been  forced  to  leave  Austria  after 
that    country   joined    the    Prusso-Rus- 
™eB^"d  sian  conspiracy,  did  not  lay  down  their 

Confederacy  arms.  Every  fortress  in  their  com- 
mand held  out  to  the  very  last  round  of 
ammunition  and  the  last  ounce  of  food.  Famous  was 
the  defence  of  Tyniec,  which  lasted  until  the  end  of 
March,  1773,  and  also  that  of  Czenstochowa  com- 
manded by  Pulaski.  Cracow  fell  on  April  28th,  cap- 
tured by  the  Russian  general  Suvorov  who  exiled  the 
heroic  garrison  to  Siberia.  Neither  France  nor  Eng- 
land, upon  whom  such  great  hopes  had  been  based, 
helped  in  a  sufficient  measure  or  protested  when  the 
greatest  crime  in  modern  times  was  committed.  So 
came  to  a  tragic  end  the  noble  but  ill-organized  at- 
tempt of  patriotic  Poland  to  save  itself  from  foreign 
aggression.  It  had  cost  about  a  hundred  thousand 
men  and  once  more  laid  the  unfortunate  country 
waste,  but  in  the  words  of  Professor  Sokolowski,  "it 
was  the  first  demonstration  of  the  reviving  national 
conscience,  the  first  armed  protest  before  the  eyes  of 
Europe  against  outrage  and  unheard-of  oppression."* 
The  dismemberment  treaty  was  ratified  by  its 
signatories  on  September  22,  1772.  Frederick  was 
elated  with  his  success;  Kaunitz  was 
Pf oud  .of  wresting  as  large  a  share  as  he 
and  Austria  did,  with  the  rich  salt  mines  of  Bochnia 
and  Wieliczka;  and  Catherine  "never 
signed  a  diplomatic  document  with  greater  satisfac- 
tion." By  this  "diplomatic  document"  Russia  came 
into  possession  of  that  section  of  Livonia  which  had 
still  remained  in  Polish  hands,  and  of  White  Russia 
embracing  the  counties  of  Vitebsk,  Polotsk  and 
Mscislav;  Prussia  took  Warmia  and  West  Prussia 

*  1.  c.  vol.  Ill,  p.  418. 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS 


313 


314  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

as  far  as  the  Netze  and  embracing  the  county  of 
Pomerania,  without  the  city  of  Danzig,  the  counties 
of  Malborg,  Chelmno,  without  the  City  of  Thorn,  and 
some  districts  in  Great  Poland;  and  to  Austria  fell 
Zator  and  Oswiecim,  part  of  Little  Poland  embracing 
parts  of  the  counties  of  Cracow  and  Sandomir  and  a 
great  portion  of  Ruthenia,  in  other  words,  the  whole 
of  Galicia,  less  the  City  of  Cracow.  By  this  partition 
Poland  lost  about  thirty  per  cent,  of  her  territory, 
amounting  at  that  time  to  about  484,000  square 
miles,  and  about  four  million  of  her  people.  The 
largest  share  of  the  spoils,  as  far  as  population  and 
revenue  were  concerned,  went  to  Austria. 

After    having   occupied    their    respective    terri- 
tories, in  brazen  arrogance,  the  three  robber  govern- 
ments demanded  that  the  King  and  the 
The  Diet  Diet  approve  their  action.     The  King 

of  1773  and  ,  ,•  rixr  T- 

the  Treaty  appealed  to  the  nations  of  Western  JLu- 
of  Cession  rope  for  help  and  tarried  with  the  convo- 

cation of  the  Diet.  When,  as  usual,  no 
help  was  forthcoming  and  the  armies  of  the  com- 
bined enemies  occupied  Warsaw  to  compel  by  force  of 
arms  the  calling  of  the  assembly,  no  alternative  could 
be  chosen  save  passive  submission  to  their  will.  Those 
of  the  senators  who  advised  against  this  desperate 
step  were,  after  the  well-known  Russian  fashion,  ar- 
rested and  exiled  to  Siberia  by  the  representatives  of 
the  Tsarina.  The  local  land  assemblies  refused  to 
elect  Deputies  to  the  Diet,  and  after  great  difficulties 
less  than  half  of  the  regular  number  of  representa- 
tives came  to  attend  the  session,  most  of  them  men  of 
degraded  character,  led  by  Adam  Lodzia  Poninski, 
the  commander  of  the  Malta  Order,  a  cynic  and  notori- 
ous gambler,  willing  to  undertake  anything  for 
money.  In  order  to  prevent  the  disruption  of  the 
Diet  and  the  defeat  of  the  purpose  of  the  despoilers  he 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  315 

undertook  to  turn  the  regular  Diet  into  a  Diet  of 
a  Confederacy,  where  majority  rule  prevailed.  In 
spite  of  the  dramatic  efforts  of  Thaddeus  Reytan, 
Samuel  Korsak  and  others  to  prevent  it,  the  deed 
was  accomplished  with  the  aid  of  Michael  Radziwill 
and  the  dishonorable  Bishops  Mlodzieyowski,  Mas- 
salski,  and  Ostrowski,  who  occupied  high  posi- 
tions of  State  and  who  were  ready  to  sell  their  country 
and  honor  for  Russian  gold.  The  Diet  elected  a  com- 
mittee of  thirty  to  deal  with  the  various  matters  pre- 
sented. On  September  18,  1773,  the  Committee  for- 
mally signed  the  treaty  of  cession,  renouncing  all 
claims  of  Poland  to  the  territories  taken  from  her. 
While  the  committee  was  still  in  session  the  news 
reached  Poland  that  Pope  Clement  XIV  had  dis- 
solved the  Order  of  the  Jesuits.  The 
The  First  jav  members  of  the  Committee  argued 

of  Education       ^or  the  retention  of  the  Order  in  Poland, 
in  Europe  the  ecclesiastical  members  for  its  dis- 

solution. The  opinion  of  the  ecclesias- 
tics prevailed,  and  with  it  came  the  question  of  the 
disposition  of  the  properties  of  the  Order  and  of  the 
organization  of  popular  education  which  had  hitherto 
been,  with  such  disastrous  effect,  in  the  hands  of  the 
Jesuits.  It  was  voted  that  the  government  take  over 
all  the  Jesuit  schools  and  apply  the  income  from  the 
Jesuit  estates  to  educational  purposes.  A  special 
commission  known  as  the  Educational  Commission 
was  created  to  take  charge  of  the  schools  of  the 
country.  In  this  manner  education  was  secularized 
and  the  first  State  Board  of  Education  in  Europe  was 
established.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  more  than  half 
of  the  Jesuit  estates,  worth  over  forty  million  Polish 
guldens,  was  stolen  by  the  members  of  the  Parlia- 
mentary Committee  of  Thirty,  which  with  such  light 
heart  had  subscribed  to  the  act  of  foreign  spoliation, 


316 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


enough  was  left  to  put  the  schools  of  the  country  on 
an  adequate  basis.  The  Commission  had  broad 
powers  and  set  about  its  work  in  a  most  enthusiastic 
and  competent  manner.  Among  its  moving  spirits 
were  some  of  the  most  enlightened  men  of  the  time, 
such  as  Hugo  Kollontay,  from  whom  Thomas  Paine 


FIG.   152 — HUGO  KOLLONTAY   (1750-1812) 
Statesman,  Educator  and  Historian 

received  many  of  his  ideas  on  education;  John 
Sniadecki,  a  mathematician  of  great  renown;  Stan- 
islav  Staszyc,  the  foremost  political  thinker  of  the 
time,  and  many  others.  Some  of  the  most  prominent 
men  of  Europe  were  consulted  on  various  matters, 
and  many,  like  Dupont  de  Nemours  and  others,  visited 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  317 

Poland  as  advisers  and  remained  as  university  in- 
structors. The  scope  of  the  work  of  the  Commission 
was  immense.  They  organized  and  modernized  the 
whole  range  of  schools,  beginning  with  the  village 
parochial  school  and  extending  to  the  universities.  A 
modern  astronomical  observatory  was  built  at  Cra- 


FIG.    153— JAN   SNIADECKI    (1756-1830) 

Rector  of  the  University  of  Wilno,  mathematician,  author  of  a  monumental  work 

on  "Physico-Mathematical  Geography  of  the  Earth"  and  precursor 

of  Auguste  Comte  in  philosophy. 

cow;  a  well  equipped  chemical  laboratory  was  es- 
tablished; and  a  school  of  surgery  was  opened,  where 
human  cadavers  were  used  for  instruction.  At  the 
University  of  Wilno  the  astronomical  department 
was  enriched  by  new  instruments  of  precision,  and 
chairs  were  established  for  the  teaching  of  natural 


318 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


history,  chemistry  and  anatomy.  Andrew  Sniadecki, 
brother  of  John,  author  of  a  celebrated  work  on  the 
"Theory  of  Organic  Beings,"  taught  chemistry  and 
medicine,  Jundzill — botany  and  Joachim  Lelewel — 
history.  Other  sciences  found  equally  remarkable 
exponents  at  the  University  of  Wilno. 

A  school  of  engineering,  a  conservatory  of  music 
and  an  institute  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  were  founded. 
A  special  council,  known  as  the  Society  for  Element- 


FIG.  154- 


HALL,  OP  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  WILNO 


ary  Education,  whose  task  it  was  to  prepare  suitable 
text-books,  was  created.  The  Commission  trained 
teachers  and  vigorously  fought  all  the  obstacles 
thrown  in  its  way  by  old  modish  folk  who  resented  the 
reforms  and  the  secularization  of  instruction.  The 
Jesuits  and  low,  ignorant  clergy  obstructed  the  prog- 
ress of  the  work  with  the  persistence  of  fanatics. 
Despite  all  the  difficulties  the  Commission  accom- 
plished a  great  work,  raised  the  standard  of  the  edu- 
cation of  the  people,-and  gave  stimulus  to  regenera- 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  319 

tion  of  science,  literature  and  civic  righteousness. 
The  brilliant  achievements  of  the  movement  may 
serve  as  one  of  the  many  extant  proofs  that  the  nation 
was  sound  and  healthy  and  that  its  political  depravity 
was  limited  to  those  elements  of  reaction  whom 
France  was  able  to  drown  in  the  mighty  tide  of  the 
Revolution  and  whom  the  newly  born  American 
nation  expelled  from  its  midst.  The  large  numbers 
of  active  workers  throughout  the  land  and  the  hearty 
support  given  by  the  nation  to  the  labors  of  reform, 
crowned  as  they  were  with  marked  success,  testify  to 
the  fact  that  below,  what  Mickiewicz  later  called,  the 
"cold  dirty  lava"  burned  a  fire  of  new  life  which  even 
a  century  of  calamities  and  disappointments  could  not 
extinguish.  Hampered  by  foreign  intervention  Po- 
land could  not,  like  France  and  the  United  States,  rid 
itself  of  this  hardened  crust  of  "dirty  lava."  The 
political  corruptionists  and  reactionaries  were  in  a 
positon  to  carry  on  their  wicked  work. 

In   addition   to   the   act   of  bestowing  princely 
titles  upon  their  ringleaders,  such  as  Poninski,  Mas- 

salski,  Xavier  Branicki,  and  approving 
The  Changes  those  given  by  the  Emperor  to  the 
stitutio^°and  Lubomirskis,  Sulkowskis  and  Jablonow- 
the  Permanent  skis,  the  above  mentioned  parliamentary 
Council  committee  tmade  certain  changes  in  the 

constitution  of  the  State.  The  various 
labors  of  that  committee  which  lasted  for  two  years, 
were  finally  submitted  to  the  Confederation  Diet  on 
March  27,  1775.  Attempts  were  again  made  to  pro- 
test against  the  highhanded  actions  of  the  committee 
which  signed  the  act  of  cession,  but  were  of  no  avail. 
The  consitutional  changes  made  by  the  committee 
brought  the  country  back  to  the  political  framework 
adopted  at  Repnin's  command  by  the  Second  Dumb 
Diet  in  1768,  with  but  four  modifications.  The  first 


320  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

concerned  the  limitation  of  the  rights  of  dissidents,  to 
which  the  Russian  Ambassador  made  no  vigorous 
objections.  The  matter  had  already  been  made  use 
of  to  intrench  Russian  influence  in  Poland,  and  a  new 
constitutional  departure  in  that  respect  gave  Russia 
but  another  opportunity  to  interfere  on  behalf  of  the 
oppressed  dissenters  should  her  interests  demand  it. 
The  other  new  features  in  the  constitution  specified 
that  only  a  Polish  nobleman  holding  property  within 
the  boundaries  of  the  Republic  could  become  King, 
and  that  sons  and  grandsons  of  a  King  might  mount 
the  PolisKThrone  only  after  two  successive  reigns  had 
terminated  since  the  death  of  the  royal  father  or 
grandfather.  The  constitution  also  provided  for  a 
Permanent  Council  to  take  charge  of  the  administra- 
tion of  the  country.  The  Council  was  to  consist  of 
thirty-six  members,  eighteen  Senators  and  eighteen 
Deputies,  elected  by  ballot  every  two  years  by  the 
Diet.  The  King  was  president  of  the  Council  which 
was  subdivided  into  five  departments:  foreign  affairs, 
police,  war,  justice  and  treasury.  Corresponding 
ministers  headed  the  respective  departments  and  had 
special  counsellors  assigned  to  them.  The  decisions 
of  the  departments  were  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
majority  of  the  Council.  By  this  arrangement  the 
King  was  stripped  of  every  semblance  of  power. 
Henceforth  he  could  do  nothing  without  the  consent 
of  the  Council  and  appointments  to  the  various  State 
offices  could  be  made  by;  him  only  from  among  the 
candidates  presented  by  the  Council.  The  power  of 
the  hetmans  was  similarly  reduced.  The  army  was 
increased  to  thirty  thousand,  new  indirect  taxes  were 
introduced,  and  salaries  were  paid  to  the  executive 
officers  of  the  government.  The  Russian  Empress 
became  the  guarantor  of  the  Constitution. 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  321 

The  new  constitution,  although  it  retained  the 
vicious  old  principles  of  liberum  veto,  free  royal  elec- 
tions, and  similar  impractical  measures, 
The  contained, nevertheless,many  useful  pro- 

improvement      visions.    jt  created  a  strong  centralized 

in  Economic  .  .  •  j         i  1 

and  Social  government  with  a  considerable  army  at 

Conditions  its  disposal  to  enable  it  to  carry  out  its 
provisions.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
members  of  the  Permanent  Council  were  all  subservi- 
ent'to  Russia  and  ready  to  obey  the  Russian  minister 
in  every  respect,  and  although  they  farmed  out  to  them- 
selves various  State  and  municipal  monopolies  bring- 
ing millions  in  income,  and  voted  for  themselves  im- 
mense life  pensions,  yet  they  were  successful  in  re- 
storing order  in  the  country,  in  raising  taxes,  paying 
the  civil  and  military  officers  and  in  stimulating  indus- 
try, agriculture  and  commerce.  After  the  first  parti- 
tion, the  Republic  still  occupied  an  area  of  344,000 
square  miles,  and  had  a  population  of  seven  and  a  half 
millions.  Previous  anarchy  and  guerilla  warfare  had 
brought  industry  and  farming  almost  to  a  standstill. 
Alongside  of  those  who  insanely  squandered  fortunes 
in  the  orgies  of  gambling,  debauchery  and  gaiety,  there 
were  those  who  saw  the  paramount  need  of  the  eco- 
nomic upbuilding  of  the  country.  Encouraged  by  the 
government,  many  magnates  and  burghers  invested 
their  money  in  factories,  and  industrial  and  financial 
enterprises.  Most  active  in  this  respect  was  Anthony 
Tyzenhaus,  a  wealthy  Lithuanian  potentate,  who 
built  cloth,  linen  and  paper  mills  and  who  played  an 
important  part  in  the  industrial  reorganization  then 
taking  place.  The  King  established  a  porcelain  fac- 
tory near  Warsaw  and  a  steel  plant  in  the  iron  region. 
In  four  years  the  export  trade  of  the  country  rose 
from  twenty-two  to  one  hundred  and  ten  million. 
New  roads  and  waterways  were  built  and  the  old  ones 


322  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

improved.  The  nobility  of  the  County  of  Brest-Litev- 
ski  undertook,  at  its  own  expense,  the  draining  of  the 
Polesie  swamps  and  built  the  highways  of  Pinsk- 
Slonim  and  Pinsk-Volhynia.  Many  a  river  was  cleared 
and  deepened  and  made  fit  for  navigation.  At  the 
private  expense  of  the  Lithuanian  Grand  Hetman 
Prince  Michael  Kazimir  Oginski,  a  canal,  known  until 
this  day  by  his  name,  was  dug,  connecting  the  river 


FIG.    155— ANTHONY    TYZENHAUZ 
Magnate   and   Patron  of  Industries 


Szczara,  a  tributary  of  the  Niemen,  with  Jasiolda,  a 
tributary  of  the  Pripet,  and  thus  was  established  a 
direct  route  between  the  Baltic  and  the  Black  Seas. 
A  similar  waterway,  known  as  the  Royal  Canal,  was 
built  by  uniting  the  river  Pina,  a  tributary  of  the 
Pripet,  with  the  river  Muchawiec,  flowing  into  the 
Bug.  General  prosperity  increased.'  Crops  were 
good  and  in  order  to  improve  the  farming  methods 
and  increase  their  productivity,  many  magnates 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  323 

undertook  extensive  reforms  and  liberated  their  peas- 
ants. Numerous  writers,  mostly  of  physiocratic 
convictions,  pointed  out  the  need  of  such  reforms,  but 
the  great  mass  of  the  landed  gentry  was  in  determined 
opposition  to  them,  and  entertained  their  old  attitude 
of  contempt  toward  the  peasants  and  burghers.  In 
1776  the  Lithuanian  cities  were  deprived  of  autonomy 
and  the  project  of  Andrew  Zamoyski,  aiming  at  the 
removal  of  certain  disabilities  and  the  imposition  of 
certain  duties  on  the  clergy,  was  publicly  cut  to  pieces, 
to  the  great  satisfaction  of  Stackelberg,  the  Russian 
Ambassador  at  Warsaw,  who  maintained  that  the 
measure  advocated  by  Zamoyski  was  contrary  to  the 
liberties  guaranteed  by  Russia. 

Simultaneously  with  the  economic  awakening  of 

the  country  came  the  revival  of  science,  literature  and 

art,  fostered  by  the  magnates  and  par- 

Jhe  .  ticularly  by  the  King.     His  palace  was 

Renaissance  ,         .,«         1  i  j       t.         •      1 

in  Art  and  equipped   with  physical   and   chemical 

Science  laboratories,  an  astronomical  observa- 

tory, a  rare  library  of  old  and  new 
works,  a  numismatic  collection  and  a  splendid  art  gal- 
lery. From  abroad  he  brought  a  number  of  highly 
skilled  craftsmen,  artists  and  sculptors,  among  whom 
Bacciarelli  and  Lebrun  should  especially  be  men- 
tioned. The  greatest  minds  and  masters  of  the  time 
met  at  his  famous  "Thursday  dinners"  where  scien- 
tific, artistic  and  political  subjects  and  ideas  were  pre- 
sented and  discussed  in  their  academic  as  well  as 
practical  aspects.  The  King  was  keenly  interested 
in  the  application  of  scientific  discoveries  to  practical 
ends.  The  application  of  electricity  to  human  therapy, 
vaccination  against  smallpox,  aerial  navigation  in 
balloons,  the  lightning  rod  and  other  discoveries 
of  the  time  had  in  him  an  ardent  admirer  and  cham- 


324 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.  156— TYPE  OF  A  POLISH  GENTLEMAN  OF  THE  END  OF  THE  XVIII 
AND  BEGINNING  OF  XIX  CENTURY 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  325 


FIG.  1-57— TYPE  OF  A  POLISH  LADY  OF  THE  END  OF  THE  XVIII 
AND  BEGINNING  OF  XIX   CENTURY 


326 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


pion.  It  was  due  to  his  inspiration  that  Bishop  Adam 
Naruszewicz  undertook  his  celebrated  critical  "His- 
tory of  the  Polish  Nation."  The  "prince  of  poets," 
Bishop  Ignatius  Krasicki,  was  another  member  of  the 
King's  circle,  to  which  also  belonged  the  poet  Stani- 


l-'IG.   158— WOYCIECH  BOGUSL.AWSKI,   Founder  of  the  first  national 
theatre  in  Poland   (1765) 

slav  Trembecki.  Among  the  other  cultural  achieve- 
ments of  that  time  was  the  establishment  of  the  first 
national  theatre  which  saw  such  a  brilliant  develop- 
ment under  the  leadership  of  Woyciech  Boguslawski, 
and  the  founding  of  the  periodic  literary  magazines. 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS 


327 


Philosophy,  economics,  pedagogy  and  political 
science  had  illustrious  representatives  in  Hugo  Kol- 
lontay,  Stanislav  Staszyc,  Onufry  Kopczynski,  George 
Piramowicz,  the  Sniadeckis,  the  brothers  Stroynow- 
ski,  Wielhorski,  Poplawski,  Jezierski,  Joseph  Wybicki 


PIG.    159— STANISLAV    STASZYC     (1755-1826) 
Educator,  Philosopher,  Statesman  and  Ardent  Patriot 

and  others.  The  political  writers  of  the  time  were 
chiefly  under  the  influence  of  the  Physiocrats  and  the 
Encyclopaedists.  They  advocated  the  abolition  of 
serfdom,  and.  proposed  numerous  land  reforms  and 
the  recognition  of  the  civic  rights  and  economic  needs 


328  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

of  the  townspeople.  Some,  like  Butrymowicz,  argued 
for  the  equalization  and  polonization  of  the  Jews. 
The  pamphlet  literature  of  that  period  is  one  of  the 
richest  in  Europe.  Among  the  leaders  of  the  "third 
estate"  two  rose  to  particular  prominence,  the  presi- 
dent of  the  City  of  Warsaw,  John  Dekert,  and  a  law- 
yer by  the  name  of  Barss.  Aided  by  the  champions 
of  social  reform  and  particularly  by  the  great  genius 
of  Staszyc  and  Kollontay,they  organized  a  movement 
for  the  recognition  of  civic  rights  of  the  cities,  which 
found  a  sympathic  echo  in  the  middle  class  gentry. 

The  landowners  had  borne  the  brunt  of  the  pre- 
vious anarchy  and  misrule  caused  by  the  oligarchal 
magnates  who  based  their  power  on  the 

The  Reform  ui       J  A' 

Part  masses  of  impecunious  nobles  depending 

upon  them  for  a  living.  The  respon- 
sible, self-respecting  middle  class  gentry,  who  once 
before  had  shown  their  patriotism  by  organizing  the 
Bar  Confederacy,  joined  hands  with  the  responsible 
real  estate  owners  of  the  cities  to  establish  a  strong 
'government  based  on  the  land  owning  elments  of  the 
country,  and  on  the  complete  or  partial  elimination 
of  the  "noble"  proletariate.  This  was  in  accordance 
with  the  political  ideals  reaching  Poland  from  the 
West.  The  reform  or  patriotic  party,  as  it  was  called, 
counted  among  its  adherents  the  most  distinguished 
men  of  the  time.  Some  of  the  magnates  like  the 
"Polish  Aristides"  Stanislav  Malachowski  and  the 
two  brothers,  Ignatius  and  Stanislav  Kostka  Potocki, 
joined  in  the  reform  movement.  The  Czartoryskis 
favored  the  reform  party  as  it  was  the  only  element 
in  the  country  that  openly  championed  freedom  from 
Russian  tutelage,  whose  dupes  they  had  been  and  on 
account  of  which  Polish  state  sovereignty  had  practi- 
callv  ceased  to  exist. 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  329 

The  party  that  was  most  bitterly  opposed  to  the 
reformers  was,  in  the  first  place,  composed  of  the  very 
h  reactionary  and  inert  elements  among 

Opposition  tne  n°t>ility  who  were  almost  unani- 
mously supported  by  the  episcopate,  and 
therefore  by  the"  entire  church  hierarchy.  The  most 
dangerous  elements  ln~fhe~upp"bsition,  however,  were 
not  those  who  deprecated  the  reforms  because  of 
ignorance  or  conviction,  but  the  ambitious  and  unscru- 
pulous despoilers  like  Poninski,  Xavier  Branicki  and 
others.  Not  only  were  they  opposed  to  fundamental 
reforms,  but  seeing  the  moderately  good  work  of  the 
Permanent  Council,  attempted  to  influence  the  Rus- 
sian Empress  to  overturn  it.  Anarchy  was  a  much 
more  profitable  field  for  the  rapacity  of  the  magnates 
of  their  kind  than  an  orderly  government.  The  lead- 
ership of  that  element  fell  to  Branicki,  whose  real 
name  was  Branecki,  but  who  usurped  the  name  of  the 
ancient  family  of  the,  Branickis  after  the  last  legal 
bearer  of  it,  Hetman  John  Clement,  died  in  1771. 
Branecki  was  a  man  of  the  lowest  instincts  and  of  a 
most  degraded  character.  He  gained  the  first  favors 
of  Catherine  by  ruthlessly  pursuing  the  Bar  Confeder- 
ates with  the  aid  of  the  Russian  Cossacks.  The  next 
steps  were  very  easy.  He  became  the  owner  of  enor- 
mous riches  and  rapidly  mounted  from  one  dignity  to 
another,  until  he  became  the  Grand  Hetman  of  the 
Crown.  He  then  desired  to  restore  to  the  office  the 
great  prerogatives  it  had  possessed  in  the  past  and 
declared  war  on  the  Permanent  Council  which  re- 
stricted it.  His  chief  political  associates  were  Felix 
Potocki,  the  Polish  Croesus,  who  owned  over  three 
million  acres  of  land  and  tens  of  thousands  of  serfs, 
the  despicable  Bishop  Kossak<5wski  and  his  brother 
Simon  and  Severin  Rzewuski,  erstwhile  prisoner  in 
Kaluga,  whither  he  had  been  exiled  for  making  pro- 


330  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

tests  against  the  iniquities  of  Russia  at  the  Radom 
Diet  of  1768.  Like  Michael  Radziwill  he  found  it 
much  more  convenient  to  dull  his  national  sensibilities 
and,  upon  receiving  high  honors,  went  so  far  as  to 
champion  the  retention  of  Russian  influence  in  Po- 
land and  the  former  pernicious  political  and  economic 
liberties.  The  great  mass  of  thoughtless,  landless, 
homeless,  penniless  nobility  was  always  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  magnates.  Immense  bands  of  these 
hungry,  ignorant  and  lawless  nobles,  following 
blindly  the  command  of  their  unscrupulous  and  ambi- 
tious masters  were  the  greatest  menace  to  the  country 
and  its  free  institutions,  and  the  cause  of  its  decline 
and  eventual  downfall. 

Placed  between  the  two  political  extremes  was 

the  compromise  party  of  the  King  and  his  brother 

Michael,    the    primate.     They    desired 

The  Political        to  strengthen  the  country  and  its  gov- 

Conferences  i  •  j 

with  Catherine  eminent,  but.  discountenanced  opposi- 
at  Kaniow  tion  to  Russian  influence.  They  favored 

only  such  changes  as  could  be  made 
without  arousing  the  opposition  of  the  Russian  sover- 
eign. It  was  a  hopeless  program  in  the  face  of 
Russia's  watchfulness  and  her  determination  to  pre- 
serve the  golden  liberties  of  the  Polish  nobility.  Yet 
after  the  death  of  Frederick  the  Great  in  1786,  whose 
evil  genius  stood  ever  in  the  way  of  Poland's  best 
efforts,  the  understanding  reached  in  1780  between 
Emperor  Joseph  II  and  Catherine  in  regard  to  Turkey 
was  soon  to  be  practically  effected,  and  a  change  in 
the  Russian  policy  was  to  be  expected.  In  case_o_f 
war  with  Turkey  the  support  of  Poland  was  of  great 
value  to  Russia  as  it  afforded  the  easiest  route  for  the 
passage  of  troops  as  well  as  for  the  making  of  con- 
venient junctures  with  the  Austrian  armies.  Further- 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  331 

more,  the  rich  south  Polish  granaries  and  cattle  herds 
afforded  abundant  supplies  for  the  provisioning  of  the 
Russian  troops.  In  1787  Catherine,  on  her  way  to 
Crimea,  stopped  at  Kaniow  to  confer  with  King 
Poniatowski  concerning  a  Russian-Polish  alliance 
and  some  internal  Polish  matters.  The  leaders  of  the 
extreme  pro-Russian  party  all  flocked  to  Kaniow  for 
secret  political  conferences  with  the  Empress  and  her 
hero  Potemkin,  and  pledged  their  support  against 
Turkey  for  Russian  assistance  against  the  King  and 
the  lawful  government  she  had  guaranteed  to  sup- 
port. She  did  not  accept  their  offer  at  the  time  but 
reserved  it  for  future  utilization.  The  leaders  of  the 
reform  party,  on  the  other  hand,  saw  in  the  impend- 
ing difficulties  of  Russia  a  chance  to  get  rid  of  her 
control  and  influence.  Soon  the  country  was  called 
upon  to  decide  which  of  the  two  ways  should  be  fol- 
lowed: An  alliance  with  Austria  and  Russia  against 
Turkey  and  the  further  intrenchment  of  Russian  in- 
fluence in  Poland,  or  a  union  with  Prussia  for  the 
restoration  of  Polish  sovereignty. 

After  the  conference  at  Kaniow,  the  Russian 
Empress  sent  the  Polish  King  a  copy  of  the  proposed 
The  Project  of  Russo-Polish  treaty.  It  guaranteed  the 
a  Russo-Poiish  territorial  integrity  of  the  allied  coun- 
tries and  called  for  mutual  help  in  the 
event  of  foreign  invasion.  It  declared  against  all 
reforms  in  the  Polish  government,  but  contained  con- 
sent to  holding  the  next  Diet  as  of  a  confederacy  in 
order  to  prevent  its  dissolution  and  in  order  to  carry 
through  the  alliance  as  well  as  to  provide  for  an  in- 
crease of  the  army.  The  need  of  the  latter  was  well 
recognized  by  all  parties,  and  made  possible  the 
unanimous  consent,  to  a  confederacy  diet  where 
decisions  were  reached  by  a  majority  vote. 


332  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  Diet  met  on  October  6,  1788,  in  Warsaw  and 

formed  the  confederacy.     The  two  marshals  of  the 

confederacy,  Stanislav  Malachowski  for 

the  Crown  and  Kasimir  Nestor  Sapieha 

Years  Diet,  ,        T  .  .  t       T-.        •      • 

1788-1792  *or  Lithuania,  belonged  to  the  Patriotic 

party.  Their  election  ensured  consider- 
ation of  the  various  reform  measures  and  augured 
ill  for  the  proposed  alliance  with  Russia.  In  two 
weeks  after  the  opening  of  the  session  the  project  to 
increase  the  army  to  one  hundred  thousand  .passed 
and  a  special  military  commission  was  established  to 
supersede  the  War  Department  of  the  Permanent 
Council.  The  Russian  Ambassador  protested  against 
this  change  and  threatened  war.  The  King  and  the 
Primate  argued  against  the  change  but  the  general 
sentiment  was  very  strongly  in  favor  of  it.  It  was 
pointed  out  that  a  department  which  was  not  respon- 
sible to  the  Diet  and  which  was  composed  of  men 
appointed  at  the  request  of  a  foreign  government  and 
subservient  to  it  should  not  be  given  command  of  a 
large  army.  ^This  view  prevailed  and  despite  the 
Russian  threats  the  measure  was  adopted. 

The  severance  of  the  Prusso-Russian  entente, 
which  since  1764  had  hung  over  Poland  as  a  swqrd  of 
The  Damocles,  and  the  Russian  entangle- 

Aiiiance  with  ment  in  a  war  with  Turkey  and  Sweden, 
Prussia,  179C  afforded  the  possiblity  of  free  action. 
Prussia,  then  in  alliance  with  Great  Britain  and  Hol- 
land, strained  every  effort  to  embolden  the  Diet  and 
to  estrange  Poland  from  Russia,  hoping  by  an  alliance 
with  Poland  and  a  war  with  Austria  to  gain  for  her- 
self the  City  of  Thorn  and  the  commercial  port  of 
Danzig,  in  return  for  the  restoration  of  Galicia  to  the 
Republic.  Albeit  the  request  for  the  cession  of  these 
two  cities  was  very  firmly  refused,  the  treaty  with 
Prussia  was  made  on  March  27,  1790.  It  guaranteed 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  333 


FIG.   160— STANISI.AV  MALACHOWSKI    (1736-1809) 
'The  Polish  Aristides."     Statesman  and  Patriot,  President  of  the  Four  Years'  Diet 


334  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND   , 

the  integrity  of  the  territorial  possessions  of  the  two 
countries  and  mutual  help  to  the  last  in  case  of  foreign 
invasion.  Frederick  Wilhelm  II,  the  successor  of 
Frederick  the  Great,  was  thus  able  to  gain  the  con- 
fidence of  Poland,  much  in  need  of.  protection  and 
support  to  bring  about  the  reformation  of  the  govern- 
ment by  which  only  she  could  be  saved  from  inevit- 
able destruction,  and  to  which  Russia  was  unquali- 
fiedly opposed. 

The  alliance  with  Prussia  and  thus  indirectly 
with  England  and  Holland  encouraged  the  Diet  to 
break  the  treaty  with  Russia  and  to 
^s'hmenTof  abolisn  the  constitution  which  she  had 
the*  Four *  f orced  upon  the  country  in  1775.  This 
Years'  Diet  marks  the  beginning  of  Poland's  emanci- 
pation from  the  demoralizing  influence 
of  Russia.  Patriotic  enthusiasm  reached  a  high  pitch, 
and  it  was  found  possible  to  pass  a- law  subjecting 
the  nobility  to  the  payment  of  regular  taxes  which 
had  hitherto  been  identified  with  slavery.  Forty 
million  guldens  were  needed  annually  to  support 
the  army  alone  on  the  footing  voted  by  the  Diet. 
Many  new  sources  of  revenue  were  devised, _but  it 
proved  difficult  to  raise  that  amount  for  the  war  com- 
mission. The  army  could  not,  therefore,  be  increased 
to  the  desired  one  hundred  thousand.  The  total  net 
revenue  did  not  exceed  forty  millions.  It  was,  how- 
ever, twice  the  amount  which  had  been  raised  a  few 
years  before  and  was  considered  a  great  success  and 
a  testimonial  to  the  executive  ability  of  the  govern- 
ment and  the  patriotic  response  of  the  country.  It 
enabled  the  government  to  obtain  considerable  loans 
abroad.  Ten  millions  was  obtained  in  Holland  alone. 
Because  the  Diet  did  not  limit  itself  to  the  revisions 
of  the  Constitution,  but  discussed  and  considered 
many  social  and  economic  problems,  its  work  became 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS 


335 


dilatory,  particularly  in  view  of  the  obstructionist 
tactics  of  the  opposition.  The  civic  rights  of  the 
cities  were  brought  very  strikingly  to  the  attention  of 
the  Diet  by  the_bold  act  of  the  President  of  Warsaw 
who,  in  November,  1789,  brought  together  at  the 


FIG.   161— JAN  DEKERT,   MAYOR   OF  THE  CITY  OF  WARSAW, 
LEADER   OF  THE   "THIRD   ESTATE" 

capital  the  representatives  of  141  Polish  cities  and 
jointly  with  them  worked  out  a  remarkable  memorial 
which  was  submitted  to  the  King  and  the  Diet.  By 
the  enactment  of  April  18, 1791,  the  burghers  received 


336  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

the  privilege  of  neminem  captivabimus  or  habeas 
corpus,  the  right  to  own  land  and  to  hold  any  ecclesi- 
astical, civil  or  military  office.  City  home  rule  was 
restored  and  the  representatives  of  the  cities  were 
admitted  to  the  Diet  to  advise  with  reference  to  city 
matters.  Many  of  the  aristocrats  asked  to  be  entered 
among  the  citizens  of  the  cities.  In  this  wise  a  funda- 
mental change  in  the  political  and  social  structure  of 
the  country  took  place  without  the  employment  of 
force  or  violence  of  any,  kind.  This  act  of  the  Diet 
was  but  preliminary  to  the  greater  works  of  reform 
which  it  undertook. 

After  prolonged  debates  a  new  constitution  was 

formulated.     The  Reform  Part)'-  well  realized  that 

evolution  does  not  proceed  by  leaps  and 

refrained  from  adopting  extreme  meas- 

Constitution  of  ,.      , 

May  3, 1791  ures  advocated  by  the  more  radical  wing 
of  the  party,  which  was  under  the  spell 
of  the  principles  of  the  French  Revolution.  To  be 
doubly  sure  they  submitted  a  draft  of  the  constitution 
to  the  several  land  assemblies  with  a  request  that  it  be 
locally  considered  and  that  additional  deputies  be  sent 
to  the  Diet  to  express  the  opinion  of  the  country. 
Almost  all  of  the  local  assemblies  voted  for  the  consti- 
tution, with  the  exception  of  the  clause  making  the 
throne  hereditary,  and  elected  the  supporters  of  the 
reform  movement  as  their  delegates.  It  was  evident 
that  sober  thought  had  taken  possession  of  the 
country  when  it  realized  that  it  had  drifted  too  far  in 
the  wrong  direction.  At  the  time  when  the  country 
had  already  suffered  one  dismemberment  and  was 
soon  to  be  deprived  of  its  birthright  to  a  free  life  and 
to  an  unmolested  development,  it  was  perhaps  riper 
than  ever  before  for  rational  and  orderly  democratic 
self-government,  as  evidenced  by  the  progress  it  made 
during  the  past  two  decades,  the  provisions  of  the 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  337 

new  constitution  and  the  universal  support  it  had 
received.  In  spite  of  the  practically  universal  ap- 
proval of  the  measures  to  be  incorporated  in  the  new 
constitution,  the  reformers  hesitated  to  submit  it  to 
a  vote  lest  the  opposition,  with  the  support  of  Russia, 
prevent  its  adoption.  With  the  consent  of  the  King, 
a  coup  d'etat  was  agreed  upon.  The  final  draft  of 
the  new  instrument  was  prepared  in  a  small  circle  and 
the  fifth  of  May  was  selected  as  the  date  on  which  it 
was  to  be  adopted.  This  date  was  fixed  for  the  reason 
that  many  of  the  members  of  the  opposition  were 
still  away  on  their  Easter  vacation.  Only  reform 
sympathizers  were  apprised  of  the  session.  When 
the  secret  became  known,  the  session  was  called  for 
May  3rd,  to  prevent  the  arrival  of  the  turbulent  and 
obstructionist  opposition.  Haste  was  indicated  as 
international  conditions  changed  and  the  outlook 
grew  gloomier  after  Pitt's  plans  of  a  joint  war  with 
Prussia  and  Poland  against  Russia  came  to  naught. 
Moreover,  at  the  Convention  of  Reichenbach,  1790, 
Austria,  pressed  by  Prussia,  consented  to  forego  the 
war  with  Turkey,  on  the  basis  of  a  status  quo,  and 
Russia,  having  defeated  the  Turks,  was  eager  for 
peace.  The  Prusso-Austrian  understanding  nullified 
the  Prussian  hopes  of  getting  Thorn  and  Danzig  in 
return  for  the  restoration  of  Galicia  to  Poland.  The 
need  of  forming  a  strong  government  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible became  apparent  and  led  to  the  coup  d'etat.  On 
the  third  of  May  the  Diet  met  in  joint  session  at  the 
Royal  Palace,  amidst  great  demonstrations  and  jubila- 
tion of  the  populace.  After  the  reports  of  some  of 
the  Polish  ambassadors  were  read  to  acquaint  the 
deputies  with  the  sinister  significance  of  certain  de- 
velopments in  foreign  politics,  the  King  submitted 
the  draft  of  the  proposed  constitution.  The  reading 
of  this  short  document  proceeded  amid  the  enthusi- 


338 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


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THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  339 

astic  applause  of  the  visitors  and  the  hisses  of  the 
opposition.  Although  Branicki's  underlings  were 
present  in  full  array  and  one  of  the  deputies,  by  the 
name  of  Suchprzewski,  made  a  theatrical  display  of 
emotion  to  manifest  his  resentment  at  the  way  "a 
revolution  had  been  hatched  that  liberty  may  perish," 
yet  the  opposition  were  unable  to  frustrate  the  plans 
of  the  reformers.  The  Assembly  adopted  the  con- 
stitute n  and  a'non  the  procession  went  to  the  Cathe- 
dral of  St.  John  to  witness  the  solemn  oath  the  King 
took  to  respect  and  defend  it. 

The  new  constitution  did  not  deprive  the  nobility 

of  their  privileged  position.   *  It  similarly  recognized 

Roman  Catholicism  as  the  prevailing  re- 

TheProvi-  Hgion  but  assured  liberty  and  protection 

sions  of  the  11,1  j          T«II      i  r    A        -i 

New  Constitu-  to  a"  °ther  creeds.  L  he  laws  of  April 
tion  38,  1791,  concerning  the  cities,  were  all 

incorporated  in  the  new  constitution. 
Protection  was  given  to  the  peasants  in  their  relations 
with  the  landlords  but  serfdom  and  patrimonial  juris- 
diction were  retained.  While  the  ancient  social  or- 
ganization was  left  practically  unchanged,  the  form 
of  government  underwent  considerable  modification. 
"By  the  will  of  the  people"  it  was  made  to  consist  of 
three  distinct  branches:  the  legislative,  executive  and 
judicial.  The  legislative  authority  was  vested  in  the 
Diet,  composed  of  the  House  of  Deputies  and  the 
Senate.  The  deputies  of  the  nobility  were  to  be  con- 
sidered representatives  of  the  whole  nation  and  not 
of  the  several  electoral  districts  as  hitherto.  All  laws 
originated  in  the  House  of  Deputies,  the  Senate  ap- 
proved them  or  suspended  them  until  the  next  Diet. 
The  Senate  was  composed  of  bishops,  woyevodas, 
castellans  and  ministers.  The  Diet  was  to  meet 
regularly  every  two  years.  It  could,  however,  be 
called  at  any  other  time  to  consider  special  matters 


340  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

requiring  immediate  attention.  Every  twenty-five 
years  an  extraordinary  session  was  to  be  called  to 
consider  amendments  to  the  constitution.  All  deci- 
sions at  the  Diets  were  to  be  taken  by  a  majority  vote. 
Liberum  veto  was  abolished,  as  were  also  the  confed- 
eracies. The  executive  power  was  vested  in  the  King 
and  in  the  special  council,  known  as  the  "Guardian  of 
the  Laws,"  composed  of  the  Primate  in  his  capacity 
of  President  of  the  Education  Commission,  and  of  five 
ministers,  appointed  by  the  King  for  a  term  of  two 
years,  and  responsible  before  the  Diet.  The  min- 
isters were  of:  Police,  the  Seal,  War,  Treasury  and 
Foreign  Affairs.  The  King  had  the  power  to  appoint 
the  executive  officials.  He  also  nominated  the 
bishops  and  military  officers.  All  the  members  of  the 
executive  branch  of  the  government  were  to  receive 
stipulated  salaries.  The  King  had  the  power  to  par- 
don criminal  offenders.  In  the  event  of  war,  the  King 
was  to  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  The 
throne  in  Poland  was  to  be  hereditary  in  the  direct 
line  of  the  King.  In  case  of  extinction  of  the  royal 
family,  a  king  was  to  be  elected  and  then  the  throne 
made  again  hereditary  in  his  line.  Upon  ascending 
the  throne  every  king  was  required  to  take  an 
oath  on  the  constitution  and  on  the  pacta  conventa. 
The  judicial  organization  remained  practically  un- 
changed. The  judges  in  the  courts  of  the  nobility 
were  elective  as  before.  There  were  separate  courts 
for  the  cities  and  separate  courts  for  the  free  peasants. 
Serfs  were  dependent  on  patrimonial  jurisdiction. 
Appeals  were  to  be  taken  to  the  tribunals. 

To  be  sure,  the  new  constitution  was  not  perfect 
when  judged  by  our  present-day  democratic  stan- 
dards. It  was,  however,  a  long  stride  in  the  right 
direction,  undertaken  amidst  extremely  difficult 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  341 

conditions.  It  corrected  the  vices  of  the  former  funda- 
mental laws  and  gave  the  country  a  solid  foundation 
and  a  strong  responsible  government.  In  the  words 
of  Professor  Lewicki,  "it  was  the  middle  ground  be- 
tween the  ancient  institutions  and  the  extreme  doc- 
trines of  the  French  revolution."  *  The  paragraph  in 
the  constitution  providing  for  special  sessions  every 
twenty-five  years  to  consider  amendments  is  worthy 
of  notice,  as  it  is  characteristic  of  Polish  political 
thought,  which  never  recognized  fixity  of  form  in 
social  and  political  life.  In  its  evolutionary  concep- 
tion of  law,  expressed  as  far  back  as  the  XlVth  cen- 
tury, in  the  Wislica  statute,  Poland  had  been  a  pre- 
cursor and  leader.  The  French  Revolution  set  out 
to  create  an  "absolute"  constitution  which  would 
guarantee  "absolute  rights  of  man";  the  makers  of 
the  Polish  constitution  of  1791  held  the  view,  now 
generally  recognized,  that  a  constitution  should  be  an 
expression  of  the  relation  of  all  the  living  and  active 
forces  operating  within  a  nation.  In  accordance  with 
this  principle  they  readily  recognized  the  rights  of 
the  burgesses  as  soon  as  they  perceived  that  the  cities 
were  really  conscious  of  their  interests  and  willing  as 
well  as  able  to  fight  for  their  recognition.  As  the 
peasants  of  the  time  lacked  political  vitality  and  made 
no  demands  for  their  rights,  their  social  status  was 
not  changed.  They  received  protection  from  all  kinds 
of  iniquities  as  minors  would.  It  was,  however,  ex- 
pected that  in  another  quarter  or  half  century  the 
peasants  would  develop  their  own  economic  con- 
sciousness and  make  political  demands.  To  meet 
such  and  similar  conditions  the  provision  for  periodic 
revisions  of  the  constitution  was  devised. 


*  Zarys  History!  Polskiej.     Vth  Edition,  Warsaw,  1913,  p.  363. 


342  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  best  test  of  the  new  constitution  is  to  be 
found  in  its  workings.     Under  it  the  country  was 
transformed  itself  rapidly.     Prosperity 
Foreign  increased  and  law  and  order  prevailed. 

the^Ne'w  Revenue  came  in  regularly.    The  people 

Constitution  were  satisfied  and  the  army  was  in- 
creased to  fifty-seven  thousand  men, 
with  an  equipment  of  twenty-six  thousand  horses  and 
over  three  hundred  mortars.  Unfortunately,  the 
Patriotic  Party,  more  concerned  about  seeing  the 
reforms  carried  out  than  in  occupying  high  positions, 
allowed  some  of  the  most  important  state  offices  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  obstructionists.  Two  of  the 
five  members  of  the  new  Executive  Council  or  the 
"Guardian  of  the  Laws"  were  from  among  the  re- 
actionaries. Neither  Branicki  nor  Rzewuski  were 
deposed  from  hetmanic  dignity  and  two  other  com- 
manding positions  in  the  army  were  given  to  young 
and  inexperienced  men,  to  Prince  Joseph  Poniatowski, 
the  nephew  of  the  King  and  to  Prince  Louis  of  Wur- 
temberg,  son-in-law  of  Adam  Czartoryski  and  brother 
of  the  Austrian  Empress  and  also  brother  of  the  wife 
of  the  heir  to  the  Russian  throne.  The  foreign  prince 
turned  traitor  at  a  most  critical  moment,  when  Rus- 
sian armies  appeared  in  Poland  to  undo  all  the  good 
work  and  exertions  of  the  Patriotic  Party  and  to  put 
an  end  to  the  independence  of  the  country,  because  it 
was  endeavoring  to  eradicate  past  cankerous  growths 
and  to  heal^the  wounds  of  the  body'politic.  Russia 
well  realized  that  the  reforms  adopted  would  make 
of  Poland  a  strong  and  influential  state  and  she  was 
determined  to  prevent  such  a  development  as  soon 
as  sufficient  forces  could  be  despatched  to  Poland  at 
the  close  of  the  war  with  Turkey  (1792).  Catherine 
remembered  the  assurances  of  support  given  to  her 
by  the  powerful  Polish  magnates  who  had  met  her 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  343 

at  Kaniow  in  1787  in  the  event  of  her  undertaking  to 
undo  the  "Jacobinic  reforms"  aimed  at  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  former  anarchy.  She  resolved  now  to 
make  use  of  these  gentlemanly  pledges.  In  addition 
to  such  abject  and  crass  creatures  as  Xavier  Branicki, 
Bishop  Joseph  Kossakowski,  his  brother  Simon  and  a 
few  others,  there  were  certain  elements  in  Poland- 
which  she  could  also  utilize  to  carry  out  her  iniqui- 
tous scheme.  Many  ambitious  magnates,  such  as 
Felix  Pdtocki  and  Severin  Rzjrwuski,  saw  in  the  pro- 
visions of  the  new  constitution  a  check  to  their  in- 
ordinate lust  of  power  and  importance;  to  others, 
the  idea  of  a  hereditary  throne  was  genuinely  and 
honestly  repugnant.  The  large  host  of  irresponsible 
and  indigent  noblemen  realized  that  under  an  orderly 
system  of  government  their  services  to  the  magnates 
would  depreciate  in  value  and  they  would,  in  con- 
sequence, be  deprived  of  an  easy  living.  All  these 
men  could  be  marshaled  to  serve  the  cause  of  Russia. 
While  the  Four  Years'  Diet  was  still  at  work  re- 
forming one  thing  after  another,  Branicki,  Rzewuski, 
Felix  Potocki  and  others  held  secret  con- 
ferences with  the  Russian  Empress  and 
Targowica  undertook  to  organize  a  confederacy 

with  the  object  of  overthrowing  the 
government  and  abolishing  the  constitution.  Pro- 
tected by  a  large  Russian  army  under  General 
Kachowsky,  the  infamous  Polish  traitors  issued  their 
manifesto  in  the  Ukrainian  town  of  Targowica.  An- 
other Russian  army  under  Krechetnikoff  entered 
Lithuania,  where  Simon  Kossakowski  undertook  to 
organize  a  similar  confederacy.  Here  it  was  that  the 
Prince  of  Wurtemberg,  commanding  the  Lithuanian 
forces,  betrayed  by  disorganizing  the  army  and  pre- 
venting it  from  offering  determined  resistance. 
Wilno,  the  capital  of  Lithuania,  fell  and  it  then  be- 


344  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

came  impossible  for  the  dismembered  army  under 
new  leadership  to  hold  the  Russian  advance.  Many 
cities  and  fortresses  fell  in  quick  succession,  and  the 
rapid  progress  of  the  Russians  reacted  on  the  cam- 
paign carried  on  in  the  other  part  of  Poland  by  Prince 
Poniatowski.  He  was  compelled  to  retire  before  the 
superior  forces  of  the  enemy  and  with  every  retreat 
a  new  part  of  the  country  became  a  hunting  ground 
of  the  Targowica  band.  By  intimidation^ind  com- 
pulsion they  forced  the  nobility  to  join  the  cWsed  con- 
federacy, but  the  results  of  their  nefarious  work  were 
slim.  Unfortunately,  howeve'r,  the  successes  of  the 
Russian  armies  had  entirely  upset  the  faint-hearted 
King.  He  lost  faith  in  the  ability  of  the  Polish  army 
to  withstand  the  invasion,  although  it  exhibited  great 
gallantry,  particularly  under  Kosciuszko,  and  was 
growing  in  resistance  as  it  concentrated.  When 
Prussia  proved  to  be  an  entirely  unfaithful  ally,  and 
when  Catherine,  in  spite  of  the  assurance  given  of  her 
grandson's  accession  to  trje  throne  of  Poland,  de- 
clined to  make  truce,  the  exasperated  King,  together 
with  many  of  his  ministers,  apprehending  Catherine's 
threats,  joined  the  Confederacy.  By  his  act  he  upset 
all  chances  of  a  successful  defence.  The  Polish  gen- 
erals and  other  officers  resigned  in  a  body  and  to- 
gether with  many  other  patriots  went  abroad.  The 
army,  then  in  splendid  fighting  trim,  became  disor- 
ganized and  fell  a  prey  to  the  leaders  of  the  Confeder- 
acy and  of  Russia.  Large  supplies  of  ammunition 
fell  into  the  enemy's  hands,  as  did  the  State  Treasury. 
The  national  guard  organized  in  the  cities  had  to 
disband  and  all  of  the  multifarious  patriotic  plans  of 
defence  collapsed.  The  Confederacy  which,  in  spite 
of  Russian  assistance  had  been  feeble  and  quarrel- 
some, suddenly  came  into  power.  When  only  a  while 
ago  they  had  found  but  twelve  active  supporters  in 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  345 

the  whole  of  Great  Poland  and  five  in  Mazovia,  they 
now  were  masters  of  the  situation.  The  Russian 
army  took  Warsaw  and  the  confederates  met  at 
Grodno  to  annul  all  the  reforms  of  the  Four  Years' 
Diet.  Hardly  were  there  ever  greater  misdeeds  com- 
mitted. The  illustrious  work  of  the  patriots  was 
undone  with  vengeance.  Rapacity  and  corruption 
took  its  place.  The  fruits  of  the  action  of  the  Tar- 
gowica  ^^aders  ripened  quickly.  Since  then,  in 
Poland  ^e  name  of  Targowica  has  been  a  terrible 
designation  for  national  treason. 

When  the  delegation  of  the  ignominious  Tar- 
gowica Confederacy  reached  St.  Petersburg  to  thank 
the  Empress  for  the  noble  help  afforded, 
pourparlers  were  already  going  on  con- 

Partation  of  f  ,        ,  j-  u 

Poland,  1793  cerniiig  the  further  dismemberment 
of  Poland.  Prussia,  suffering  defeats 
from  the  republican  Frenchmen,  was  bent  upon  re- 
covering in  Poland  the  losses  suffered  in  the  West 
and  threatened  with  cessation  of  hostilities  against 
France  unless  her  demands  were  heeded.  Fearing 
lest  the  threat  be  actually  carried  out,  Russia  and 
Austria  consented  to  the  second  partition  on  January 
23,  1793.  Immediately  following  this  treaty  Prus- 
sian troops  entered  Poland  and  spread  over  Great 
Poland  and  other  parts  of  the  country.  The  City  of 
Danzig  resisted  the  invasion  for  over  a  month.  A 
similarly  obdurate  resistance  was  offered  by  the  City 
of  Thorn  until  it  finally  fell  under  heavy  bombardment. 
Proclamations  of  the  Russian  and  Prussian  govern- 
ments were  published  and  the  adoption  by  Poland  of 
the  principles  of  the  French  Revolution  was  given  as 
the  reason  for  the  second  partition,  and  to  add  to 
their  mockery  they  designated  the  Third  of  May  as 
the  day  on  which  the  occupied  country  was  to  render 
"homagium."  The  honest  but  misguided  members 


346  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

of  the  Governing  Board  of  the  Targowica  Confed- 
eracy looked  with  consternation  at  what  they  had 
accomplished,  and  left  the  country.  Others,  like 
Felix  Potocki,  became  Russian  generals.  Meanwhile 
the  Russian  Ambassador,  Count  Sievers,  requested 
that  the  Diet  assemble  for  the  purpose  of  formally 
ceding  to  Russia  and  Prussia  the  territories  occupied 
by  the  troops  of  the  respective  countries. 

To  ensure  themselves  of  a  desirable  election  both 
the  Russian  and  Prussian  ambassadors  used  every 
means  conceivable  to  bribe  or  intimidate 
Last  Diet  *ne  ^oca^  diets  into  sending  representa- 

tives agreeable  to  their  designs.  The 
Diet,  consisting  of  but  six  senators  and  one  hundred 
and  twenty  deputies  met  at  Grodno  and  despite  the 
vouched  for  character  of  the  cleputies,  refused  to 
ratify  the  pillage.  Only  after  the  recalcitrant  mem- 
bers were  either  arrested  by  the  Russian  soldiery 
guarding  the  city,  or  were  stilled  by  threats  of  con- 
fiscation of  their  estates,  and  not  until  the  King  was 
deprived  of  the  supply  of  food  and  the  country  men- 
aced with  war  should  further  resistance  be  offered, 
did  the  Diet  consent  on  the  23rd  of  July,  1793,  to  cede 
to  Russia  the  counties  of  Minsk,  Kieff,  Bratslav, 
Podolia  and  the  eastern  districts  of  tBlTcountTes  of 
Wilno,  Novogrodek,  Podlasie  and  Volhynia,  an  im- 
mense territory  with  3,800,000  inhabitants.  In  this 
way  Russia  took  the  remainder  of  White  Riissia;  the 
remainder  of  Ukraine  and  Podolia  and  the  eastern 
sections  of  Polesie  and  Volhynia.  As  to  the  claims 
of  Prussia,  the  Diet  remained  obstinate  and  refused 
to  sanction  them.  The  territories  taken  by  the  Prus- 
sians were  the  richest  of  the  country's  domains  and 
were  autochthonously  Polish.  No  threats  availed. 
Finally,  on  September  23, 1793,  when  no  vote  could  be 
taken  because  the  deputies  refused  to  answer  ques- 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS 


34*; 


348 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


tions,  Sievers  by  force  compelled  the  King  and  the 
Marshal  to  sign  the  treaty  of  cession,  by  which  Prus- 
sia acquired  the  cities  of  Thorn  and  Danzig,  the  coun- 


FIG.   163— TADEUSZ  KOSCIUSZKO 
Monument  by  Antonl  Popiel  at  Washington,  D.  C. 

ties  of  Gnesen,  Posen,  Kalisz,  Sieradz,  the  whole  of 
Kujawy,  the  county  of  Wielun  with  the  City  of  Czen- 
stochowa,  the  counties  of  Plock  and  Rawa  and  parts 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  349 

of  Mazovia,  Austria  did  not  participate  in  the  second 
dismemberment.  Only  245,000  square  kilometers  with 
about  three  and  a  half  million  inhabitants,  was  left  of 
Poland.  With  the  main  purpose  of  the  Diet  accom- 
plished, Sievers  requested  that  a  new  constitution  be 
adopted,  which,  in  almost  every  way  was  similar  to 
that  of  1775.  This  labor  of  the  last  Polish  Diet  was 
superfluous,  as  the  months  of  the  independence  of  the 
country  were  limited  and  the  "people's  rebellion"  of 
Thaddeus  Kosciuszko  broke  out  sooner  than  even  its 
organizers  expected. 

While  the  Grodno  Diet  was  still  in  session,  a 
group  of  patriots  in  Warsaw  were  laying  plans  for  a 
revolution  in  which  the  whole  nation 
was  to  take  part.     The  brutality  of  the 
Kosciuszko         Russian  and  Prussian  soldiery  and  the 
1794  severe  economic  crisis  which  followed 

the  Targowica  venture,  and  the  second 
dismemberment,  brought  about  a  state  of  mind  in 
which  one  spark  could  cause  a  social  conflagration. 
When  Igelstrom,  the  new  Russian  Ambassador,  re- 
quested that  the  Polish  army,  already  weakened  by 
the  treacherous  Polish  hetmans,  Kossakowski  and 
Ozarowski,  be  reduced  to  half  its  size,  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral Madalinski  refused  to  submit  to  the  order  and 
struck  at  Ostrolenka.  This  was  the  tocsin  that  tolled 
general  alarm.  From  house  tops  the  revolution  was 
proclaimed.  Kosciuszko,  who  had  gained  fame  dur- 
ing the  American  War  for  Independence  and  who  had 
recently  distinguished  himself  under  Joseph  Ponia- 
towski,  was  acclaimed  Dictator.  On  March  24,  1794, 
he  issued  his  famous  manifesto  in  Cracow.  Without 
waiting,  having  only  four  thousand  troops  and  two 
thousand  peasants  armed  with  scythes,  he  proceeded 
against  the  Russians  and  at  Raclawice  gained  a  bril- 
liant victory  over  a  large  body  of  them.  The  peas- 


350  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS 


351 


ants  exhibited  wonders  of  chivalry  and  daring. 
Many  a  cannon  was  captured  by  them.  In  recogni- 
tion of  their  patriotism  and  valor  Kosciuszko  issued 
a  manifesto  from  his  camp  abolishing  serfdom  and 
granting  to  the  peasants  the  ownership  of  the  land 


FIG.   165 — COL.  JAN  KILINSKI,  Patriot,   Leader  of  the  Warsaw  populace 

tilled  by  them.  The  revolution  gained  impetus.  War- 
saw rose,  and  the  population  under  the  leadership  of 
John  Kilinski,  a  shoemaker,  aided  by  a  small  Polish 
garrison,  freed  the  city  from  Russian  domination, 
taking  over  all  the  military  stores  and  depots.  Wilno 
soon  followed  Warsaw's  example.  Enthusiasm  waxed 


352  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

high.  Even  Jews,  called  upon  by  the  distinguished 
Jewish  Colonel  Berek  Joselowicz  to  rise,  formed  a 
regiment.  The  Russians  were  driven  out  everwhere 
and  the  traitors  like  Bishop  Massalski,  Bishop  Kos- 
sakowski,  hetman  Ozarowski,  hetman  Kossakowski, 
Ankwicz  and  others  were  hanged.  The  effigies  of 
those  who  succeeded  in  fleeing  the  country  were 
strung  up  on  lamp-posts.  The  King's  brother,  the 


FIG.  166— COL.   BEREK  JOSELOWICZ 
The  Jewish  Commander  of  a  Regiment  under  KoSciuszko 

Primate,  escaped  an  ignominious  death  by  commit- 
ting suicide.  In  spite  of  the  auspicious  beginning  of 
the  revolution,  the  energy  of  the  governing  body 
and  the  support  and  the  boundless  generosity  of  the 
people,  it  failed  in  view  of  the  infinitely  superior 
forces  of  Russia  and  Prussia,  which  were  subsequently 
joined  by  Austria,  the  latter  desiring  to  compensate 
its  loss  of  Belgium  at  the  expense  of  Poland.  In- 
cidently  it  may  be  added  that,  as  has  been  so  well 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS  353 

brought  out  by  Chuquet  and  other  historians,  the 
Polish  uprising  under  Kosciuszko  saved  France  from 
destruction,  just  as  a  later  uprising  against  Russia  in 
1830  made  possible  the  emancipation  of  Belgium  from 
Dutch  rule. 

When  Cracow  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Prus- 
sians, the  Polish  forces  retired  to  Warsaw.  The  de- 
fense of  Warsaw  was  so  determined  that  when  Gen- 
eral John  Henryk  Dombrowski  organized  resistance 
in  Great  Poland  and  struck  at  the  rear  of  the  Prussian 
army,  they  hurriedly  raised  the  siege  of  the  capital 
and  withdrew,  suffering  great  losses.  No  sooner  had 
they  retired  than  a  huge  Russian  host,  having  taken 
Wilno,  marched  upon  Warsaw  led  by  SWV^KQV.  To 
prevent  the  juncture  of  this  army  with  that  of  Fersen, 
Kosciuszko  decided  to  strike  at  the  latter.  Adam 
Poninski  failed  to  bring  support  at  the  proper 
moment.  Kosciuszko  suffered  a  defeat  at  Macie- 
yowice  and,  seriously  wounded,  was  captured  by  the 
Russians  on  October  10,  1794.  The  news  of  his  cap- 
ture threw  the  country  into  despair.  Meanwhile, 
Suvorov  approached  Warsaw  and  began  to  bombard 
its  suburb,  Praga,  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Vistula.  On  November  4th  Praga  was  taken  and  its 
population  was  literally  slaughtered  by  the  blood- 
thirsty soldiery.  About  fifteen  thousand  persons 
were  butchered  and  many  more  thousands  maimed. 
Until  this  day  Polish  mothers  frighten  their  children 
with  the  name  of  Suvorov.  The  next  day  the  capital 
fell.  Wholesale  executions,  arrests  and  exiles  ^to. 
Siberia  followed.  The  immense  estates  of  the  Crown 
ami  Ihose  of  Trie  participants  in  the  revolution  were 
confiscated  and  divided  among  Russian  generals  and 
the  Polish  traitors  who  had  sold  their  country. 
Prussia  and  Austria  proceeded  in  a  similar  manner, 


354 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


THE  THREE  PARTITIONS 


355 


the  latter  forcing  thousands  of  Polish  refugees  into 

the  ranks  of  her  depleted  army. 

Soon  after  the  capitulation  of  Warsaw  and  of  the 

Polish  army  came  the  third  partition  of  the  country. 
On  October  24,  1795,  Poland  ceased  to 
exist  as  an  independent  state  entity. 

Partition  of  ~,  .      ,  ,  v* 

Poland,  1795  * ne  Part  °*  tne  country  between  the 
rivers  Bug,  Vistula  and  Pilica,  together 
with  the  City  of  Cracow,  went  to  Austria.  The  sec- 
tion to  the  west  of  the  rivers  Pilica,  Vistula,  Bug  and 
Niemen,  with  the  City^of  Warsaw,  went  to  Prussia 
and  the  remainder  to  Russia.  On  November  25,  1795, 
on  the  thirty-first  anniversary  of  his  election  and 
on  the  namesday  of  the  Russian  Empress,  the 
wretched  and  pitiful  King  Stanislas-August  abdicated 

»/ "       ^lc« 

the  throne  of  Poland  at  Grodno.  The  Russian  Gov- 
ernment paid  his  debts  and  obligations,  and  after 
Catherine's  death  he  was  invited  by  Czar  Paul  I  to  St. 
Petersburg,  where  he  remained  until  his  death  in 
1798.  And  so  came  to  an  end  the  history  of  the 
Polish  Republic,  but  not  of  the  Polish  Nation. 


FIG.  ]  67— THE  EAGLE  ON 
KOSCIUSZKO'S  BANNER 


FIG.    168— A    POLISH    LANDSCAPE 


Napoleon  and  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw 

One  of  the  most  egregious  errors  of  the  Polish 
political  philosophy  of  the  XVIIIth  century  was  the 
The  Attitude  prevailing  belief  that  Poland  was  needed 
of  England  and  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  in  Eu- 
France  toward  rope,  and  that  she  was  exposed  to  no 
the  Polish  danger  as  long  as  she  remained  unag- 

gressive  and  as  long  as  there  existed 
competition  and  jealousy  among  the  great  powers, 
precluding  the  territorial  aggrandizement  of  any  one 
of  them.  How  utterly  fallacious  such  reasoning  was 
the  sad  events  of  the  last  quarter  of  the  XVIIIth 
century  amply  demonstrated.  The  internal  problems 
of  France  and  the  exhausting  wars  she  carried  on, 
the  preoccupation  of  Great  Britain  with  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution,  and  the  jealousies  and  antagonisms 
between  France  and  England  afforded  the  oppor- 
tunity for  Russia,  Prussia  and  Austria  to  proceed 
unhampered  with  reference  to  Poland.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  Turkey,  no  European  power  did  so  much 
as  protest  when  "the  greatest  crime  of  modern  history 
was  perpetrated."  In  reply  to  Poniatowski's  appeal 
after  the  first  dismemberment,  King  George  III  of 
England  wrote:  "Good  Brother  .  .  .  justice  ought 
to  be  the  invariable  guide  of  sovereigns  ...  I  fear, 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  357 

however,  misfortunes  have  reached  the  point  where 
redress  can  be  had  from  the  hand  of  the  Almighty 
alone,  and  I  see  no  other  intervention  that  can  afford 
a  remedy."  *  Beyond  an  expression  of  sympathy, 
England  did  nothing  to  prevent  the  utter  destruction 
of  Poland  at  the  time  when  the  country  was  going 
through  a  period  of  national  regeneration  and  was 
making  superhuman  efforts  to  remedy  the  ancient  ills, 
to  create  a  strong  government  and  to  introduce  social 
and  economic  reforms.  "After  all,  no  English  in- 
terests were  involved  in  the  partition.  It  was  not 
her  business  to  intervene."  **  The  interests  of  Great 
Britain  in  the  East  at  that  time  were  purely  commer- 
cial and  the  fate  of  Poland  was  a  matter  of  indiffer- 
ence to  her  as  long  as  she  was  assured  by  the  treaty 
of  May,  1774,  with  Frederick  the  Great,  of  all  former 
commercial  rights  at  Danzig  and  Western  Prussia. 
"The  time  had  not  arrived  when  Great  Britain  felt 
that  the  Russian  advance  was  either  a  menace  to  her 
Mediterranean  interests  or  to  her  Indian  empire."*** 
France  also  remained  singularly  unperturbed  over 
Poland's  tragedy.  Louis  XV  did  not  even  reply  to 
Poniatowski's  appeal  of  1772.  And  Revolutionary 
France  did  not  exhibit  any  particular  enthusiasm  for 
"a  country  of  nobles." 

As  a  consequence,  the  Polish  nation  was  left  en- 
tirely unaided  against  the  joint  action  of  three  power- 
ful militaristic  States  to  whom  "might 
^e  P£s-t  Par"     was  right"  and  whose  governments  im- 

tition  Regime  ..    f>  ,  f.   .  ,     , 

in  Poland  mediately  after  the  partitions  proceeded 

ruthlessly  to  suppress  the  national  Po- 
lish sentiments  and  bound  themselves  by  the  treaty 

*David  Jayne  Hill,  "A  History  of  Diplomacy  in  the  International 
Development  of  Europe,"  Vol.  Ill,  p.  675. 

**J.  Ellis  Barker,  "Peace  and  the  Polish  Problem,"  The  Nineteenth 
Century  and  After,  January,  1915,  p.  99. 

***D.  J.  Hill,  loc.  cit.,  p.  659. 


358  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

of  January  26,  1797,  to  destroy  everything  "which 
might  retain  the  memory  of  the  Polish  Kingdom." 
The  leaders  of  the  nation,  not  excluding  Kosciuszko, 
were  imprisoned  and  some  of  those  who  fell  into  Rus- 
sia's hands  were  exiled  to  Siberia  and  even  to  Kam- 
chatka. Prussia  and  Austria  applied  themselves  to 
the  task  of  denationalization  very  industriously.  Po- 
lish law  and  institutions  were  supplanted  by  those 
of  the  Teutonic  countries;  schools  were  Germanized; 
heavy  taxes  were  laid ;  men  were  drafted  into  military 
service  to  supply  the  then  much  needed  fodder  for 
cannon;  large  crown,  church  and  individual  estates 
were  confiscated;  German  colonization  in  the  Polish 
provinces  was  strongly  encouraged.  The  Prussian 
minute  police  regulations  and  her  spy  system  which 
she  introduced  in  Poland  were  as  cruel  and  vexatious 
as  they  were  petty  and  ludicrous :  they  went  so  far  as 
to  prescribe  methods  of  cow  milking.  The  principle 
of  collective  responsibility  for  political  offenses  of  indi- 
viduals was  applied  and  the  imposition  of  a  severe  cen- 
sorship thwarted  every  expression  of  patriotism.  In 
Russian  Poland  the  lot  of  the  nobility  was  not  as 
severe  as  in  the  other  two  sections  of  the  country. 
The  inferior  Russian  civilization  could  not  readily 
supersede  the  higher  culture  of  Poland.  A  form  of 
home  rule  was  also  retained.  Moreover,  the  oppor- 
tunities afforded  for  a  ready  export  of  grain  through 
the  newly  opened  ports  of  the  Black  Sea  brought  ma- 
terial prosperity.  This  prosperity,  however,  was  ac- 
quired at  the  terrible  expense  of  the  peasantry,  whose 
conditions  under  the  new  regime  became  infinitely 
worse.  The  cities  were  likewise  deprived  of  all  the 
privileges  and  prerogatives  granted  to  them  by  the 
Four  Years'  Diet.  The  habitations  of  the  Jews  were 
restricted  to  a  certain  area  and  the  Uniate  Church 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  359 

was  singled  out  for  repressions  and  persecutions  by 
the  Russian  Government. 

Every  successive  dismemberment  sent  forth  a 
new  wave  of  Polish  emigration.    The  exiles  scattered 

in  various  parts  of  Europe  and  some 
Hie  Hopes  even  embarked  for  the  far-off  shores  of 

America.      Endeavors    were    made    to 

tne  .Polish  .  «   .«     • 

Patriots  arouse  the  nations  of  Europe  and  their 

governments  to  a  realization  of  the 
crime  committed  upon  Poland,  and  to  stimulate  them 
to  action  in  the  cause  of  humanity  and  justice.  Real- 
izing that  no  nation  would  sacrifice  its  blood  to  avenge 
the  Polish  tragedy,  the  emigrants  conceived  the  idea 
of  organizing  Polish  armed  forces  in  Wallachia 
and  elsewhere  and  of  holding  them  ready  to  enter 
Poland  when  the  proper  moment  came.  The  expecta- 
tions of  an  international  conflict  to  which  Poland 
could  offer  a  key  were  based  on  sound  premises.  The 
antagonism  between  Austria  and  France  was  bitter 
and  after  Prussia  sealed  her  compact  with  the  French 
Republic  at  Basel  on  April  5,  1795,  the  old  enmity  of 
Austria  toward  Prussia  was  revived  and  the  robber 
triumvirate  was  divided  against  itself.  Austria  en- 
deavored to  induce  Russia  to  a  war  against  Prussia, 
"the  traitor  of  the  monarchial  idea."  Nothing  but 
a  war  among  the  three  black  eagles,  aided  by 'Revolu- 
tionary France,  as  contemplated  by  the  Paris  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety,  could  offer  the  coveted  chance 
of  organizing  a  Polish  army  to  regain  national 
independence.  The  hopes  of  Poland  hung  upon  a 
triumphant  France  and  nobody  realized  this  more 
clearly  than  did  General  Jan  Henryk  Dombrowski, 
who,  after  the  defeat  of  Kosciuszko  at  Macieyowice, 
conceived  the  bold  and  pathetic  idea  of  gathering  the 
remaining  forces  and  of  marching  to  France,  jointly 
with  the  King  and  the  members  of  the  Four  Years' 


360 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


Diet,  cutting  through  Germany  by  force,  if  necessary. 
He  well  knew  that  France  was  the  only  country  in 
Europe  at  the  time  which  could  have  a  direct  interest 


FIG.     169— GENERAL    JAN    HENRYK    DOMBROWSKI,     ORGANIZER     OF    THE 
POLISH  LEGIONS   OF  THE   NAPOLEONIC  ERA 

in  the  reconstruction  of  Poland.  The  obduracy  of  the 
King  and  the  indecision  on  the  part  of  General  Wawr- 
zecki,  the  successor  of  Kosciuszko  in  command  of  the 
army,  prevented  the  execution  of  this  truly  dramatic 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  361 

act.  When  it  failed,  Dombrowski,  a  knight  "sans 
peur  et  sans  reproche,"  whose  military  fame  was  well 
known  abroad,  went  to  Berlin  in  February,  1796, 
where  he  presented  to  the  King  of  Prussia  a  plan  of  a 
joint  campaign  with  France  and  Turkey  against 
Austria  and  Russia  and  assured  him  of  Poland's 
active  assistance  if  Prussia  would  help  to  restore  Po- 
land's independence.  Should  this  be  realized  he  was 
confident  the  Poles  would  welcome  a  Hohenzollern 
to  the  throne  of  their  thus  reconstructed  country. 
After  numerous  conferences  with  the  Berlin  cabinet 
and  the  French  representatives,  he  left  for  France  to 
organize  Polish  legions  from  among  those  Poles  who 
resided  abroad  or  who  were  kept  in  French  detention 
camps  as  Austrian  soldiers. 

There  is  hardly  a  more  touching  chapter  in  the 

world's  history  than  the  story  of  the  Polish  Legions. 

When  Dombrowski  arrived  at  Paris  he 

presented  his  idea  in  a  memorial  which 

Legions  f        ,  .    .      .  -IT 

he  had  prepared  jointly  with  Joseph 
Wybicki,  the  member  of  the  Four  Years'  Diet  and 
the  lawyer  Barss,  who  was  the  representative  of  Kos- 
ciuszko.  It  was  favorably  received  by  the  Directory 
and  by  M.  Petiet,  the  Minister  of  War.  He  then 
went  to  Milan  to  present  himself  to  Bonaparte,  the 
youthful  hero,  then  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Army 
in  Italy.  Napoleon  had  already  heard  about  con- 
ditions in  Poland  from  his  gallant  adjunct,  captain 
Joseph  Sulkowski,  who  subsequently  perished  in 
Egypt.  Referring  to  a  letter  received  from  Prince 
Michael  Oginski,  an  ardent  patriot  whose  immense 
estates  in  Lithuania  were  confiscated  by  Russia  and 
who  was  then  active  in  patriotic  circles  in  Turkey, 
Napoleon  said  to  Sulkowski:  "What  can  I  reply  to 
him?  What  can  I  promise?  Tell  your  countrymen 
that  I  love  the  Poles  and  esteem  them  highly;  that  the 


362  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

dismemberment  of  Poland  was  an  act  of  injustice 
which  cannot  last;  that  after  the  war  in  Italy  is  over 
I  shall  personally  lead  Frenchmen  against  Russia  to 
compel  her  to  restore  Poland's  independence;  but  tell 
him  also  that  the  Poles  should  not  rely  on  foreign 
help,  that  they  should  arm  themselves,  harass  Russia 
and  keep  in  contact  with  their  country.  The  beauti- 
ful words  designed  for  their  infatuation  lead  nowhere. 
I  know  the  diplomatic  language  and  the  indolence  of 
Turkey.  A  nation  crucified  by  her  neighbors  can  be 
resurrected  only  by  the  call  to  arms."  *  In  spite  of 
his  pronounced  feelings  toward  Poland,  he  gave  a 
cold  reception  to  General  Dombrowski  when  the  lat- 
ter appeared  at  the  French  headquarters  on  Decem- 
ber 4, 1796.  The  probable  reason  for  it  was  Napoleon's 
contempt  for  "the  lawyers  of  the  Directory,"  whose 
letters  of  introduction  Dombrowski  presented.  This 
attitude  toward  the  man  who  was  carrying  out  his 
former  advice  with  reference  to  Poland  soon  changed 
and  developed  into  a  warm  admiration  for  the  mili- 
tary genius  of  Dombrowski,  and  the  gallantry  of  his 
legions  whose  status  was  determined  by  the  conven- 
tion signed  by  the  Administrative  Board  of  Lom- 
bardy  and  the  Polish  General  on  January  9, 1797.  In 
this  way,  two  years  after  the  last  dismemberment  of 
Poland,  a  Polish  army  was  formed,  in  Polish  uni- 
forms, under  Polish  command,  decorated  with  French 
cockades  and  wearing  on  the  epaulets  the  inscription: 
"Gli  uomini  liberi  sono  fratelli."  (Free  men  are 
brethren.)  The  legionaries  were  considered  citizens 
of  Lombardy  with  a  right  to  return  to  their  mother- 
land whenever  circumstances  might  demand  it.  On 
January  20,  1797,  Dombrowski  issued  his  appeal  to 
the  Poles,  in  which  he  said:  "Poles,  hope  is  rising. 

*Maryan    Kukiel:     "Dzieje    or^za    polskiego,    1795-1815."     Posen: 
Z.  Rzepecki  et  Co.,  1912,  p.  30. 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  363 

France  is  victorious.  She  fights  for  the  cause  of  the 
nations.  Let  us  help  to  weaken  her  enemies.  .  .  Po- 
lish legions  are  being  formed  in  Italy  .  .  .  The 
triumphs  of  the  French  Republic  are  our  only  hope. 
With  her  help  and  that  of  her  allies  we  may  yet  see 
our  homes  which  we  left  with  emotion."  *  In  re- 


FIG.  170— ONE  OF  THE  COLORS  OF  THE  POLISH 
LEGIONS  IN  LOMBARDY 

sponse  to  this  call  thousands  of  Poles  flocked  to  Dom- 
browski's  banners.  A  good  star  seemed  to  have  ap- 
peared on  the  dark  horizon  and  enthusiasm  was 
genuine.  The  rapturous  song  of  the  Polish  Legions, 
known  by  its  first  words  "Poland  is  not  yet  lost,"  or 
as  "Dombrowski's  march"  was  then  born  and  has 
since  become  the  national  anthem.  To  its  strains  the 
valiant  Legions  flung  themselves  into  the  thick  of 
every  battle. 

*M.  Kukiel:     Loc.  cit.,  p.  33. 


364  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Napoleon's  phenomenal  successes  over  Austria 
at  Arcole,  Rivoli  and  Mantua  seemed  to  make  the 
realization  of  Polish  hopes  near  at  hand.  Dombrow- 
ski  had  already  secured  Bonaparte's  permission  for 
a  march  through  Transylvania  to  Galicia,  when  truce 
was  declared  at  Leoben  and  preliminary  steps  taken 
for  the  Campo  Formio  peace.  The  treaty  sealed  on 
October  17,  1797,  made,  however,  no  mention  of  Po- 
land. It  was  the  first  severe  shock  and  disappoint- 
ment experienced  at  Napoleon's  hands.  The  only 
apparent  result  of  all  the  bloody  efforts  of  the  past 
campaign  was  the  intact  existence  of  the  Legions, 
the  living  and  fighting  representation  of  Poland. 
After  the  Campo  Formio  treaty  they  became  attached 
to  the  Cisalpine  Republic.  In  June,  1798,  Kosciuszko 
returned  from  America  to  France  where  he  was  met 
by  the  government  and  the  people  of  the  country  in 
a  most  tender  and  enthusiastic  manner.  His  popu- 
larity and  influence  were  expected  to  promote  the 
cause  of  the  Legions,  whose  chief  adviser  he  became. 
He  was  yet  bound  by  his  pledge  to  the  Russian  Em- 
peror Paul  I,  who  released  him  from  imprisonment 
under  promise  of  not  taking  part  in  active  service 
against  Russia.  He  acted,  therefore,  only  as  a  patron 
and  counsellor  of  the  Polish  army.  His  encourage- 
ment added  fresh  vigor  to  the  soldier-patriots  who 
patiently  persisted  in  their  devotion  and  self-imposed 
military  service.  New  hopes  arose  when  the  second 
coalition  wras  launched  by  the  allied  powers  against 
France.  The  Legions  wrere  burning  with  desire  to 
push  the  campaign  as  far  eastward  as  possible,  to  be 
nearer  their  goal.  They  distinguished  themselves  in 
Championnet's  army,  as  only  men  fighting  for  a  great 
ideal  can.  In  the  battle  at  Civita  Castellana  the 
Polish  batallion  under  General  Kniaziewicz  annihil- 
ated the  corps  of  Count  de  Saxe,  which  constituted 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  365 

the  left  wing  of  the  Neapolitan  army.  When  at  Calvi, 
Kniaziewicz,  by  a  flank  attack,  took  six  thousand 
prisoners,  Championnet  elevated  him  to  the  rank  of 
Brigadier  General.  Gaeta  was  captured  by  Dom- 
browski  and  it  was  Kniaziewicz's  garrison  that  occu- 
pied the  Capitol  after  Rome  fell.  In  recognition  of 
his  brilliant  services  Kniaziewicz  was  chosen  to  carry 
the  captured  banners  to  Paris.  Rivers  of  beautiful 
oratory  were  poured  on  the  Legions  for  their  valor 
and  French  gratitude  to  the  Poles  vouched  forever. 
Polish  troops  took  part  in  the  bitter  north  Italian 
campaign.  In  the  battle  of  Legnano  the  Poles  re- 
vealed wonders  of  bravery  and  determination.  At 
Magnano  the  heroic  General  Rymkiewicz  fell;  Chlo- 
picki  exhibited  his  dauntless  courage  and  coolness  in 
t-he  action  at  Novi;  and  Michael  Sokolnicki's  grena- 
diers performed  marvellous  feats  of  prowess  and  valor 
on  many  occasions.  On  the  banks  of  the  Trebbia  the 
Polish  eagles  fought  with  particular  furor.  They  were 
facing  the  Tamerlane  of  the  day,  the  Russian  Field 
Marshal  Suvorov,  the  heartless  destroyer  of  Praga 
whom  they  had  met  in  the  Valley  of  the  Vistula  be- 
fore. In  this  battle  General  Dombrowski  was  severly 
wounded.  The  French  army,  however,  was  com- 
pelled to  retire  before  the  vastly  superior  forces  of  the 
Allies  and  when  the  fortress  of  Mantua  surrendered, 
many  of  the  Poles  who  were  in  the  garrison  of  the 
city  fell  into  Austria's  hands. 

Strenuous  campaigning,  murderous  battles,  in- 
clement weather,  disease,  privations,  lack  of  food  and 
clothing  decimated  the  ranks  of  the  Polish  warriors 
who  braved  everything  and  suffered  without  com- 
plaint or  murmur  of  dissatisfaction,  although  some 
of  the  duties  assigned  to  them  were  repugnant  to 
their  moral  principles.  They  saw  only  their  ideal, 
for  the  realization  of  which  no  price  was  too  high. 


366  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  reverses  suffered  by  the  French  armies,  however, 
made  the  achievement  of  it  remote,  but  when  Na- 
poleon returned  from  Egypt  spirits  rose  again.  With 
the  opening  of  the  new  campaign,  fresh  Polish  volun- 
teers filled  the  depleted  ranks  of  the  Legions.  Soon 
Dombrowski  and  Kniaziewicz  were  in  command  of  an 
army  of  over  fifteen  thousand  experienced  veterans, 
whose  hearts  were  filled  with  patriotic  ardor  and 
whose  souls  glowed  with  enthusiasm.  "God  is  with 
Napoleon  and  Napoleon  is  with  us,"  was  the  prevail- 
ing sentiment,  to  use  the  words  of  the  great  poet 
Mickiewicz.  At  Marengo,  St.  Christoph  and  Hohen- 
linden,  Polish  banners  were  in  the  thick  of  the  fight 
and  the  victory  at  the  latter  place  was  in  no  mean 
measure  due  to  Kniaziewicz.  France  was  again  tri- 
umphant and  as  had  happened  four  years  before,  so 
now  when  Dombrowski  was  preparing  to  lead  his 
Legions  through  Bohemia  and  Moravia  to  join  hands 
with  the  insurrection  which  was  being  organized  in 
Poland,  Bonaparte  concluded  the  Luneville  peace  on 
February  9,  1801.  And  again  no  mention  was  made 
of  Poland,  whose  fate  was  completely  subordinated 
to  the  direct  interests  of  France.  The  peace  treaty, 
moreover,  contained  a  clause  to  the  effect  that  no 
activities  on  the  part  of  the  subjects  of  the  signatory 
powers  aimed  at  their  respective  governments  shall 
be  tolerated  in  any  of  the  contracting  countries.  This 
meant  the  dissolution  of  the  Legions.  It  is  hard  to 
describe  the  crushing  effect  the  treaty  produced  on 
the  minds  of  ffiBe  Polish  leaders.  The  organizers  of 
the  Legions  were  severely  taken  to  task  by  Polish 
public  opinion  for  the  misdirection  of  their  efforts  and 
the  profitless  waste  of  life  and  energy.  General 
Kniaziewicz  resigned  from  service  in  spite  of  the  in- 
sistent persuasions  of  M.  Berthier,  the  French  min- 
ister of  War.  Following  his  example,  a  great  many 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  367 

officers  laid  down  their  swords  and  returned  to 
Poland.  In  order  to  save  the  Legions,  the  undaunted 
Dombrowski  presented  several  plans  to  Napoleon, 
one  of  them  proposing  the  conquest  of  some  of  the 
Aegean  islands  and  the  establishment  of  a  Polish 
colony  there.  All  were  in  vain.  A  part  of  the  Legion 
was  incorporated  into  the  Italian  army  and  a  part 
was  sent,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  to  San  Do- 
mingo to  subdue  a  revolt  of  the  Haytians.  Most  of 
the  men  perished  there  either  from  bullets  or  from 
yellow  fever.  Only  a  few  hundred  came  back  from 
this  expedition.  They  brought  back  bitter  feelings. 
One  of  them,  speaking  of  the  reasons  which  prompted 
Napoleon  to  send  j;he  Poles  to  their  perdition  in  the 
West  Indies,  says  in  his  memoirs:  "Napoleon  had 
already  been  striving  for  the  crown;  seeing  in  us 
determined  republicans  he  wanted  to  punish  us  and 
dug  for  us  a  grave  at  San  Domingo."  Whatever  his 
motives  were,  he  sadly  duped  those  whom  he  once 
promised  the  redemption  of  their  country  from  "the 
injustice  which  cannot  last"  and  whom  he  warned 
against  infatuation  by  diplomatic  tricks. 

Although  the  Legions  had  sorely  failed  in  ac- 
complishing what  their  leaders  had  in  mind  when 
they  organized  them,  their  efforts  and  sacrifices  were 
not  entirely  in  vain.  They  established  a  lofty  tra- 
dition. They  demonstrated  to  the  world  that  Poland 
is  ready  to  shed  her  blood  profusely  for  the  regaining 
of  her  independence;  that  her  patriotism  and  gallan- 
try are  second  to  none  in  the  world  and  that  there  can 
be  no  peace  in  Europe  until  Poland  is  reconstructed. 
Furthermore,  the  common  service  of  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  Poles  of  all  stations  and  conditions,  including 
even  Jews,  under  Republican  banners,  bound  together 
by  the  slogan,  "free  men  are  brethren,"  had  produced 
a  deep  impression  on  their  modes  of  thinking  and 


368  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

helped  to  lessen  somewhat  the  social  rift  which 
had  hitherto  separated  a  nobleman  from  a  peasant. 
Finally  the  admiration  which  Napoleon  could  not  help 
developing  for  the  character  and  bravery  of  the  Poles 
was  one  more  reason  which  prompted  him  to  form 
later  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw.  An  Englishman  (Fox 
Strangways)  writing  about  Poland  in  1831  had 
thus  expressed  the  value  of  the  services  the  Legions 
rendered  to  their  country:  "After  spending  their 
blood  in  Italy,  Spain,  San  Domingo  and  in  various 
campaigns  where  neither  the  cause  of  Poland  nor  the 
principles  of  liberty  were  advanced,  they  ultimately 
succeeded  in  extorting  from  him  (Napoleon)  the 
formation  of  his  Polish  conquests  into  the  Duchy  of 
Warsaw.  Then  it  was  that  the  survivors  of  those 
who  had  shed  their  blood  in  seemingly  hopeless  war- 
fare met  the  recompense  they  deserved.  Since  that 
time  they  ceased  not  to  repeat  to  their  countrymen 
that  of  their  fellow  soldiers  who  died  in  Egypt  or  the 
West  Indies,  not  one  died  in  vain.  .  .  .  Thus  a 
wandering  nation  of  fifteen  thousand  warriors  re- 
stored Poland,  if  not  to  her  rank,  at  least  to  her  in- 
dependence." * 

The    disappointment    following    the    Luneville 

treaty  turned  popular  sentiment  in  another  direction, 

and    circumstances    were    particularly 

The  Pro-Rus-      favorable  to  effect  such  a  turn.     The 

sian  Turn  in        "Semiramis  of  the  North"  died  in  1796, 

tics  and  °]  ail(*  her  S0n  Paul  :  br°ke  With  a11  °f  her 

Cza'rtoryski's  policies.  He  expressed  his  condemna- 
Pians  tion  of  the  manner  in  which  she  had 

treated  Poland  and  released  all  the  Po- 
lish prisoners,  of  whom  Kosciuszko  was  one.  Eng- 
land was  much  displeased  with  the  new  Tsar  and 

*Thoughts   on   the   Present   Aspect   of   Foreign   Affairs."     By   an 
Englishman,  London,  James  Ridgway,  1831,  p.  76-77. 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  369 

his  attitude  toward  France.  His  reign  was  very  short 
however.  In  180.1  he  was  murdered  and  his  son 
Alexander  succeeded  him  to  the  throne  of  Russia. 
Educated  by  a  Frenchman  and  possessing  an  impres- 
sionable mind,  the  Tsarevich  developed  strong  lean- 
ings toward  the  principles  of  the  French  Revolution 
and  a  strong  dislike  of  despotism  and  injustice.  His 
idealism  did  not,  however,  prevent  him  from  taking 
part  in  the  plot  against  his  father. 

In  his  boyhood  Alexander  had  been  thrown  a 
great  deal  with  the  two  young  brothers  Czartoryski, 
who  were  raised  as  hostages  at  the  Russian  court, 
An  intimate  friendship  arose  between  the  future  Em- 
peror and  the  Polish  Prince,  Adam  Czartoryski,  a 
man  of  high  ideals  but  mellow  character!  TEey  had 
often  discussed  plans  for  the  future  happiness  of  man- 
kind and  the  restoration  of  Poland.  With  Alexander's 
advent  to  the  throne,  Czartoryski  was  made  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs  of  Russia  and  the  Curator  of  Edu- 
cation in  the  Wilno  district  which  was  one  of  the  six 
educational  districts  into  which  the  Empire  was  di- 
vided and  which  comprised  the  Polish  and  Lithuanian 
provinces.  With  such  a  change  in  the  attitude  of 
Russia  toward  Poland  and  with  a  Pole  elevated  to  the 
highest  position  in  the  Empire  in  the  ominous  year  of 
the  Luneville  peace,  small  wonder  that  the  hopes  of 
certain  elements  in  Poland  became  associated  with 
those  of  Russia.  The  bond  of  race  added  an  element 
of  sympathy  to  the  union  with  that  country  and 
created  the  fiction  of  common  interest  against  Teu- 
tonism  which  was  pursuing  a  ruthless  war  of  exterm- 
ination of  Polish  culture  in  the  sections  under  Prus- 
sian and  Austrian  sovereignty.  A  strong  pro-Russian 
party  arose,  particularly  among  the  Lithuanians,  led 
by  Prince  Lubecki,  Prince  Michael  Oginski,  the  erst- 
while supporter  of  Dombrowski's  Legions,  whose 


370  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OJ    POLAND 

estates  were  returned  to  him,  and  many  others.  Their 
program  aimed  at  the  unification  of  all  Polish  terri- 
tories into  an  autonomous  unit  under  the  sceptre  of 
Russian  tsars,  as  kings  of  Poland.  Czartoryski 
planned  to  carry  this  through  by  offering  Silesia  and 
Bavaria  or  some  provinces  on  the  Danube  to  Austria 
in  return  for  Galicia,  and  the  Rheinish  provinces  to 
Prussia  for  the  cession  of  her  share  of  Poland.  The 
coalition  that  was  to  help  in  the  proposed  reconstruc- 
tion of  Europe  and  in  checking  French  aggressiveness 
was  to  embrace  Russia,  Austria,  England,  Sweden 
and  Prussia.  The  latter  refused  to  join  the  coalition, 
preferring  neutrality  which  she  had  maintained  since 
1795.  It  was  planned  to  coerce  her  by  sending  a 
Russian  army,  and  Prince  Joseph  Poniatowski  was 
counted  on  to  organize  a  rebellion  in  that  part  of 
Poland  which  was  under  Prussian  rule.  The  Tsar 
was  expected  to  proclaim  himself  King  of  Poland  and 
was  enthusiastically  received  in  Pulawy  when  he  came 
to  visit  the  Czartoryskis  in  the  "Polish  Athens." 
Prussian  diplomacy  and  the  persuasion  of  the  Russian 
advisers  of  the  Tsar  frustrated  the  plan.  Alexander 
did  not  issue  the  expected  proclamation,  but  instead 
went  to  Berlin  where  he  and  the  Prussian  King  swore 
fidelity  to  each  other  over  the  grave  of  Frederick  the 
Great,  whose  saying  that  "Poland  is  the  communion 
uniting  the  Catholic,  Lutheran  and  Schismatic"  was 
as  true  then  as  it  was  when  enunciated.  The  Tsar 
then  also  turned  over  to  his  new  ally  the  list  of  names 
of  the  Prussian  Poles  who  were  to  lead  the  planned 
uprising.  That  confidential  list  was  given  to  him;  as 
future  King  of  Poland,  by  Czartoryski.  So  came  to  a 
disappointing  end  the  plans  of  Czartoryski,  unrealiz- 
able at  best  in  view  of  the  fresh  momentous  victories 
of  Napoleon  over  the  Austrians  and  Russians  at  Ulni 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW 


371 


372  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

and  Austerlitz,   which   even   Prussia's   participation 
would  probably  not  have  prevented. 

Outside  of  England,  Napoleon  considered  the 
Hapsburgs  his  greatest  enemy.  He  was,  therefore, 
The  Defeat  anxious  to  nourish  good  relations  with 
of  Prussia  and  Prussia  which  could  be  used  as  a  check 
Napoleon's  against  Austria.  Likewise,  Russia  was 
Promises  to  a  desirable  ally.  The  reopening  of  the 
Polish  question  had,  therefore,  very 
small  chances  of  coming  to  pass.  When  Prussia  first 
betrayed  Russia  and  then  again  France  with  the  con- 
sequence that  in  a  short  while  she  found  herself  over- 
run by  Napoleon's  army  and  suffered  a  terrific  defeat 
at  Jena  and  then  again  at  Auerstadt,  the  Polish  ques- 
tion took  on  a  brighter  aspect.  Half  of  Prussia's  do- 
main consisted  of  recently  acquired  Polish  territory. 
Campaigning  in  a  country  remote  from  his  base, 
Napoleon  was  forced  to  seek  support  among  the  Poles. 
He  approached  Austria  with  a  proposal  to  exchange 
Galicia  for  Silesia  and  asked  Kosciuszko,  whose  name 
was  surrounded  by  a  halo  of  glory  and  patriotism,  to 
organize  an  armed  force  in  Poland.  Kosciuszko  did 
not  trust  the  ambitious  French  despot  and  demanded 
assurances  that  the  Polish  state  would  be  restored  to 
its  pre-partition  boundaries  and  that  the  serfs  would 
be  freed.  As  no  assurances  were  given,  Kosciuszko 
refused  to  act.  Napoleon  then  turned  to  Dombrow- 
ski.  The  indefatigable  warrior  immediately  proceeded 
to  organize  a  legion  with  the  aid  of  Wybicki,  Zayon- 
czek  and  others.  In  his  appeal  issued  from  Berlin  in 
November,  1806,  Dombrowski  quoted  the  famous 
words  of  Napoleon:  "If  the  Poles  will  prove  that 
they  are  worthy  of  having  independence,  they  shall 
have  it."  The  appeal  was  received  with  indescribable 
enthusiasm.  The  belief  of  the  people  in  Napoleon's 
star  and  the  magnetic  influence  his  name  exercised, 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  373 

caused  an  immense  outpouring  of  men  into  the  ranks 
of  the  new  Legions,  to  whom  were  added  the  Polish 
veterans  of  Italy.  Money  was  raised  locally  for  the 
equipment  and  provisioning  of  the  Polish  army.  A 
large  Polish  deputation  from  Warsaw,  headed  by 
Count  Dzialynski,  came  to  visit  Napoleon  in  Berlin. 
He  received  them  on  November  19th  with  great  pomp 
and  according  to  the  newspaper  accounts  of  the  time, 
he  said  among  other  things:  "France  has  never 
recognized  the  dismemberment  of  Poland  ...  If 
I  shall  see  a  Polish  army  of  thirty  to  forty  thousand 
men  I  shall  proclaim  in  Warsaw  your  independence ; 
and  when  I  shall  proclaim  it,  it  will  be  inflexible.  It 
is  in  the  interest  of  France  and  that  of  all  Europe, 
that  Poland  should  have  her  free  existence.  Let  in- 
ternal strife  cease.  Your  fate  is  in  your  own  hands."* 
Could  Poland  do  otherwise  than  she  did  in  view  of 
such  a  statement  from  the  conqueror  of  Europe?  Im- 
mediately rebellions  sprung  up  in  various  parts  of  Po- 
land against  Prussia.  Meanwhile  Murat,  pursuing 
the  Prussians  and  Russians  entered  Warsaw  on  No- 
vember 28,  1806,  and  was  received  amidst  tears  of 
emotion  and  cries  of  exultation  of  the  populace,  which 
greeted  him  and  his  troops  as  the  redeemers  of  Po- 
land. Faithful  to  their  pledges,  the  Poles  raised  an 
army  even  in  excess  of  the  demanded  thirty  thousand. 
The  organization  of  it  was  entrusted  to  Prince  Joseph 
Poniatowski  who  was  made  minister  of  war  of  the 
Polish  territories  cleared  of  the  Prussians.  The  gov- 
ernment of  the  country  was  entrusted  to  a  Committee 
of  Seven  and  Stanislaw  Malachowski,  the  venerable 
president  of  the  Four  Years'  Diet  was  made  chairman 
of  it.  Napoleon  found  the  alliance  with  Poland  very 
profitable.  The  country  kept  his  army  well  provi- 


*Professor  Sokolowski,  1.  c.  Vol.  IV,  p.  259. 


374 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


sioned  and  the  Polish  regiments  proved  of  great 
service  to  him  in  direct  action  as  well  as  in  scout  duty. 
His  victories  at  Pultusk,  Danzig,  Friedland  and  else- 
where were  in  a  large  measure  due  to  the  support  of 
the  Polish  troops  and  their  knowledge  of  the  terrain 
of  operations. 


(Painting  by  Gius.   Grassi,   1786) 
FIG.    172 — PRINCE   JOSEPH    PONIATOWSKI 

Seeing  the  change  of  attitude  on  the  part  of  the 
Poles  and  realizing  the  importance  of  their  friendship 

during  the  period  of  hostilities,  Alex- 
The  Treaty  ander  appealed  to  the  aristocratic  and 
of  Tilsit,  1807  wealthy  elements  in  Poland  to  whom  the 

haughtiness  of  the  French  "parvenu" 
was  very  distasteful  and  smacked  too  much  of  the  de- 
tested Revolution.  He  appealed  to  Czartoryski  and  to 
Kniaziewicz,  asking  them  to  organize  counter  Le- 
gions. Neither  of  the  two  consented  to  engage  in  this 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  375 

work  of  Cain.  The  pro-Russian  party  agitated  in 
favor  of  Alexander  and  kept  on  pointing  out  the  previ- 
ous treatment  of  the  Poles  by  Napoleon  and  called  on 
the  people  to  side  with  the  "Slavic  Monarch"  whom 
the  Russian  General  Benningsen  was  about  to  pro- 
claim King  of  Poland.  Prussia,  seeing  how  promptlv 
Poland  had  raised  a  considerable  army,  also  attempted 
to  gain  Polish  friendship  and  promised  the  resti- 
tution of  the  country  under  a  Hohenzollern.  While 
this  was  going  on,  the  disastrous  defeat  suffered  by 
the  Russians  at  Friedland  opened  the  way  for  peace 
pour-parlers  between  Napoleon  and  Russia.  In  July, 
1807,  the  two  monarchs  met  on  the  River  Niemen  at 
Tilsit  to  sign  a  peace  treaty.  Napoleon  was  anxious 
for  peace  with  Russia  as  it  would  give  him  a  free  hand 
in  devoting  all  his  energies  to  the  reconstruction  of 
Europe  and  the  war  against  Great  Britain.  Russia's 
endorsement  of  his  nepotism  in  the  disposition  of  the 
thrones  of  Westphalia,  Holland  and  Naples,  and  her 
acquiescence  in  his  "continental  system"  were  great 
prizes,  for  which  he  was  ready  to  sacrifice  Poland.  * 
At  first  he  offered  Prussian  Poland  to  Russia. 
That  section  together  with  the  other  part  already 
held  by  Russia  was  to  constitute  a  politi- 
Trh*  Duchy  cal  entity  united  with  the  Russian  Em- 

oi  AAr  cirssw 

1807-1815  pire  m  tne  person  of  the  Tsar,  as  King 

of  Poland.  Such  a  solution  of  the  Polish 
problem  would  have  been  satisfactory  to  Napoleon, 
as  it  would  have  hampered  Russia  by  putting  upon 
her  various  complicated  obligations  and  thwarted  her 
policy  of  expansion.  Moreover,  such  a  union  of  Po- 
land with  Russia  was  bound  to  cause  dissensions 
between  Russia  and  Prussia  as  well  as  with  Austria. 
Russian  diplomacy  saw  the  difficulties  which  Napo- 
leon's plan  would  create  and  Alexander  refused  to 
accept  the  title  of  King  of  Poland.  As  a  compromise 


376 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


measure,  it  was  agreed  to  create  an  independent 
Polish  state  embracing  a  part  of  Prussian  Poland. 
"At  the  request  of  the  Russian  Emperor,"  Napoleon 
consented  to  Prussia's  keeping  the  Polish  territories, 


FIG.   173— FREDERICK   AUGUST,    OF   SAXONY,   DUKE   OF  WARSAW 

which  she  occupied  after  the  first  dismemberment. 
Her  shares  in  the  second  and  third  dismemberment 
she  was  to  lose.  Bialystock  and  Bielsk,  or  the  north- 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW 


377 


ern  part  of  Podlasie,  being  the  section  where  the 
Uniate  Church  prevailed,  was  demanded  by  Russia. 
Danzig  became  a  free  city  under  the  joint  protectorate 
of  the  Kings  of  Prussia  and  Saxony.  Thorn  came 
back  into  the  new  state,  which  was  to  be  known  as  the 
Duchy  of  Warsaw,  and  Frederick  August,  the  Saxon 
King,  whom  the  constitution  of  May  &,  1791,  had  desig- 
nated as  King  Poniatowski's  successor,  was  made 
the  reigning  Duke  thereof.  The  newly  created  Duchy, 
as  well  as  the  city  of  Danzig,  joined  the  continental 
system  designed  to  boycott  English  commerce.  Thus 
Poland  became  resurrected  from  the  dead.  Although 
the  size  of  the  reconstructed  state  was  small,  consist- 


FIG.    174— MEDAL   IN   COMMEMORATION   OF   THE   EST. 
DUCHY  OF  WARSAW 


.BLISHMENT   OF   THE 


ing  of  only  64,500  square  miles,  with  a  population  of 
2,400,000,  yet  it  had  great  political  significance  for  the 
Poles,  and  by  the  guarantees  it  received  for  free  navi- 
gation on  the. Vistula  to  the  Baltic,  its  economic  self- 
sufficiency  was  assured.  Its  destinies,  however,  like 
those  of  many  other  states  created  by  Napoleon,  de- 
pended upon  the  fortunes  of  this  military  genius. 
The  makeshift  character  of  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw 
was  well  recognized  by  the  political  leaders  of  Poland. 
Many  were  discontented  with  it,  particularly  in  view 
of  the  heavy  demands  Napoleon  made  in  compensa- 
tion for  its  creation  and  his  arbitrary  methods  which 


378  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

precipitated  grave  social  problems.  Many  of  the  f  ormer 
crown  lands  were  given  to  French  generals,  and  the 
old  Italian  Legion,  reorganized  and  increased  to  eight 
thousand  men,  was  sent  to  Westphalia,  later  to  go  to 
Spain.  In  addition  to  the  regular  army  of  thirty 
thousand,  fresh  levies  were  ordered  for  the  "chevaux 
legers"  which,  because  of  their  handsome  appearance 
and  gallant  conduct,  the  Emperor  designated  for  his 
body  guard  regiment.  They  were  put  under  command 
of  Count  Vincent  Krasinski,  the  father  of  one  of 
the  greatest  poets  of  Poland.  With  the  opening  of 
hostilities  in  Spain  they,  like  the  other  Polish  troops, 
were  sent  to  that  country.  Here  they  took  active  part 
in  the  desperate  fighting  that  characterized  this  cam- 
paign. They  realized  the  injustice  that  was  being 
done  to  the  brave  Spaniards,  but  they  were  soldiers 
and  faithful  to  their  duty.  When  the -siege  of  Sara- 
gossa  decimated  the  regiments^  of  Chlopicki  and 
Konopka  new  detachments  were  sent  to  keep  up  the 
Polish  quota.  Forever  famous  in  military  annals  will 
remain  the  Polish  charge  at  Samo-Sierra,  the  gorge 
which  guarded  the  road  to  Madrid.  The  Spanish 
batteries  mowed  down  the  French  troops  one  after 
another  as  they  came  within  range  of  their  guns.  The 
possession  of  the  gorge  was  absolutely  necessary. 
Napoleon  ordered  General  Montbrun  to  send  a  Polish 
squadron  of  cavalry  to  take  it.  When  the  General 
reported  that  it  was  impossible,  the  Emperor  impa- 
tiently replied:  "Impossible?  I  do  not  know  the  word. 
Nothing  is  impossible  for  my  Poles."  *  And  with  their 
usual  daring  the  Polish  light  horse  detachment  under 
the  youthful  John  Kozietulski,  swept,  like  a  tornado 
through  the  gorge.  Few  survived,  but  to  the  aston- 
ishment of  the  French  troops  and  even  of  Napoleon 

*Kukiel,  1.  c.,  p.  219. 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  379 

himself,  Samo-Sierra  was  taken,  and  on  November  30, 
1808,  the  road  to  Madrid  lay  open.  Small,  indeed,  was 
to  be  the  recompense  Napoleon  offered  Poland  for  her 
inordinate  sacrifices.  Instead  of  reviving  the  generally 
respected  constitution  of  May  3rd,  and  changing  it  to 
meet  the  new  conditions,  Napoleon  devised  for  the 
Duchy  of  Warsaw  an  instrument  of  his  own  making. 


FIG.   175 — JAN  LEON   HIPOLIT   KOZIETULSKI,   THE   HERO   OF   SAMO-SIERRA 

It  gave  large  powers  to  the  reigning  Duke  and  limited 
those  of  the  Diet.  No  legislative  bills  could  be  intro- 
duced except  by  the  Government,  and  the  Diet  had  no 
power  of  discussion:  it  could  either  enact  or  reject 
them.  The  code  Napoleon,  which  superseded  Polish 
civil  laws,  created  innumerable  difficulties  and  called 


380  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

for  many  adjustments.  It  is  well  known  how  attached 
Napoleon  was  to  his  code  and  how  firmly  he  insisted 
that  it  be  adopted  without  change,  regardless  of  the 
confusion  which  might  follow  its  introduction.  In  a 
letter  to  his  brother  Louis,  King  of  Holland,  he  wrote 
on  November  13,  3807,  "If  you  allow  to  touch  (re- 
toucher) the  Code  Napoleon  it  will  no  longer  be  the 
Code  Napoleon.  .  .  .  You  are  young,  indeed,  if  you 
think  that  a  definite  adoption  of  the  code  will  intro- 
duce chaos  or  be  a  cause  of  dangerous  confusion  in  the 
country."*  While  not  guaranteeing  freedom  of  speech 
or  assembly,  the  new  constitution  was,  however,  much 
more  democratic  than  that  of  May  3rd,  in  that  it  ex- 
tended suffrage  to  almost  all  classes,  and  made  all 
citizens  equal  before  the  law.  It  also  abolished  serf- 
dom. But  in  failing  to  provide  land  for  the  freed 
peasants  it  created  for  the  first  time  in  Polish  history 
the  new  social  class  of  the  proletariat.  The  exodus  of 
the  peasants  from  the  country  gave  a  stimulus  to  in- 
dustry in  the  cities.  Both  commerce  and  manufacture 
revived,  despite  the  long  period  of  exhaustion  preced- 
ing it,  and  despite  the  heavy  taxes  laid  upon  it  as  well 
as  upon  agriculture  to  maintain  the  army  and  to  meet 
the  other  numerous  French  requisitions.  It  is  re- 
markable, though  characteristic  of  Polish  spirit,  that 
in  spite  of  the  heavy  drafts  and  unsettled  conditions  of 
the  time,  public  education  received  painstaking  care 
and  sustained  attention.  The  Department  of  Educa- 
tion, under  the  enlightened  guidance  of  Staszyc  and 
Stanislav  Kostka  Potocki,  established  numerous 
primary  schools.  While  during  the  ten  years  of  the 
Prussian  regime  only  two  hundred  and  fifty  schools 
were  opened,  their  number  increased  to  one  thousand 
and  one  hundred  when  the  Poles  took  charge  of  edu- 

*M.  Handelsman,  "Napoleon  a  Polska,"  Warsaw,  E.  Wende  et  Co., 
1913,  p.  11. 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW 


381 


cation,  which  then  became  entirely  emancipated  from 
the  blighting  effects  of  the  former  ecclesiastical  con- 
trol. The  episcopate  vehemently  protested  against 
this  change  as  well  as  against  the  Napoleonic  code, 
which  allowed  civil  marriages  and  divorce,  and  did  not 
provide  for  penalties  in  cases  of  non-observance  of 
religious  rites.  The  protests  were  unheeded.  The 
Polish  nation  had  become  thoroughly  modernized  in 
the  opening  decade  of  the  XlXth  century. 


(Drawing  by   Alexander   Orlowskil 

FIG.    176— EAGLE    SYMBOLIZING    THE    ESTABLISHMENT    OF    THE    DUCHY 

OF   WARSAW 

The  first  session  of  the  Diet  of  the  Duchy  of  War- 
saw met  on   March  9,   1809,  in  the  same  building 
where  the  Four  Years'   Diet  had  sat, 

Pro\kms°r  under  the  same  President,  Stanislav 
Malachowski,  and  in  the  presence  of  the 
Duke  whom,  in  1791  they  had  chosen  to  succeed 
Poniatowski  as  King.  The  solemn  and  dignified 
proceedings  of  the  Diet,  the  unanimity  in  its  work  and 
readiness  to  meet  the  extreme  burdens  imposed  upon 
the  country  by  Napoleon,  indicated  that  a  deep 
change  had  taken  place  in  Polish  life  since  the  great 
catastrophe  which  had  befallen  the  country.  The 


382  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

fiscal  and  economic  problems  which  became  aggra- 
vated by  the  introduction  of  the  new  civil  code,  by  the 
enormous  war  taxes  and  by  the  flood  of  worthless 
Prussian  money  thrown  upon  the  country  during  the 
Prussian  occupation  were  ably  met  by  the  wise  Fi- 
nance Minister  Lubienski. 

At  the  time  when  economic  restoration  of  the 
Duchy  was  proceeding  with  success  and  social  rela- 
tions were  adjusting  themselves  to  the 
The  War  with  changed  conditions,  war  was  forced 
thTconquest  upon  the  country  by  Austria's  challenge 
of  Gaiida,  1809  to  Napoleon.  One  of  the  four  Austrian 
armies,  under  Archduke  Ferdinand,  ap- 
peared on  the  frontier  of  the  Duchy  on  April  14,  1809. 
Taken  by  surprise,  the  government  ordered  general 
mobilization.  A  part  of  the  regular  Polish  army  was 
in  France  at  the  time  and  another  part  was  doing  gar- 
rison duty  in  the  Prussian  fortresses,  leaving  only 
thirteen  thousand  ready  for  immediate  action.  Headed 
by  the  valiant  Prince  Joseph  Poniatowski,  they  offered 
an  obstinate  resistance  during  the  bloody  battle  of 
Raszyn,  to  the  south  of  Warsaw.  The  Austrian 
army  was  three  times  as  large  as  the  army  of  the 
Duchy.  It  was  necessary  to  abandon  Warsaw  and 
to  withdraw  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Vistula.  The 
government  moved  to  Thorn.  All  the  Austrian  ef- 
forts to  cross  the  Vistula  were,  however,  in  vain. 
Even  Warsaw's  suburb,  Praga,  could  not  be  taken. 
While  the  Austrian  troops  were  exhausting  them- 
selves in  their  unsuccessful  attempts  to  get  at  the 
right  bank  of  the  Vistula,  Poniatowski  crossed  the 
Austrian  frontier  to  liberate  Galicia.  Soon  he  took 
Lublin,  Sandomir,  Przemysl  and  Lemberg.  The 
population  of  Galicia  rose  against  their  oppressors 
and  formed  regiments  to  help  Poniatowski.  The 
Galician  magnates,  however,  looked  askance  upon  the 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW 


383 


Duchy  of  Warsaw  because  of  its  democratic  reforms 
and  the  abolition  of  serfdom  and  regarded  with  dis- 
favor Poniatowski's  activities.  They  were  laying 
plans  for  a  reconstruction  of  the  country  under  a 
Hapsburg  or  under  the  scepter  of  the  Tsar,  and  were 
accordingly  carrying  on  negotiations  with  General 
Golitsin  who  arrived  with  a- Russian  corps  ostensibly 
to  help  Napoleon,  but  in  reality  to  hamper  the  dis- 
quieting conquests  of  the  Polish  arms.  He  frustrated 


FIG.    177 — THE    MILITARY    DECORATIONS    OF    PRINCE    JOSEPH 
PONIATOWSKI 

many  of  Poniatowski's  plans  and  helped  the  Aus- 
trians  when  they  returned  from  the  Duchy  to  concen- 
trate in  Galicia.  The  fear  of  Napoleon  lest  the  ag- 
grandizement of  Poland  cause  displeasure  in  St. 
Petersburg,  resulted  in  the  order  that  Polish  con- 
quests be  made  in  his  name  and  not  that  of  the  Duchy, 
although  all  operations  were  carried  on  by  Polish  arms 
exclusively.  This  naturally  caused  discontent  in 
Galicia  and  aroused  suspicion.  Because  of  the  vari- 


384  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

ous  hindrances  put  in  his  way,  and  particularly  those 
of  the  "allied"  Russian  army,  Poniatowski  withdrew 
from  Eastern  Galicia  westward  and  took  Cracow. 
Before  he  entered  the  city  the  French  General  Mon- 
det  turned  the  city  over  to  the  Russian  commander 
and  only  Poniatowski's  threat  to  open  fire  upon  the 
Russians  caused  their  abandonment  of  the  city,  which 
was  then  taken  over  by  a  Polish  garrison.  Mean- 
while Napoleon's  victory  at  Wagram  ended  the  war. 
The  Poles  who  conquered  Galicia  and  left  thousands 
on  the  battlefields  had  a  right  to  expect  that  she 
would  be  added  to  the  Duchy.  But  the  ever-vigilant 
Russian  diplomacy  made  it  impossible.  Only  west- 
ern Galicia  as  far  as  the  River  San,  a  district  covering 
33,000  square  miles  with  a  million  and  a  half  inhab- 
itants, came  back  into  the  Polish  State.  Again  all  the 
former  crown  lands  in  that  territory  were  to  be  given 
over  to  the  French  generals  and  once  more  had  the 
Pole?  the  sad  occasion  to  learn  how  parsimonious  and 
reserved  Napoleon  was  with  reference  to  them.  In 
the  last  campaign  they  had  engaged  over  sixty  thou- 
sand Austrians  and  had  kept  the  Prussians  from  turn- 
ing against  the  French,  yet  even  the  fruits  of  con- 
quests in  their  own  country,  made  wholly  by  their 
own  sacrifices  and  endeavors,  were  denied  them  in  a 
degree  they  were  morally  and  legally  entitled  to  ex- 
pect. Yet  the  fact  that  the  Duchy  was  growing;  that 
the  City  of  Cracow  with  all  its  national  sanctuaries 
and  the  university  was  again  free;  that  a  valiant  and 
glorious  army  was  in  existence,  gave  faith  and  as- 
surance, in  spite  of  the  iniquities  suffered,  that  the 
policy  of  an  alliance  with  the  Corsican  was  the  best 
and  would  eventually  bring  the  country  to  its  cov- 
eted goal. 

All  plans  were  soon  to  be  shattered.     Napoleon's 
too  ambitious  undertaking  miscarried.     One  ot  the 


The  DUCHYof  WARSAW 

Territories  conquered  \ 

by  the  armies  ofthe  Duchy 

inthe  year  1809. 

56  1 


386  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

causes  of  the  war  of  1812  was  the  existence  of  the 

Duchy.     For  it.  was  against  the  tradi- 

Jhe  tions  of  Russia  harking  back  to  Peter 

Franco-Prus-          ,,        ~  T  -i       T>        "ui 

sian  War  tne  ^jreatj  naY>  to  Ivan  the  1  errible,  to 

look  complacently  at  the  existence  of 
Poland  outside  of  Russian  domination.  In  spite  of 
Napoleon's  continuous  assurances  that  "the  danger- 
ous Polish  dreams"  as  Alexander  called  them,  would 
never  be  permitted  realization,  the  Russian  Tsar  was 
forever  restive.  He  demanded  that  the  word  "Poles" 


FIG.    178— THE   POLISH    MILITARY    CROSS 

be  not  used  in  public  documents,  that  Polish  orders 
be  abolished  and  that  the  Polish  army  be  considered 
as  a  part  of  that  of  Saxony.  The  Russian  fear  of  the 
restoration  of  Poland  was  one  of  the  trumps  in  Napo- 
leon's hand  which,  together  with  a  display  of  France's 
enormous  resources  in  men,  he  intended  to  use  to 
intimidate  Russia  and  to  browbeat  her.  This  ex- 
plains his  real  unpreparedness  for  the  Russian  cam- 
paign and  his  ambiguous  behavior  with  reference  to 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  387 

the  Poles.  He  continued  to  assure  them  of  the  sin- 
cerity of  his  purpose  and  requested  a  further  increase 
in  the  army  to  80,000  men  and  23,000  horses,  and  the 
speedy  completion  of  the  fortress  of  Modlin  (known 
now  by  the  Russian  name  of  Novo-Georgievsk)  and 
some  others,  but  made  no  direct  political  promises. 
When  in  June  a  special  French  ambassador  arrived  at 
Warsaw  and  the  reigning  Duke  turned  over  the  whole 
government  to  the  Council  of  Ministers,  it  became 
evident  that  great  events  were  near  at  hand.  The 
Diet  assembled  to  take  steps  preparatory  to  the  im- 
pending war.  Napoleon  suggested  that  a  general 
confederation  be  organized  and  that  he  be  petitioned 
to  restore  Poland.  He  intimated  that  Austria  would 
be  willing  to  cede  Galicia  for  the  control  of  certain 
other  territories.  In  fact,  by  the  secret  treaty  which 
Napoleon  made  with  the  Austrian  ruler  on  March  14, 
1812,  the  Illyrian  provinces  were  to  constitute  the 
prize  for  the  return  of  Galicia.  As  had  always  been 
the  case  in  times  of  European  conflagration,  various 
bait  was  thrown  out  to  catch  Polish  support,  so  in  the 
war  of  1812  Russia  also  made  a  polite  bow  before  her 
"beloved"  sister  and  the  Tsar  offered,  through  his  old 
comrade  Czartoryski  a  present  to  her,  in  the  form  of 
reconstruction  of  the  ancient  kingdom  in  its  former 
boundaries,  abutting  on  the  Dnieper  and  Dvina  and 
including  Galicia.  He  was  to  give  the  resurrected 
country  a  liberal  constitution  and  a  king  in  his  own 
person,  but  demanded  that  Poniatowski  betray  Napo- 
leon and  bring  the  army  over  in  support  of  Russia. 
Czartoryski  refused  to  act.  In  Lithuania,  however, 
the  Tsar's  proposals  found  many  supporters  led 
by  Prince  Michael  Oginski  and  the  able  and  brilliant 
Prince  Drucki-Lubecki.  They  even  contemplated  the 
creation  of  an  independent  Duchy  of  Lithuania. 
Meanwhile,  the  "second  Polish  war,"  as  Napoleon 


388  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

called  it,  broke  out.  When  he  appeared  at  Kovno  the 
French  Emperor  wore  the  cap  and  uniform  of  a  Polish 
officer.  To  arouse  Lithuania-he  sent  to  Wilno  as  a 
vanguard  of  his  host,  a  Polish  regiment  commanded 
by  Prince  Dominik  Radziwill,  a  scion  of  the  great 
Lithuanian  family.  The  dispersion,  however,  of  the 
Polish  regiments  among  the  various  French  corps  was 
strongly  resented.  For  nowhere  else  had  Napoleon 
a  more  loyal  and  devoted  ally  than  the  Poles  who 
stood  by  him  through  thick  and  thin  and  did  not 
abandon  him  until  his  very  last  hour.  They  formed 
a  striking  contrast  to  the  Prussians  under  Yorck,  who 
as  soon  as  Napoleon's  defeat  became  known  joined 
the  Russians,  as  did  also  the  Austrians.  At  the  open- 
ing of  hostilities,  the  Warsaw  Diet  formed  a  confed- 
eration calling  upon  the  people  to  defend  their  coun- 
try. The  popular  response  to  a  firery  speech  made 
by  Minister  Matuszewicz  in  the  course  of  which  he 
exclaimed:  "Poland  will  be  resurrected.  What  do 
I  say?  Poland  exists  already !"  was  enormous.  The 
crowds  were  wild  with  enthusiasm.  All  believed  in 
Napoleon's  genius.  "God  is  with  Napoleon  and 
Napoleon  is  with  us."  And  the  splendid  Polish  le- 
gions, led  by  such  brilliant  generals  as  Dombrowski, 
Poniatowski,  Sokolnicki  and  others,  who  had  no  peers 
in  any  contemporary  army,  once  more  carried  the 
fame  of  Polish  heroism  along  the  same  roads  which 
two  centuries  before,  in  the  times  of  Batory  and 
Wladyslav  IV  saw  the  banners  of  the  White  Eagle 
in  a  triumphant  onward  march  to  Moscow.  The 
memories  of  Zolkiewski  and  Gosiewski  came  back. 
But  once  more  it  was  necessary  to  retire.  Napoleon 
was  defeated  and  his  grand  army  dispersed.  Enor- 
mous losses  were  suffered  by  the  Poles.  Over  a  thou- 
sand officers  fell  and  only  six  thousand  men  returned. 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW 


389 


But   they  brought  back  all   their   artillery   and   the 

eternal  glory  of  their  sacrifices  for  the  country  and 

her  honor. 

Under  the  guard  of  Polish  uhlans,  Napoleon  fled 

Russia  which  had  proved  to  be  the  grave  of  his 
ambitions.  His  defeat  sounded  also  the 
death  knell  of  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw  and 
filled  with  dismay  the  hearts  of  the 
Poles,  who  felt  that  they  would  again 

fall  prey  to  the  neighboring  hawks.     The  Russian 


The  End  of 
the  Duchy  of 
Warsaw 


FIG.   179— THE  PALACE  OP  PRINCE   JOSEPH  PONIATOWSKI   AT   JABL.ONNA 

Emperor  continued  to  assure  the  Poles  of  his  friend- 
ship and  proclaimed  his  amnesty  to  Lithuania  but  at 
the  same  time  covenanted  with  Prussia  for  another 
partition  in  Poland  on  February  10, 1813,  at  Kalisz. 

Before  the  Russian  army  reached  the  Duchy,  the 
Polish  government  was  discussing  the  possibilities  of 
offering  armed  resistance  to  the  invaders;  many,  like 
Prince  Czartoryski  advised  an  alliance  with  Russia. 
A  great  deal  of  valuable  time  was  lost  in  discussion. 


390  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Meanwhile,  it  was  learned  that  Schwarzenberg,  the 
commander  of  the  Austrian  army,  which  constituted 
the  right  wing  of  Napoleon's  host  had  practically 
betrayed  his  former  ally  and  in  view  of  that,  the  de- 
fence of  Warsaw  became  an  impossibility.  Prince 
Poniatowski  gathered  all  his  troops,  ordnance  and 
ammunition  and  moved  to  Cracow.  The  Austrian 
army  in  doubtful  attitude  was  near  by;  a  Russian 
corps  under  Sacken  was  stationed  in  the  vicinity  of 
Cracow;  and  the  pro-Russian  party  in  Poland  was 
bombarding  him  with  persuasions  to  submit  to  Rus- 
sia. He  well  realized  the  difficult  situation  in  which 
he  found  himself  and  the  responsibility  that  rested 
upon  him,  but  he  could  not  be  convinced  that  an  al- 
liance with  Russia  was  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
country  and  his  exalted  conception  of  duty  revolted 
at  any  suggestion  of  a  betrayal.  Seeing  that  he  would 
be  unable  to  carry  out  his  plan  of  a  fight  to  the  end, 
and  abandoned  by  many  of  his  friends,  he  determined 
to  leave  Poland  and  to  join  Napoleon's  reorgan- 
ized Grand  Army,  "There  can  be  no  compromise 
with  honor,"  he  said,  and  undertook  the  march  in 
spite  of  the  difficulties  which  lay  before  him  in  cross- 
ing hostile  Austrian  domains.  He  left  Poland,  never 
to  return.  His  withdrawal  was  quickly  followed  by 
untoward  events.  The  whole  Duchy,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  few  fortresses,  was  occupied  by  Russian 
soldiery  and  used  as  a  base  of  operations  against 
Napoleon.  The  Polish  government,  left  the  country. 
Its  place  was  taken  by  a  "Supreme  Council"  com- 
posed of  supporters  of  Russia  and  presided  over  by 
Lanskoy,  a  Russian  Senator.  Among  the  members 
was  also  a  representative  of  Prussia,  by  the  name 
of  Christopher  Colomb,  to  look  after  the  Prussian  in- 
terests, as,  under  the  above  mentioned  treaty  of 
Kalisz,  the  Russian  Emperor  promised  to  return  to 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  391 

Prussia  the  Polish  provinces  which  Napoleon  had 
taken  from  her.  The  allies  suffered  several  defeats 
at  the  hands  of  Napoleon.  He  was  approaching 


(Portrait  by  M.  Bacciarelli) 
FIG.    180— PRINCE   JOSEPH   PONIATOWSKI 

Breslau  and  laying  plans  for  the  reconquest  of  Poland 
when  the  wily  Metternich  induced  him  to  agree  to  a 
truce  and  to  meet  at  a  convention  in  Prague.  Valu- 


392 


able  time  gained  by  the  cessation  of  hostilities  made 
possible  the  formation  of  a  closer  alliance  with  Eng- 
land and  Austria  as  active  participants.  Emboldened 
by  the  alliances  made,  Austria  presented  at  Prague  a 
series  of  demands  to  which  Napoleon  obviously  could 
not  accede.  The  first  demand  concerned  the  divi- 
sion of  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw  among  her  three  neigh- 
bors. When  Napoleon  refused,  Austria  declared 
war.  The  subsequent  events  concerning  Napoleon's 


FIG.    181— THE    PAL.ACE    OF    PRINCE    JOSEPH    PONIATOWSKI    AT    WARSAW 

fortunes  need  not  be  retold  here,  except  to  point  out 
the  loyalty  of  the  Polish  troops  to  Napoleon  and  their 
undaunted  courage  in  the  discharge  of  the  difficult 
duties  assigned  to  them.  During  the  battle  of  Leip- 
zig Prince  Poniatowski  was  made  Marshal  of  France. 
Because  of  the  treachery  of  the  Saxons  and  Wurtem- 
bergians,  Prince  Joseph's  Polish  corps  was  put  into 
a  most  precarious  position  from  which,  however, 
it  emerged  triumphantly.  The  rearguard  action 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW  393 

after  the  retreat  from  Leipzig  was  entrusted  to  Ponia- 
towski.  Here  the  Prince  was  wounded.  When  the 
bridges  over  the  River  Elster  were  destroyed  too 
early,  he  was  threatened  with  capture.  Though 
severely  wounded  and  profusely  bleeding,  he  jumped 
into  the  stream  with  his  steed  and  endeavored  to 
swim  across  the  rapid  stream.  "II  faut  mourir  en 
brave,"  he  said.  Here  a  shot  pierced  his  left  lung  and 
with  the  words  "Poland"  and  "honor"  he  fell  from  his 
horse  and  disappeared  under  the  water.* 

The  death  of  their  beloved  hero  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  unpopular  Prince  Sulkowski  in  his  place, 
together  with  reflection  upon  the  futility  of  further 
sacrifices,  caused  the  Polish  legions  to  demand  release 
from  duty.  Apprised  of  this,  Napoleon  addressed 
them  in  person,  pointing  out  that  such  a  step  on  their 
part  would  not  help  their  country  and  would  but  serve 
to  tarnish  their  past  glorious  record  and  their  sol- 
dierly honor.  By  staying  with  him,  he  said,  they  could 
yet  serve  their  country,  because  he  would  never  for- 
get Poland.  It  is  easy  to  surmise  that  they  did  not 
abandon  him.  Sulkowski  resigned  from  command 
and  his  place  was  taken  by  the  untiring  Jan  Henryk 
Dombrowski.  In  the  campaign  of  1814  Polish  blood 
flowed  profusely  at  the  battlefields  of  Brienne, 
Rheims,  Arcis  sur  Aube  and  Montereau.  At  Arcis 
sur  Aube  a  battalion  of  Polish  infantry  commanded 
by  Jan  Skrzynecki  saved  Napoleon's  life.  Napo- 
leon's admiration  for  Polish  chivalry  was  genuine 
and  it  is  significant  that  the  only  squadron  which  ac- 
companied him  to  and  remained  with  him  in  his  exile 
on  the  Island  of  Elba  was  that  of  the  Polish  chevaux 
legers  under  Colonel  Paul  Jerzmanowski.  By  article 
29  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  inserted  at  the  personal  re- 


*  S.  Askenazy:  "Ksiazf  Jozef,"  Posen:  K.  Rzepecki,  1913,  p.  205. 


394  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

quest  of  Napoleon,  the  Polish  troops  were  guaranteed 
a  safe  return  to  their  homes  and  were  allowed  to  carry 
with  them  their  arms  and  military  decorations.  "In 
this  way  the  small  but  armed  companies  were  recog- 
nized as  the  representatives  of  the  Polish  state.  The 
Congressional  Kingdom  had  its  birth  here.  .  .  .  The 
vanquished  received  honors  from  their  conquerors. 
Sad  but  proud  was  the  return  march  to  their  native 


FIG.    182— COL.    PAUL    JERZMANOWSKI 

country.  Through  a  long  mourning  road  General 
Sokolnicki  carried  the  body  of  the  supreme  com- 
mander, during  life  his  rival,  and  two  hundred  Craco- 
vians  formed  the  last  escort  of  Prince  Joseph."  * 
Grateful  memories  still  surround  their  heroism  and 
constitute  an  inexhaustible  well  of  inspiration  for  the 
present-day  efforts  of  Poland.  The  returning  legions 
were  received  with  great  honors  at  Warsaw.  The 
body  of  the  Prince,  who  was  the  incarnation  of  Po- 
land's conception  of  honor  and  devotion  to  duty  and 

*M.  Kukiel,  1.  c.,  p.  470. 


NAPOLEON  AND  THE  DUCHY  OF  WARSAW 


395 


country,  was  first  interred  at  Warsaw  but  subse- 
quently laid  to  rest  in  Cracow  in  the  old  royal  cathe- 
dral. The  City  of  Cracow  at  the  time  was  the  only 
spot  in  the  old  vast  domains  of  the  Polish  Republic 
that  was  free.  The  other  sections  had  come  under 
the  sovereignty  of  Russia,  Austria  and  Prussia,  by  the 
provisions  of  a  new  partition  agreed  upon  at  the  Con- 
gress at  Vienna. 


FIG.    183 — PRINCE   JOSEPH'S   PALACE   AT 
STARA  SIENIAWA 


FIG.    184— KOSCIUSZKO   HILL,   AT  CRACOW 


CHAPTER  XVII 


The  Congress  of  Vienna  and  the  Kingdom  of  Poland 

The  grim  injustice  of  Poland's  dismemberment 
was  universally  recognized  and  expressions  of  sym- 
pathy were  lavishly  bestowed  upon  the 
unhappy  nation.   Fortunately,  sentimen- 

Partition  of  ..  .  J/  .      , 

Poland  tahty  was  soon  to  give  place  to  practical 

considerations.  The  danger  to  the  politi- 
cal equilibrium  of  Europe,  which  this  act  of  injustice 
created,  became  clearly  discernible  after  the  smoke 
of  the  Napoleonic  wars  had  cleared  away  and  the 
representatives  of  the  chief  European  countries  came 
together  to  redraw  the  map  of  the  continent.  It  was 
then  discovered  that  Russia,  whose  civilizing  mission 
lay  in  Asia,  had  already  penetrated  deep  into  Europe 
and  was  in  possession  of  strong  claims  to  the  whole 
of  Poland.  And  sly  Prussia  was  ready  to  second 
Russia's  demands  if  only  by  so  doing  she  could  grab 
Saxony.  Neither  France  nor  England  cherished  the 
idea  of  Russia's  becoming  an  European  power,  and 
Austria  resisted  the  enrichment  of  her  neighbors  by 
the  large  Polish  acquisitions.  The  German  states 
of  Bavaria  and  Hanover,  as  well  as  Holland,  opposed 
the  plans  of  Russia  and  Prussia.  Formidable  quarrels 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND   KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      357. 

£> 
/ 

arose  over  the  claims  of  these  two  countries,  and  for 
a  time  it  looked  as  if  only  by  force  of  arms  could  the 
matter  be  brought  to  an  issue.  The  reappearance  of 
the  Corsican  in  France  called  for  united  action  and 
for  a  speedy  close  of  the  negotiations.  The  Polish 
question  was  settled  in  a  manner  that  could  bring 
nothing  but  bitter  disappointment  to  the  Poles.  The 
Congress  sanctioned  the  admittedly  illegal  dismem- 
berment of  Poland,  which  has  proved  to  be  a  curse 
and  calamity  to  the  country  and  a  cause  of  periodi- 
cally recurring  violent  disturbances,  as  had  been 
predicted  by  Lord  Castlereagh,  the  British  Plenipo- 
tentiary at  the  Congress.  In  a  note  to  his  govern- 
ment, referring  to  the  vicious  settlement  of  the  Polish 
question,  he  wrote:  "The  undersigned  adhering  to 
all  his  former  representations  on  this  subject  has  only 
sincerely  to  hope  that  none  of  those  evils  may  result 
from  this  measure  to  the  tranquility  of  the  north,  and 
to  the  general  equilibrium  of  Europe,  which  it  has 
been  his  painful  duty  to  anticipate."  * 

The  Congress,  which  assembled  ostensibly  to  do 
justice  to  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  to  guarantee  to 
them  independence  and  liberty,  did  not  take  into  con- 
sideration the  desires  and  feelings  of  the  subdued 
nations  and  of  the  Polish  nation  in  particular.  It 
sanctioned  the  fifth  partition  of  Poland.  On  the 
memorable  day  of  May  3,  1815,  Russia  signed  the 
treaties  with  Austria  and  Prussia  by  which  the  lion's 
share  of  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw  went  to  her,  and  the 
western  part  of  the  last  independent  Polish  state 
became  annexed  to  Prussia  under  the  name  of  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Posen.  The  districts  of  Tarnopol 
and  Zbaraz,  in  Eastern  Galicia,  went  back  to  Austria, 


*Barker,  1.  c.,  p.  100. 


398  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

as  well  as  a  section  in  West  Galicia  comprising  the 
rich  Wieliczka  salt  mines.  The  City  of  Cracow,  with 
its  immediate  vicinity,  was  made  an  independent 
republic  under  the  guardianship  of  the  three  parti- 
tioning powers.  In  1846  it  was  annexed  by  Austria. 
With  this  exception  the  boundaries  of  the  three 
Polands  remained  fixed,  as  determined  by  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  until  the  outbreak  of  the  present 
great  war.  Four-fifths  of  the  Polish  Republic  of 
1772  came  under  Russian  rule,  and  the  remaining 
one-fifth  was  almost  equally  divided  between  Austria 
and  Prussia.  Henceforth  the  history  of  Poland  is 
the  history  of  the  three  sections,  developing  under 
entirely  different  conditions;  the  Russian  part,  how- 
ever, by  reason  of  its  size  and  the  fact  that  the  Rus- 
sian Tsar  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  Poland,  oc- 
cupies the  centre  of  the  stage.  The  severance  of 
the  political  bonds  of  the  Polish  people  was  mitigated, 
in  a  measure,  by  the  provisions  of  the  treaties  between 
Russia  and  the  other  two  powers,  which  guaranteed 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  former  Polish  Republic  coni- 
plete  freedom  in  their  social  and  economic  inter- 
course within  the  boundaries. of  the  country  as  they 
were  in  1772,  before  the  first  partition  took  place. 
There  were  to  be  no  tariff  walls  between  the  three 
parts  of  Poland,  and  transportation  and  navigation 
on  all  the  rivers  and  canals  was  to  be  unobstructed. 

Article  I  of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  guaranteed  to 
the  Poles  as  "the  respective  subjects  of  Russia,  Austria 
and  Prussia,"  representation  in  government  and  pre- 
servation of  their  national  institutions  "to  be  regulated 
in  accordance  with  the  political  precepts  which  the 
several  governments  would  consider  useful  and  advis- 
able for  them."  This  qualifying  phrase  was  couched 
in  language  too  flexible  to  supply  lasting  foundations 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      399 

for  the  future  political  structures  which  were  to  be 
reared  in  the  three  sections  of  Poland.  Painfully  did 
the  Poles  realize  their  precarious  situation !  Before 
the  Congress  assembled  the  venerable  and  aged  Kos- 
ciuszko  was  assured  by  such  statesmen  as  Lord  Grey, 
Talleyrand  and  Metternich  that  the  safety  of  Europe 
depended  upon  the  restoration  of  Poland.  He  stayed 
in  Vienna  during  the  sessions  of  the  Congress,  and 
left,  brokenhearted,  for  Switzerland  after  the  dis- 
astrous agreement  concerning  Poland  was  reached 
by  the  Powers.  He  banished  himself  voluntarily  to 
the  high  mountains  of  Wilhelm  Tell  rather  than  to 
die  a  slave  in  his  own  country,  which  he  loved  so  ten- 
derly and  to  which  he  was  born  a  free  citizen.  Kos- 
ciuszko  is  the  symbol  of  Poland's  strivings  for  inde- 
pendence. The  very  mention  of  his  name  conjures 
up  exalted  feelings  of  patriotism  in  the  Polish  breast. 
Universal  was  the  tribute  paid  to  him  upon  his  death 
on  October  15,  1817.  Instead  of  erecting  a  monu- 
ment in  bronze  to  his  memory,  it  was  decided  to  build 
something  more  lasting:  a  mountain.  Approaching 
Cracow,  the  city  where  the  Dictator  issued  his 
famous  proclamation  in  1794,  one  can  see  from  a  dis- 
tance the  Kosciuszko  Hill,  erected  by  the  hands  of  the 
people  and  completed,  afteryears  of  gratuitous  labor, 
in  1823.  It  stands  firm  and  forever  over  an  urn  con- 
taining some  earth  from  the  battlefield  of  Raclawice, 
where,  with  several  thousand  soldiers  and  two  thou- 
sand peasants  armed  with  scythes,  he  won  the  first 
victory  over  the  Muscovite  despoilers  of  his  country. 

The  funeral  of  Kosciuszko,  as  well  as  the  patri- 
otic ceremony  accompanying  the  obsequies  of  Prince 
Joseph   Poniatowski,   whose  body  was 
of  Cracow  brought  from  Warsaw  to  Cracow  to  be 

laid  beside  the  Polish  Kings  and  heroes, 
gave  additional  endearment  to  the  picayune  city-re- 


400  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

public  which  contained  most  of  the  treasures  and 
memories  of  the  past  glories  of  the  once  mighty  coun- 
try, and  was  now  the  only  free  community  within  the 
boundaries  of  old  Poland.  The  Cracow  republic  com- 
prised an  area  of  one  hundred  and  three  square  miles, 
with  a  population  of  ninety-six  thousand  inhabitants, 
twenty-five  thousand  of  whom  lived  within  the  city 
limits  and  the  remainder  in  the  villages  surrounding 
it.  According  to  the  constitution  provided  by  the 
Vienna  Congress  it  was  governed  by  a  Senate  com- 
posed of  thirteen  members,  and  an  Assembly  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  city  and  village  population,  of  the 
university,  the  church  and  the  judiciary.  The  As- 
sembly exercised  legislative  power,  elected  nine  of  the 
thirteen  Senators,  had  control  over  the  budget  and 
over  the  executive  branch  of  the  government  which 
was  centered  in  the  person  of  the  President  of  the 
Senate.  The  Assembly  met  annually  for  several 
weeks.  The  Code  Napoleon  was  the  civil  law  of  the 
republic.  The  judiciary  was  entirely  independent  of 
the  legislative  and  executive  branches  of  the  govern- 
ment. A  small  army  of  five  hundred  militiamen 
was  put  under  the  command  of  the  President  of  the 
Senate.  In  .1818  the  original  aristocratic  character 
of  the  little  state  was  considerably  modified  by  the 
emancipation  of  the  peasant  serfs,  the  recognition  of 
full  freedom  of  speech  and  assembly,  the  prohibition 
of  confiscation  of  estates  and  the  guarantee  of  per- 
sonal immunity  from  arrest.  Owing  to  the  energy 
and  ability  of  the  first  President,  Count  Stanislav 
Wodzicki,  the  little  republic  soon  began  to  prosper 
economically  and  carried  on  a  brisk  trade  with  the 
other  sections  of  Poland.  On  account  of  its  political 
status,  historical  associations  and  ancient  university, 
Cracow  became  the  Mecca  of  the  Poles. 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      401 

Soon  after  the  treaty  of  the  Vienna  Congress  was 
signed  the  Prussian  troops  occupied  the  section  of  the 
country  that  was  apportioned  to  the 
Hohen'zollerns,  and  the  Polish  flag  fly- 
Posei  m£  °ver  the  City  Hall  of  Posen  was 

substituted  by  that  of  the  newly  created 
Duchy.  King  Friedrick  Wilhelm  III  in  an  address 
to  the  Poles  assured  them  that  they  would  not  be 
called  upon  to  renounce  their  nationality;  that  they 
would  have  a  share  in  the  constitutional  rights  he  was 
about  to  bestow  upon  his  Prussian  subjects  in  con- 
formity with  the  promise  made  by  him  during  the 
French  invasion ;  and  that  they  would  have  a  provin- 
cial constitution  of  their  own,  with  complete  freedom 
of  worship  and  national  education,  and  an  unob- 
structed right  to  use  their  native  tongue  in  private 
and  official  life.  He  appointed  Prince  Antoni  Radzi- 
will,  a  Pole,  related  by  marriage  to  the  Hohenzollerns, 
the  first  Governor  General  of  the  Duchy,  and  other 
high  offices  were  similarly  filled  by  Poles.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  create  a  special  German-Polish  military 
corps,  but  the  Poles  refused  to  serve  in  it.  At  first 
conditions  were  satisfactory,  but  in  a  short  time  re- 
action began  to  set  in.  First  the  districts  lying  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Vistula  were  severed  from  the 
Duchy,  annexed  to  West  Prussia  and  put  under  strict 
German  rule.  Then  attempts  at  changing  the  laws 
were  made  in  the  districts  where  there  was  the 
slightest  admixture  of  Germans.  The  Polish  officials 
were  removed  and  Prussians  appointed.  The  use  of 
the  Polish  language  in  the  administration  and  the 
judiciary  was  limited,  and  the  schools  lost  their 
purely  Polish  character  by  the  appointment  of  Ger- 
man teachers.  Radziwill  became  a  mere  figurehead. 
Prussian  officials  with  instructions  from  Berlin  be- 
came the  real  governors  of  the  Duchy,  and  the  old 


402  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

policy  of  playing  off  the  peasants  against  the  land-? 
owners  was  revived.  In  1824  the  Prussian  govern-1 
ment  abolished  serfdom  and  recognized  the  right  of 
the  Polish  peasants  to  the  land  they  tilled.  It  was  a 
very  inexpensive  way  of  gaining  the  loyalty  and  grati- 
tude of  the  peasants  and  of  arousing  bitter  class  an- 
tagonism between  the  two  strata  of  the  Polish  people. 
This  mischevious  principle  of  "divide  et  impera"  was 
subsequently  invoked  by  Austria  and  Russia  in  their 
dealings  with  Poland.  In  Silesia,  where  the  land- 
owners were  Germans  and  the  peasantry  indigenous 
Poles,  the  Prussian  government  was  less  liberal  and 
the  peasants  did  not  get  land  with  their  freedom. 
Here  the  government  favored  the  land  aristocracy. 
The  emancipation  of  the  peasants  was,  however,  a 
step  in  the  right  direction.  It  was  a  nearsighted 
policy  on  the  part  of  the  Polish  landowners  to  wait 
until  this  reform  had  been  brought  about  by  a  hostile 
government  and  exploited  for  the  purpose  of  sowing 
the  seeds  of  discord  between  the  higher  and  lower 
classes,  and  thus  preventing  solid  national  harmony 
and  unity  in  the  Duchy  of  Posen. 

In  Galicia  conditions  were  still  worse.  By 
making  the  landowners  responsible  for  the  collection 
Q  j.  .  of  taxes  from  their  peasants  the  govern- 

ment created  bitter  antagonism  between 
the  two  elements.  Moreover,  the  ultra-conservative 
Hapsburgian  government,  dominated  by  the  arch-re- 
actionary of  his  time,  Prince  Metternich,  did  even 
less  than  Prussia  to  promote  constitutional  and  liberal 
government  in  the  Polish  province  of  the  Empire. 
The  pledges  made  at  the  Congress  sank  into  complete 
oblivion.  At  first  a  semblance  of  a  representative 
government  was  introduced  in  the  form  of  a  very 
cumbersome  and  undemocratic  machinery,  but  it  was 
soon  superseded  by  a  rigid  administrative  bureau- 


The  Constitu- 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM  OF  POLAND      403 

cracy  which,  in  order  to  weaken  the  Poles  still  further, 
endeavored  to  foster  animosities  between  them  and 
their  Ruthenian  cousins  in  the  eastern  section  of  the 
province. 

The  most  liberal  rule  was  introduced  in  Russian 
Poland,   that   is   in   that   section   of  ancient   Poland 
which  was  established  by  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  as  a  sovereign  state   (etat) 

tion  of  the  i       ••   *_  «       •,     j  i  J.-A    A* 

Kingdom  of  a  which  was  united  by  a  constitution 
Poland  with  the  throne  of  Russia,"  and  to  which 

special  articles  of  the  treaty  of  Vienna 
were  devoted.  The  basis  of  the  union  was  the  consti- 
tution. The  above  quotecl  flexible  clause,  leaving  the 
form  of  internal  organization  to  the  discretion  of  the 
monarch  did  not  apply  to  this  part  of  Poland.  The 
boundaries  of  the  newly  created  kingdom  were  care- 
fully defined  by  the  Powers.  The  Tsar,  however,  ex- 
pressly reserved  to  himself  the  right  of  making  such 
additions  to  Poland  as  he  might  think  fit.  "This 
reservation  had  in  view  the  eventual  annexation  to 
the  Kingdom  of  Poland  of  at  least  two  parts  of  Lithu- 
ania." *  The  rights  of  the  Russian  Tsar  with  refer- 
ence to  it  were  predicated  on  the  existence  of  a  written 
constitution.  The  newr  Kingdom  was  a  distinct  state, 
united  with  Russia  in  the  person  of  the  monarch,  but 
not  incorporated  into  the  Empire.  Article  4  of  the 
existing  fundamental  laws  of  Russia  clearly  recog- 
nized this  relation  writh  reference  to  the  Kingdom  of 
Poland,  as  well  as  to  the  Great  Duchy  of  Finland. 
The  principles  of  the  Constitution  of  the  newly 
created  state  were  agreed  upon  by  the  Tsar  in  Vienna 
and  were  incorporated  in  a  document  signed  by  him 
on  May  25,  1815.  Accordingly  he  appointed  a  com- 
mission, with  Prince  Czartoryski  as  chairman,  to 

*Prof.    S.    Askenazy    "Poland    and    the    Polish    Revolution"    In: 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  vol  X,  p.  446. 


TheKINGDOMofPOLAND 

as  reconstructed  .by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna 

1815 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      405 

work  out  a  draft  of  the  constitution  which,  on  No- 
vember 27,  1815,  he  solemnly  sealed.  It  was  pro- 
claimed on  December  24th  of  the  same- year,  and  the 
temporary  government  which  had  been  set  up  in  1813 
under  the  direction  of  Lanskoy  and  Novosiltsoff  was 


FIG.    185— THE    RUSSIAN    GRAND   DUKE    CONSTANTINE 

abolished.  The  two  Russian  plenipotentiaries  re- 
mained, however,  in  Warsaw,  as  did  the  Tsar's 
brother,  Grand  Duke  Constantine,  whom  the  Tsar 
appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Polish  army. 


406  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Constantine  was  a  born  despot,  a  man  of  unbridled 
temper,  a  maniacal  pedant  who  nourished  an  invet- 
erate contumely  for  constitutional  government. 
Though  he  had  a  liking  for  the  Poles,  yet  his  uncouth 
manners  and  severe  military  dicipline,  with  heavy 
corporal  punishment  for  the  slightest  infringments 
of  it,  made  his  presence  in  Warsaw  a  source  of  gen- 
eral discontent  and  irritation.  The  Polish  officers 
of  the  higher  and  lower  ranks,  accustomed  as  they 
were  to  gentlemanly  treatment  and  honorable  deal- 
ings, felt  outraged  by  the  Muscovite  behavior  of  the 
Grand  Duke,  and  many  of  them  committed  suicide 
in  despair.  His  cruelty  knew  no  bounds.  Revolt- 
ing accounts  are  given  of  the  tortures  inflicted  on 
prisoners.  The  Grand  Duke's  wantonness  had  the 
effect  of  undoing  all  the  liberties  the  constitution 
guaranteed.  Numerous  persons  were  thrown  into 
prison  at  his  whim.  Students  were  put  to  labor  in 
paving  and  repairing  streets.  He  became  a  veritable 
terror  of  Warsaw.  Czartoryski  was  hampered  by 
him  in  his  preliminary  work  of  organization,  and  in- 
timated to  the  Tsar  the  desirability  of  his  removal. 
But  the  clique  at  the  St.  Petersburg  Court  and  the 
influential  elements  of  Russia,  who  opposed  tooth- 
and-nail  all  the  plans  of  the  Tsar  with  reference  to 
Poland,  which,  in  their  judgment  were  dangerous  to 
the  Empire  and  deprived  thousands  of  Russians  of 
lucrative  positions  in  the  newly  acquired  country, 
prevailed  and  his  recall  was  not  effected.  Similarly 
impossible  was  the  removal  of  Lanskoy  and  Novosilt- 
soff,  who  enjoyed  their  extremely  well  paid  situa- 
tions, and  who,  pretending  to  be  devoted  friends  of 
Poland,  were,  in  reality,  her  worst  enemies.  They 
kept  the  court  camarilla  at  St.  Petersburg  advised  of 
every  movement  in  Polish  life  and  directed  all  the 
efforts  at  destroying  the  liberal  constitution  of  the 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      407 


FIG.    ISC— PRINCE   ADAM   CZARTORYSKI    (1770-1861) 


408  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Kingdom.  It  was  at  Novosiltsoff  s  insistence  that 
the  old  Polish  principle  of  "neminem  captivabimus, 
nisi  jure  victum"  was  substituted  by  "neminem  capti- 
vari  permittemus,  nisi  jure  victum,"  and  thus  the 
power  of  illegal  imprisonment  was  made  a  preroga- 
tive of  the  Crown  or  its  representatives. 

The  principal  provisions  of  the  constitution 
signed  by  Emperor  Alexander  I  guaranteed  freedom 
of  religious  worship,  equality  of  all  citizens  before  the 
law,  freedom  of  speech  and  inviolability  of  private 
property.  The  Polish  language  was  to  be  used  in  all 
branches  of  the  government  as  well  as  in  the  army. 
All  offices  were  to  be  filled  by  Poles  exclusively.  The 
legislative  power  was  to  be  vested  in  a  Diet  composed 
of  a  Senate  and  a  Chamber  of  Deputies.  The  ex- 
ecutive power  was  entrusted  to  an  Administrative 
Council  composed  of  the  Viceroy  and  five  Ministers, 
all  appointed  by  the  Tsar  of  Russia  in  his  capacity  as 
King  of  Poland.  He  also  appointed  a  Secretary  of 
State,  whose  function  it  was  to  act  as  intermediary 
between  the  King  and  the  country.  The  Ministers 
were  responsible  before  the  Diet,  and  countersigned 
all  royal  decrees  as  well  as  those  of  the  Viceroy. 
During  the  absence  of  the  King  his  power  was  vested 
in  the  State  Council,  composed  of  the  Viceroy,  the 
Ministers,  special  counsellors  and  referees.  The 
State  Council's  chief  duties  were  to  prepare  proposals 
for  legislative  enactments.  For  administrative  pur- 
poses the  country  was  divided  into  eight  provinces, 
headed  by  woyevodas.  The  judiciary  was  made  in- 
dependent of  the  executive  branch  of  the  government. 
The  judges  were  appointed  for  life  and  could  not  be 
recalled.  All  citizens,  without  distinction  of  social 
status  and  religion  had  equal  rights  at  the  courts. 
The  competence  of  the  criminal  courts  did  not  include 
cases  of  high  treason  or  offences  of  high  state  officials. 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      40'J 

Such  cases  were  tried  by  the  Diet  sitting  as  a  Court. 
The  King-  was  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Polish 
army,  whose  size  depended  upon  the  budgetary  ap- 
propriations of  the  Diet.  The  constitution  provided 
that  the  Polish  army  could  not  be  used  outside  of 
the  boundaries  of  Europe.  The  command  and  uni- 
forms of  the  army  were  Polish.  The  coronation  of 
the  King  was  to  take  place  at  Warsaw.  A  Polish 
Viceroy  was  the  representative  of  the  King  in  civil 
matters,  and  the  Polish  language  was  recognized  as 
the  official  language  of  the  kingdom.  The  constitu- 
tion prohibited  deportations  to  Siberia. 

Such  were  the  main  provisions  of  the  constitu- 
tion which  was  worked  out  by  the  Czartoryski  Com- 
mittee and  sanctioned  by  Tsar  Alexander  I.  It  was 
very  liberal  when  contrasted  with  the  preceding  con- 
stitutions and  when  considered  in  the  light  of  the 
reactionary  currents  which  prevailed  in  Europe  since 
the  unholy  "Holy  Alliance."  Official  as  well  as  un- 
official Russia  was  much  displeased  with  it,  and 
brought  strong  pressure  to  bear  upon  the  Emperor  to 
dissuade  him  from  adopting  it,  and  particularly  from 
extending  it  to  Lithuania,  Podolia  and  Ukraine.  The 
famous  Russian  historian,  Karamzin,  wrote  to  the  Tsar 
reminding  him  that  he  had  no  right  to  separate  the 
Polish  provinces  that  were  added  to  Russia  in  Cather- 
ine's time.  "Our  sword  conquered  Poland  and  this  is 
our  law,"  he  wrote.  The  Tsar,  however,  would  not  allow 
himself  to  be  swayed  from  his  sworn  pledges.  He 
came  to  Warsaw  on  November  12, 1818,  and  charmed 
everybody  by  his  cordiality  and  apparent  frankness. 
He  said  he  knew  of  the  outrages  of  his  brother  Con- 
stantine,  but  did  not  think  it  politic  to  recall  him 
because  he  would  then  become  an  enemy  of  the  Poles 
and  would  work  against  them.  He  advised  the 
people  to  suffer  him  and  to  coax  him  as  well  as  the 


410  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

other  Russians  into  friendship,  and  then  added:  "I 
desire  to  unite  you  with  Lithuania,  Podolia  and 
Ukraine,  but  this  requires  patience  and  confidence  on 
your  part  and  dexterity  on  mine.  It  is  necessary  to 
steal  Poland  from  the  Russians.  ("II  faut  aux  Russes 
escamoter  la  Pologne.")  Such  utterances  on  the  part 
of  the  Russian  monarch  were  received  with  delight 
and  gave  rise  to  great  hopes  for  the  future.  His 


FIG.   187— GEN.   JOSEPH   ZAYONCZEK 


failure,  however,  to  appoint  Prince  Czartoryski,  the 
author  of  the  Constitution,  to  the  post  of  Viceroy, 
was  a  severe  disappointment.  Public  opinion  desig- 
nated him  for  this  exalted  office.  Czartoryski's  char- 
acter and  intimate  comradeship  with  the  Emperor 
made  him  peculiarly  fit  for  the  position  in  the  popular 
mind.  General  Zayonczek,  upon  whom  this  great 
honor  was  bestowed  at  the  request  of  the  Grand 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM  OF  POLAND      411 

Duke  Constantine,  was  a  man  whose  servility  to 
foreign  interests  was  demonstrated  during  the  Napo- 
leonic period.  Elevated  to  high  rank  by  Napoleon, 
he  became  entirely  devoted  to  him,  and  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  sacrifice  Poland's  interests  to  those  of  the 
French  Emperor.  He  was  a  man  of  narrow  mind 
and  haughty  demeanor,  and  his  attitude  to  Prince 
Joseph  Poniatowski,  when  the  latter  was  War  Min- 
ister of  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  was  so  distasteful  and 
so  humiliating  to  national  dignity  that  the  news  of 
his  appointment  as  Viceroy  was  received  in  Poland 
with  a  feeling  bordering  on  consternation.  Unfor- 
tunately the  fear  of  the  people  was  wholly  justified. 
He  became  a  pliable  tool  in  the  hands  of  Constantine 
and  the  Russian  agent  Novosiltsoff,  and  never  so 
much  as  attempted  to  protest  against  the  violations 
of  the  constitution  on  the  part  of  the  Russians.  The 
protests  of  the  press  and  of  some  members  of  the  Diet 
were  of  no  avail. 

Echoes  of  the  happenings  in  Spain,  Naples  and 
France  between  the  years  1818  and  1820,  reverber- 
ated in  the  Polish  press  and  served  as 
Reaction  an  excuse  ^or  introducing  a  government 

censorship  on  periodic  publications,  ex- 
tended presently  to  all  prints  and  books.  At  the 
opening  of  the  second  Diet  in  1820,  Alexander  warned 
the  country  against  adopting  the  dangerous  West 
European  liberalism.  He  also  expressed  great  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  proceedings  of  the  Diet,  at 
which  two  government  measures,  one  relating  to  the 
method  of  criminal  procedure  and  the  other  to  the 
method  of  fixing  responsibility  upon  the  ministers, 
were  rejected.  He  realized  that  the  Diet  did  not 
propose  to  be  used  as  a  rubber  stamp  for  all  official 
measures  and  resolved  to  curb  it.  In  the  words  of 
Byron: 


412  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

"How  nobly  gave  he  back  to  Poles  their  Diet, 
Then  told  pugnacious  Poland  to  be  quiet." 

Thanks  only  to  the  great  abilities  of  Prince  Xavier 
Lubecki,  the  Minister  of  Finance,  was  it  possible  to 
avert  difficulties  over  the  budget  which,  in  violation 
of  the  constitution,  was  not  submitted  to  the  Diet  for 
approval.  Moreover,  the  budget  did  not  specify  the 


FIG.    188— PRINCE  XAVIER   I..UBECKI,   FINANCE   MINISTER    OF   THE 
CONGRESSIONAL  KINGDOM 


items  of  appropriation,  and  in  this  way  afforded 
means  for  an  illegal  diversion  of  moneys.  By  per- 
xsuasive  presentations  at  St.  Petersburg,  Lubecki  was 
able  to  save  the  treasury  from  being  drained  for  un- 
authorized purposes.  He  was  also  able  to  raise  suf- 
ficient taxes  to  preserve  the  organization  of  the 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM  OF  POLAND      413 

Kingdom.  The  Emperor  had  already  intimated  that 
in  view  of  the  deficit  "it  would  be  necessary  to  change 
the  form  of  organization  of  the  Kingdom  in  such  a 
way  as  to  enable  it  to  be  self-supporting.''*  It  was 
due  to  the  genius  and  energy  of  Lubecki  that  suf- 
ficient sums  were  raised  and  the  need  of  changing  the 
constitutional  groundwork  of  the  Kingdom  was  ob- 
viated. He  also  contributed  greatly  to  the  upbuilding 
of  the  country.  Thanks  to  his  initiative  a  Land 
Owners'  Credit  Association  was  organized  in  1825, 
and  four  years  later  he  founded  the  Bank  of  Poland 
at  Warsaw.  In  spite  of  his  great  achievements  the 
Finance  Minister  was  hated  in  Poland  because  of  his 
inconsiderateness,  and  because  of  his  unbounded  de- 
votion and  loyalty  to  Russia. 

The  growing  disregard  for  the  Constitution  on 
the  part  of  the  Russian  Emperor  and  his  representa- 
tives affected  public  life  generally.  The  press  was 
trammeled  by  a  severe  censorship.  Public  education 
next  came  under  the  careful  scrutiny  of  the  Govern- 
ment, with  a  view  of  blotting  out  any  liberal  doctrines 
which  might  possibly  find  their  way  into  the  minds  of 
the  youth.  To  achieve  this  end  the  Government  en- 
couraged the  aggressiveness  of  the  Church  and  wel- 
comed religious  interference  in  educational  matters. 
The  great  educator,  Stanislav  Kostka  Potocki,  who 
had  done  so  much  to  raise  educational  standards  and 
to  fight  obscurantism,  was  forced  to  resign  his  posi- 
tion as  Minister  of  Education  in  spite  of  his  brilliant 
achievements,  chief  among  which  was  the  founding 
of  the  University  of  Warsaw  in  1838.  He  was  a  Free 
Mason  and  an  enemy  of  religious  hypocrisy  which  he 
so  vividly  depicted  in  his  novel  called  "The  Journey 
to  Darktown."  It  was  through  his  efforts  that  Pius 

*Smolenski,  1.  c.  Vol.  IV,' p.  68. 


414  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

VII  ordered  the  closing  of  about  a  score  of  cloisters  in 
Poland.  With  the  hydra  of  reaction  raising  its  head 
high,  a  man  of  such  convictions  as  Potocki,  though 
entirely  faithful  to  the  Government  and  recognized 
as  the  greatest  authority  in  educational  matters,  had 
to  go,  clearing  the  way  for  one  Szaniawski,  a  man  of 
considerable  intellectual  attainment  but  devoid  of 
moral  principle.  He  began  his  career  as  a  revolu- 
tionary and  ended  it  as  a  reactionary,  of  so  obtuse  a 
type  as  to  fit  him  for  the  holding  of  a  ministerial  post 
in  the  Polish  constitutional  cabinet  of  Alexander  I 
toward  the  end  of  that  monarch's  life,  when  he  finally 
succumbed  to  the  form  of  dementia  known  as  re- 
ligious mysticism.  The  standard  of  the  schools  soon 
declined  under  the  strict  police  regime  of  Szaniawski 
and  his  associates,  who  stifled  every  expression  of 
independent  thought  or  action.  This  coincided  with 
the  high  tide  of  reaction  which  flooded  the  whole  of 
Europe  at  the  time,  and  caused  the  transformation  of 
societies  like  those  of  the  Free  Masons  and  the  Car- 
bonari into  secret  political  organizations.  Greece, 
Italy  and  Spain  lived  through  revolutions,  and  politi- 
cal attentats  were  not  infrequent  in  France  and  Ger- 
many. The  members  of  the  Holy  Alliance  met  fre- 
quently, and  after  each  successive  conference  the 
repressions  in  their  respective  countries  became 
stricter  and  more  unbearable.  Emperor  Alexander 
attended  all  these  conferences,  and  grew  more  con- 
vinced of  the  dangers  of  liberalism  and  constitution- 
alism. The  arbitrariness  of  Constantine,  who  had  an 
inborn  aversion  to  all  popular  rights,  knew  no  bounds 
as  the  estrangement  of  his  sovereign  brother  from  his 
former  beliefs  grew  wider.  There  was  no  such  thing 
as  personal  safety  in  constitutional  Poland.  People 
were  arrested  and  thrown  into  dungeons  on  the 
slightest  provocation.  The  prisons  were  overcrowded 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      415 

and  the  suspects  subjected  to  cruel  inquisitions.  The 
progressive  sections  of  the  Code  Napoleon  were 
eliminated,  a  new  reactionary  criminal  code  intro- 
duced and  flogging  made  legal.  The  army  was  cleared 
of  all  the  officers  who  had  served  in  the  Napo- 
leonic campaigns  and  who  had  a  gentlemanly  concep- 
tion of  honor.  Mechanical  drill  and  lifeless  routine 
took  the  place  of  old  gallantry.  The  maniacal  Con- 
stantine  was  so  given  over  to  the  observance  of  rules 
that  the  best  officers  were  compelled  to  resign  for 
breaks  of  the  most  trivial  character.  The  Diet 
objected  to  all  these  flagrant  violations  of  the  funda- 
mental laws  of  the  land,  and  was  finally  muzzled  by 
an  imperial  order  prohibiting  the  publication  of  Diet 
debates. 

In  the  year  1825  Alexander  died  and  Russia 
expected  the  advent  of  Constantine  to  the  throne 
of  the  Tsars.  When  the  news  of  his 
resignation,  on  account  of  his  marriage 
Societies  to  a  Polish  woman,  Joan  Grudzinska, 

became  known,  it  created  general  unrest 
throughout  the  Empire,  of  which  the  Russian  revolu- 
tionaries decided  to  take  advantage  in  order  to  bring 
about  a  change  in  the  form  of  government.  The 
attempt  was  doomed  to  failure  on  account  of  the  un- 
preparedness  of  the  masses.  Even  the  troops  which 
supported  the  Dekabrists  (the  name  by  which  the 
revolutionaries  were  known)  and  shouted:  "Long 
live^Constantine  and  the  Constitution,"  thought  that 
the  constitution  was  the  Grand  Duke's  wife.  Tragic 
was  Poland's  lot  to  be  united  with  a  nation  of  such 
political  immaturity !  Alexander's  successor,  Nicholas 
I,  was  a  true  incarnation  of  Russia's  spirit  of  that 
time.  His  arbitrary  character  and  the  deep  con- 
tempt of  the  despot  for  every  expression  of  indi- 
vidualism and  freedom  augured  ill  for  Poland.  Al-  ' 


16 


416  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.    1S9— THE    UNIVERSITY    OF   WITjNO    AND    THE    CHURCH    OF    ST.    JOHN 
(On  the  right  hand  side  is  a  Russian  Orthodox  Church) 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      417 

though  he  swore  to  maintain  the  Polish  Constitution, 
his  determination  to  do  away  even  with  the  semblance 
of  constitutional  government  which  remained  to  the 
ill-fated  country  in  the  valley  of  the  Vistula  was  un- 
mistakably demonstrated  by  his  acts.  He  failed  to 
appoint  a  Viceroy  after  Zayonczek's  death  in  1826, 
and  intensified  the  ruthless  Russification  policy  inau- 
gurated by  his  predecessor  in  Lithuania. 

The    conditions    prevailing   in    Poland   were   as 

paradise  in  comparison  with  what  was  going  on  in 

Lithuania,  a  country  of  fine  Polish  cul- 

Persecutions  .    '  J  ,        , 

in  Lithuania  ture,  with  numerous  schools  and  a 
celebrated  university  at  Wilno.  The 
Congress  of  Vienna  did  not  guarantee  a  constitution 
to  Lithuania  and  Alexander,  "the  crafty  Greek"  as 
Napoleon  called  him,  did  not  try  "to  steal  her  away 
from  Russia,"  as  he  intimated  he  would  do.  That 
section  of  the  Polish  Republic  was  completely  at  the 
mercy  of  his  minions.  Some  petty  disturbances  in  a 
boys'  high  school  in  1822  were  taken  as  an  excuse  for 
wholesale  arrests  and  inhuman  persecution  by  the 
same  Novosiltsoff,  who  at  one  time  had  affected  great 
friendship  for  Poland.  Many  young  men  were 
exiled  to  Siberia;  prominent  university  professors 
who  betrayed  patriotic  tendencies  were  dismissed; 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  University  of  Wilno 
were  curtailed;  and  finally, two  years  before  his  death, 
Alexander  proclaimed  his  famous  manifesto  against 
all  attempts  at  a  reunion  with  "the  injudicious  Polish 
nation,"  and  ordered  that  henceforth  all  instruction 
in  Lithuania  and  other  Polish  provinces  outside  of 
the  Congressional  Kingdom  should  be  carried -on  in 
the.  Russian  language,  and  that  all  "excessive  reason- 
ing should  be  condemned.*  Small  wonder  that  under 


*  J.  Grabiec,  Dzieje  Narodu  Polskiego,  p.  286. 


418 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


such  conditions  a  large  number  of  secret  patriotic 
societies  arose  all  over  Poland  and  Lithuania  with  an 
avowed  aim  of  liberating  Poland  from  Russian  mis- 
rule. Some  of  the  societies  had  existed  in  Poland 
for  a  long  time.  There  always  had  been  a  party  op- 
posed to  any  compromise  with  Russia,  skeptical  of  the 


FIG.    190— MAJOR    VALERIAN    LUKASIrtSKI,    PATRIOT    AND    MARTYR, 
FOUNDER    OF   THE   PATRIOTIC   SOCIETY   OF   WARSAW 

possibility  of  a  symbiosis  with  that  nation.  Other 
societies  came  into  existence  when  Alexander's  true 
designs  became  apparent.  They  had  members  all 
over  the  country,  among  university  students  as  well 
as  among  older  and  more  mature  men.  The  Patriotic 
Society  of  Warsaw,  founded  by  Major  Valerian 
Lukasinski,  exercised  a  considerable  influence.  At 
first  it  was  a  Free  Mason  lodge,  but  when  these 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      419 

lodges  came  under  the  ban  of  the  law  it  took  on  the 
aspect  of  a  secret  society,  known  at  first  as  that  of 
the  National  Carbonari  and  subsequently  as  the  Na- 
tional Patriotic  Society.  It  grew  in  membership  as 
the  Russian  atrocities  increased  and  established  a 
number  of  provincial  branches.  When  its  existence 
became  known  to  Constantine,  Lukasinski  and  his  as- 
sociates were  arrested  and  put  through  a  "third 
degree"  trial,  notorious  for  its  cruelty,  and  which  was 
repeated  afterward  in  another  connection.  In  Poland 
the  name  of  Lukasinski  became  a  common  designa- 


FIG.    191— THOMAS   ZAN,    LEADER   OF   THE  WILNO   UNIVERSITY   STUDENTS 

tion  for  intense  suffering  and  inhuman  torture.  *  Con- 
trary to  the  constitutional  law  of  the  land  the  leaders 
of  the  Society  were  tried  by  a  martial  court,  and 
though  nothing  except  the  practice  of  free  masonry 
could  be  established  against  them,  they  were  sen- 
tenced to  many  years  of  hard  labor.  The  Lithuanian 
societies  had  at  first  a  purely  literary  and  scientific 
character.  Such  were  the  fraternities  of  university 
students  known  as  the  Philomaths,  Philarets  and 
others.  Young  men  gathered  there,  read  classic 
works  and  presented  their  own  productions,  and  dis- 


420  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

cussed  social  and  scientific  problems.  Novosiltsoff 
suspected  revolutionary  tendencies,  and  disapproved 
of  the  societies  because  they  were  centres  whence  Po- 
lish culture  radiated  and  retarded  the  progress  of  Rus- 
sification.  Among  the  members  of  these  societies 
were  men  who  subsequently  became  Poland's  great- 
est poets,  scientists,  statesmen  and  patriots.  The 
above  mentioned  manifesto  of  Alexander'!  abolished 
all  these  societies.  The  most  promising  young  men, 
such  as  Adam  Mickiewicz  and  Thomas  Zan,  were 
either  exiled  to  Siberia  or  interned  in  remote  provinces 
of  Russia.  Like  Joachim  Lelewel,  many  of  the  uni- 
versity professors  lost  their  positions.  Prince  Adam 
Czartoryski  was  relieved  of  his  office  of  Curator  of 
Education,  and  his  place  was  taken  by  the  rabidly 
anti-Polish  Novosiltsoff.  The  University  of  Wilno 
declined  rapidly  and  the  Russification  of  the  country 
was  begun  in  an  intensive  manner. 

The   "Dekabrist"   revolution   in   Russia   had   its 

frightful  echo  in  Poland.     During  the  inquest  of  the 

St.    Petersburg    revolution    the    prose- 

The  Trial  of        cutors  came  across  some  evidence  involv- 

JheIpoeiisSh°f  in£  the  Polish  National  Patriotic  Soc- 
NationaiPa-  ^Y-  The  first  two  months  of  1826 
triotic  Society  witnessed  an  orgy  of  arrests  in  Poland. 
Convents,  palaces,  town  halls  and  jails 
were  filled  with  prisoners,  and  Constantine  and  Novo- 
siltsoff raged  in  their  fury.  All  remembered  Lukas- 
inski's  trial  and  trembled  for  the  fate  of  the  arrested. 
The  preliminary  inquiries  lasted  a  whole  year  and 
the  nation  had  become  greatly  depressed.  Novosilt- 
soff endeavored  to  bring  the  trial  before  a  court  mar- 
tial, and  thanks  only  to  the  great  influence  of  Prince 
Lubecki  at  St.  Petersburg,  law  prevailed  and  the  ac- 
cused were  granted  a  trial  before  the  Senate  sitting 
as  a  court  of  justice.  The  atmosphere  of  Warsaw 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM  OF  POLAND      421 

was  very  heavy.  There  was  hardly  a  family  that  did 
not  have  one  or  more  of  its  members  among  the  ac- 
cused. The  trial  was  the  object  upon  which  the 
thought  of  the  whole  nation  concentrated.  All  per- 
formances, gathering's,  balls  and  games  were  sus- 
pended during  its  duration.  It  was  universally 
realized  that  grave  matters  were  at  stake.  On  its 
outcome  hinged  the  question  of  whether  the  Poles 
had  a  right  to  resent  the  violation  on  the  part  of 
Russia  of  the  rights  guaranteed  to  them  by  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna.  On  June  10,  1828,  the  long  awaited 
moment  came.  The  Senators  announced  their  deci- 
sion. With  only  the  t\vo  exceptions  of  Vincent 
Krasinski  and  Czarnecki,  they  declared  unanimously 
that  the  accused  were  not  guilty  of  high  treason, 
but  merely  of  belonging  to  secret  societies,  which 
were  prohibited  by  law,  and  sentenced  them  accord- 
ingly. The  decision  was  received  with  enthusiasm 
throughout  Poland.  It  was  felt  that  Poland's  honor 
had  been  saved.  In  their  arguments  the  Senators 
pointed  out  that  the  accused,  acting  in  defence  of 
their  rights  guaranteed  to  Poland  by  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  and  sworn  to  by  the  Tsars  of  Russia,  exer- 
cised their  constitutional  prerogatives  in  endeavoring 
to  preserve  the  integrity  of  their  nation.  The  judg- 
ment of  the  Court  was  resented  by  the  Tsar.  By  an 
imperial  rescript  publication  of  the  opinion  of  the 
Senate  was  forbidden  and  all  the  accused  men  were 
exiled  to  Siberia.  This  opened  the  eyes  of  the  most 
conservative  among  the  Poles  as  to  how  Russia 
understood  and  respected  constitutional  rights. 

While  the  older  and  more  conservative  men  were 
deeply  mortified  over  the  slate  of  affairs  the  younger 
spirits  flared  up  in  indignation.  The  fire  of  patriotic 
exaltation  inflamed  the  minds  of  a  group  of  sub-ser- 
geants, who  were  studying  military  arts  in  a  school 


422  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

organized  by  Constantine  at  the  summer  palace  of 
the  late  King  Poniatowski.  A  young  lieutenant  by  the 
name  of  Peter  Wysocki,  a  hothead  without  experience 
or  executive  ability,  conceived  the  idea  of  reviving  the 
Patriotic  Society  founded  by  Lukasinski,  and  enlisted 
the  co-operation  of  the  sub-sergeants.  The  society 
was  organized  in  December,  1828,  and  the  young  men 
swore  to  offer  their  lives  in  defence  of  the  liberties  of 
their  country  and  to  spread  broadcast  the  gospel  of 
freedom. 

About  this  time  a  war  broke  out  between  Russia 
and  Turkey.  Austria  secretly  backed  Turkey,  and 
as  usual  in  such  dangerous  times  the 
foreign  governments  became  milder  in 
SSH!?'  their  dealings  with  the  Poles.  The 
at  Warsaw  bureaucratic  oppression  in  Galicia  was 
made  less  severe  and  there  was  a  let-up 
in  the  Russian  persecutions  in  Lithuania.  In  May, 
1829,  Tsar  Nicholas  I  decided  to  come  to  Warsaw  for 
his  coronation  as  King  of  Poland.  Wysocki  and  his 
associates  planned  to  take  advantage  of  the  occasion 
and  to  start  a  revolution.  Calmer  judgment  pre- 
vailed, however,  and  they  agreed  to  postpone  action 
until  the  meeting  of  the  Diet,  which,  although  the 
constitution  provided  biennial  sessions,  was  only  the 
fourth  since  the  Congress  of  Vienna  and  was  bound 
to  break  up  in  a  deadlock  with  the  Government.  The 
Diet  met  in  May,  1830,  and  proved  indeed  to  be  as 
recalcitrant  and  independent  as  its  immediate  pre- 
decessors. The  Deputies  refused  to  vote  money  for 
the  erection  of  a  statue  to  Alexander  I  as  well  as  to 
give  the  Church  jurisdiction  in  matrimonial  matters 
and  they  did  not  mince  words  in  criticising  the 
Government.  The  Tsar,  who  attended  the  session 
was  greatly  displeased  with  their  behavior  and  left 
the  city  fully  determined  to  abolish  the  Constitution. 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM   OF  POLAND      423 

He  did  not,  however,  prorogue  the  Diet  and  failed  to 
give  the  awaited  signal  for  an  uprising. 

In   July    the   news    of   the    revolution    in    Paris 

reached  Warsaw.     The  Bourbon  King,  placed  on  the 

throne  of  France  at  the  intervention  of 

The  Outbreak  ,  , 

of  the  Uprising  foreign  powers,  was  deposed,  and  a 
more  liberal  constitution  adopted. 
Shortly  afterwards  some  of  the  Italian  states  rose 
against  Austria,  and  the  Belgian  people  revolted 
against  the  Dutch  rule.  These  revolutions  had  a 
stimulating  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  redblooded 
Poles.  The  society  of  the  sub-sergeants  carried  on 
feverish  propaganda,  but  it  had  nobody  big  and 
popular  enough  to  organize  and  direct  a  successful 
campaign  against  Russia.  Perspicacious  men  such 
as  Maurice  Mochnacki  urged  the  leader  of  the  revo- 
lutionaries to  make  adequate  preparations  before 
starting  the  conflagration.  He  begged  Wysocki  to 
organize  a  strong  revolutionary  government  that 
should  take  the  reins  of  the  movement  into  their 
hands  lest  it  disintegrate.  Wysocki  refused  to  heed 
the  advice.  He  was  convinced  that  all  that  was 
needed  was  the  starting  of  the  revolution,  and  then 
the  nation  would  unanimously  support  it  and  the 
regular  government  would  take  care  of  all  the  neces- 
saries. He,  as  well  as  others,  thought  that  when  the 
crisis  came  the  greatest  of  the  nation  would  immedi- 
ately cluster  around  the  banner  of  the  revolution  and 
that  General  Joseph  Chlopicki,  the  one-time  hero  of 
the  Legions,  by  popular  acclaim,  would  become  the 
military  dictator  and  would  lead  the  nation  to  victory. 
In  his  enthusiasm  the  youthful  patriot  overestimated 
the  moral  strength  and  political  wisdom  of  "the 
known  and  trusted  in  the  nation,"  and,  regardless  of 
persuasions,  went  on  true  to  his  convictions.  Novo- 
siltsofT  saw  what  was  going  on  and  hurriedly  left  for 


424  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

St.  Petersburg,  as  did  also  some  Polish  dignitaries 
who  were  hated  by  the  people.  Revolutionary  pam- 
phlets were  circulated  among  the  people  and  oc- 
casionally some  jester  would  post  on  the  door  of  the 
Palace  of  Belvedere,  the  residence  of  Constantine,  a 
notice:  "House  for  rent."  Constantine  seemed  to 
give  little  credence  to  the  wild  stories  which  were 
being  circulated  about  an  uprising  but  the  secret 
police  was  diligently  at  work  and  could,  at  any 
moment,  unearth  the  conspiracy.  It  was  necessary 
to  act  promptly.  To  make  things  worse,  Nicholas, 
who  considered  himself  honor-bound  to  crush  all 
revolutions  no  matter  where  they  occurred,  was 
getting  ready  to  send  an  expedition  against  the  rest- 
less spirits  of  France  and  Belgium,  and  ordered  some 
Polish  regiments  for  that  duty.  This  -was  like  pour- 
ing oil  on  a  smouldering  fire.  The  29th  of  November 
was  set  for  the  beginning  of  the  uprising.  At  a  given 
hour  one  detachment  of  conspirators  was  to  enter  the 
Belvedere  Palace  and  to  assassinate  Constantine.  An- 
other was  charged  with  the  duty  of  disarming  the 
Lithuanian  guard  that  was  attached  to  the  Grand 
Duke  in  his  capacity  as  Military  Commander  of  the 
Lithuanian  and  Ruthenian  provinces.  It  was  a  body 
of  men  sixty-five  hundred  strong,  well  equipped  and 
possessing  considerable  ordnance.  In  order  to  dis- 
arm this  guard  it  was  necessary  to  descend  upon  them 
unexpectedly,  and  to  do  the  work  quietly  and 
promptly.  Simultaneously,  another  detachment  was 
to  rouse  the  population  of  the  city  and  to  gather  the 
Polish  army  stationed  in  the  barracks.  None  of  the 
plans  were  carried  through  successfully.  Constan- 
tine crept  under  his  wife's  very  voluminous  skirts  and 
could  not  be  found.  Instead,  the  conspirators  killed 
his  lieutenant  and  the  vice-president  of  Warsaw,  a 
contemptible  Polish  spy  who  happened  to  be  at  the 


CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA  AND  KINGDOM  OF  POLAND      425 

palace.  When  somebody,  mistaking  the  lieutenant 
for  the  Grand  Duke,  cried  out  that  Constantine  was 
dead  the  conspirators  hastily  departed.  A  few  com- 
panies of  the  ducal  guards  were,  in  the  meantime,  ap- 
proaching the  Belvedere  in  great  haste.  Their  dis- 
arming was  unsuccessful,  as  the  signals  failed  to 
work,  and  not  all  of  the  Polish  regiments  joined  the 
conspirators.  The  populace,  however,  took  posses- 
sion of  the  arsenal,  and  carried  away  all  the  rifles  and 
cartridges.  Several  Polish  generals,  who  refused  to 
join  the  revolutionaries,  paid  the  penalty  of  death. 
Flaming  beacons  in  the  streets  cast  their  lurid  gleam 
afar  on  the  eventful  night  of  November  29,  1830, 
which  marks  the  beginning  of  another  Polish  war 
against  foreign  oppression. 


FIG.    192— THE    EXILES'    MARCH    TO    SIBERIA 

CHAPTER  XVIII 
The  War  With  Russia  and  the  Aftermath 

Adam  Czartoryski  said  that  the  war  with  Rus- 
sia,   precipitated   by   the   conspiracy   of   the    young 
patriots  on   November  29.  1830,  came 

Causes  of  the  •, ,  ,  ,    ,  c 

Polish  Failure       Clther     tO°     early     °r     tO°     late-       S°me 

writers  think  that  it  should  have  been 
opened  in  1828,  when  Russia  was  experiencing  re- 
verses in  Turkey,  and  was  least  able  to  spare  any 
considerable  forces  for  a  war  with  Poland.  Many 
military  critics,  among  them  the  foremost  Russian 
writer,  General  Puzyrewski,  maintained  that  in  spite 
of  the  inequality  of  resources  of  the  two  countries, 
Poland  had  all  the  chances  of  holding  her  own  against 
Russia  if  the  campaign  had  been  managed  skillfully. 
Russia  sent  over  a  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  well 
trained  men  against  Poland's  seventy  thousand, 
twenty  thousand  of  whom  were  fresh  recruits  who 
entered  the  service  at  the  opening  of  hostilities.  "In 
view  of  this,  one  would  think  that  not  only  was  the 
result  of  the  struggle  undoubted,  but  its  course  should 
have  been  something  of  a  triumphant  march  for  the 
infinitely  stronger  party.  Instead,  the  war  lasted 
eight  months,  with  often  doubtful  success.  At 
times  the  balance  seemed  to  tip  decidedly  to  the  side 


WAR  .WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          427 

of  the  weaker  adversary  who  dealt  not  only  hard 
blows,  but  even  ventured  daring  offensives."*  When 
this  war  ended  in  the  defeat  of  Poland  it  was  not  the 
fault  of  the  Polish  soldier  who  does  not  know  fear 
and  who  is  ever  ready  to  offer  his  life  upon  the  altar 
of  his  country;  it  was  not  the  fault  of  the  country 
which  made  all  sacrifices  in  the  name  of  the  cause 
for  which  the  war  had  been  declared  and  never  tired 
of  giving  support  in  both  life  and  money;  it  was 
rather  the  fault  of  the  military  leaders  in  whom  the 
people  had  supreme  confidence,  and  upon  whom  they 
bestowed  dictatorial  power. 

It  had  so  long  been  preached  in   Poland  that 
anarchy  and  a  lack  of  concord  were  the  causes  of 

national  downfall  that  when  war  came, 
Tactic^  afraid  lest  some  discord  ruin  the  new 

opportunities,  the  people  demanded  ab- 
solute power  for  their  leaders  and  tolerated  no 
criticism.  The  pendulum  swung  to  the  other  ex- 
treme. Unfortunately  the  men  chosen  to  lead  be- 
cause of  their  past  achievements  were  either  senile  or 
utterly  incompetent  to  perform  the  great  task  im- 
posed upon  them.  And  what  was  worse,  they  had  no 
faith  in  the  success  of  the  undertaking.  By  procras- 
tination they  ruined  all  chance  of  the  victory  which 
might  have  been  theirs  if  the  line  of  battle  had  been 
summarily  established  in  Lithuania,  and  if  the  Rus- 
sian forces  slowly  arriving  had  been  dealt  with  separ- 
ately and  decisively.  The  first  clashes  of  a  Polish 
outpost  with  a  Russian  corps  under  Paskiewich 
show  what  feats  of  bravery  the  enthusiastic  Poles 
could  perform  even  when  fighting  against  such  tre- 
mendous odds  as  in  the  battle  at  Stoczek.  Despite  a 
superiority  of  two  to  one  and  of  competent  guidance 

*Puzyrewski:     "Woyna  polsko-rosyjska"  quoted  by  W.  Studnicki 
"Sprawa  Polska"  p.  235. 


428  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

the  Russians  suffered  complete  defeat.  Because  of 
their  spirit  and  temperament  the  Poles  are  more 
adapted  to  offensive  than  to  defensive  warfare.  The 
Polish  Generalissimo  Chlopicki  knew  this  well,  yet 


FIG.    193— GENERAL   JOSEPH    CHLOPICKI, 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Polish  Armies 


because  of  his  opposition  to  the  war,  criminal  under 
the  circumstances,  and  his  hope  that  by  negotiations 
the  conflict  might  be  averted,  he  tarried,  allowing  the 
Russians  to  gain  by  the  delay,  to  cross  rivers  unob- 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH 


429 


structed  and  to  concentrate  large  forces  at  convenient 
points  in  Poland  proper.  Dilatory  tactics  character- 
ized the  whole  preliminary  period  of  the  war.  Taken 
by  surprise  at  the  rapid  succession  of  events  during 
the  night  of  November  29th,  the  Administrative 
Council  assembled  immediately  to  take  the  reins  of 
government  into  their  hands  and  to  decide  on  a  course 
of  action.  The  unpopular  ministers  were  removed 


FIG.    194— JULIAN    URSYN    NIEMCEWICZ    (1757-1841) 
Patriot,  Writer,   intimate  friend  and  companion  of  Kogciuszko 

from  the  Council  and  men  like  Prince  Czartoryski, 
the  historian  Julian  Ursyn  Niemcewicz,  Joachim 
Lelewel  and  General  Chlopicki,  took  their  places.  Sub- 
mitting to  strong  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  him, 
Chlopicki,  who  condemned  the  conspirators  and  con- 
sidered the  uprising  an  act  of  madness,  consented  to 
command  the  army  temporarily,  in  the  hope  that  it 


430  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

would  be  unnecessary  to  take  the  field.  The  per- 
spicacious and  far-seeing  Maurice  Mochnacki  did  not 
trust  the  newly  constituted  ministry,  fearing  that 
it  did  not  possess  sufficient  self-reliance  and  deter- 
mination for  spirited  action,  and  decided  to  over- 
throw it  and  substitute  in  its  place  the  Patriotic  Club, 
organized  by  him.  On  December  3rd  a  great  public 
demonstration  was  held  in  Warsaw.  Amid  a  storm 
of  enthusiasm  Mochnacki  furiously  denounced  the 


FIG.  195— MAURICE  MOCHNACKI 


dealings  that  were  going  on  between  the  Government 
and  Gonstantine  who  was  camped  outside  the  City 
in. a  suburb,  protected  by  his  guard.  ''Negotiations 
should  be  carried  on  not  from  Warsaw  with  Con- 
stantine,  but  from  Wilno  with  Nicholas,"  Mochnacki 
shouted  to  the  animated  crowd.  He  advocated  the 
transfer  of  the  campaign  to  Lithuania  and  the  selec- 
tion of  as  remote  a  field  of  operations  as  possible  to 
spare  the  country  the  devastation  incident  to  war,  and 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH  431 

to  shield  the  native  sources  of  food  supply.  The  meet- 
ing adopted  a  number  of  demands  to  be  communicated 
to  the  Administrative  Council,  among  which  the  most 
urgent  were  the  establishment  of  a  revolutionary  gov- 
ernment and  the  immediate  attack  upon  the  forces  of 
Constantine.  Intensely  dramatic  was  the  scene  when 
the  delegation  appeared  at  the  session  of  the  Council 
and  demanded  action.  The  ill-boding  murmur  of  the 
surging  crowd  outside  the  building  gave  grave  weight 
to  their  demands.  When  Prince  Czartoryski  told  the 
delegates  that  Constantine  was  ready  to  forgive  the 
offenders  and  that  the  whole  matter  was  being  ami- 
cably settled,  the  passionate  Mochnacki  angrily  in- 
terrupted: "These  are  jests,  sir.  We  did  not  rise 
for  the  sake  of  receiving  kindness  from  Constantine! 
Let  the  Government  not  play  comedy  now.  It  may 
end  in  tragedy  for  the  revolution  or  for  its  foes !"  The 
city  was  seething.  The  Government  realized  that  it 
had  to  concede  to  the  demands  of  the  people,  but 
fearing  an  immediate  break  with  Russia,  permitted 
Constantine  to  depart  with  his  troops,  dragging  the 
unfortunate  Lukasinski  with  him  in  chains.  It  was 
an  unpardonable  blunder  to  allow  the  Grand  Duke  to 
escape  instead  of  holding  him  as  a  valuable  hostage, 
to  be  released  in  exchange  for  some  future  political 
gain  and  it  was  nothing  short  of  dastardly  crime  to 
allow  the  vindictive  Russians  to  lead  away  with  them 
the  unselfish  and  heroic  patriot  Lukasinski. 

After  Constantine's  departure  the  Polish  army, 
with  all  but  two  of  its  generals,  Vincent  Krasinski 
The  Uprising  and  Kurnatowski,  joined  the  people  and 
Turns  into  a  the  uprising  of  the  young  conspirators 
Regular  War  turned  into  a  regular  war  between  Po- 
land and  Russia.  The  remaining  four  ministers  of  the 
pre-revolutionary  cabinet  left  the  Administrative 
Counc  .  and  their  places  were  taken  by  Mochnacki 


432  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

and  three  of  his  associates  from  the  Patriotic  Club. 
The  new  body  was  known  as  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment. To  legalize  its  actions  the  new  government 
ordered  the  convocation  of  the  Diet  and  meanwhile 
proclaimed  Chlopicki  as  Dictator.  In  his  day  Chlo- 
picki  had  been  an  able  and  glory  bedecked  soldier 
who,  because  of  the  chicanery  of  Constantine,  retired 
from  the  army  and  lived  in  seclusion.  When  called 
upon  to  lead  the  nation  against  Russia  he  was  nearing 
senility,  and  did  not  possess  the  executive  ability  and 
resourcefulness  required  by  the  exigencies  of  the 
moment.  He  overestimated  the  power  of  Russia  and 
underestimated  the  strength  and  fervor  of  the  Polish 
revolutionary  army.  By  temperament  and  convic- 
tion he  was  inveterately  opposed  to  a  war  with  Rus- 
sia, in  the  success  of  which  he  did  not  believe,  and  if 
he  insisted  upon  a  dictatorship  and  accepted  it,  it  was 
only  because  he  intended  to  use  his  extraordinary 
powers  to  maintain  internal  peace  and  to  save  the 
Constitution.  On  assuming  the  great  office  he  sent 
two  delegates  to  Emperor  Nicholas  and  awaiting  a 
favorable  reply,  refused  to  mobilize  the  forces  of  the 
nation  and  to  free  Lithuania  from  the  Russian  gar- 
risons. The  people  chafed  under  his  inactivity  and 
their  erstwhile  enthusiasm  turned  to  restlessness  and 
despair,  but  their  faith  in  the  Dictator  was  still  un- 
shaken. 

Meanwhile  the  deputies  to  the  Diet  began  to 
arrive  at  the  capital  and  at  their  first  session  declared 
themselves  unequivocally  for  war  with 
Russia.  At  the  same  time  Chlopicki's 
delegates  informed  the  Dictator  that 
the  Emperor  did  not  care  to  enter  into 
any  negotiations,  but  demanded  unconditional  sur- 
render and  complete  submission  to  his  good  graces. 
Whereupon  Chlopicki,  having  irretrievably  wasted 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          433 

valuable  time,  resigned.  On  January  25,  1831,  the 
Diet  proclaimed  the  dethronization  of  Nicholas  I  and 
thus  lawfully  broke  the  personal  union  which  existed 
between  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  and  Russia  by  the 
terms  of  the  Vienna  Congress  treaty.  The  bond  unit- 
ing the  two  nations  was  severed.  The  proclamation 
declared  that  "the  Polish  nation  is  an  independent 
people  and  has  a  right  to  offer  the  Polish  crown  to  him 


FIG.   196— JOACHIM  L.ELEWET.,  Teacher,   Patriot  and   Statesman 

whom  it  may  consider  worthy,  from  whom  it  might 
with  certainty  expect  faith  to  his  oath  and  whole- 
hearted respect  to  the  sworn  guarantees  of  civic  free- 
dom." Five  men  were  selected  to  constitute  the  gov- 
ernment. They  were  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski, 
Chairman,  Vincent  Niemoyowski,  the  famous  deputy 
from  Kalisz,  who  during  the  preceding  decade  had 


434  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

fearlessly  exposed  the  Russian  machinations  to  cramp 
constitutional  life  in  Poland,  Theophile  Morawski, 
Stanislav  Barzykowski,  and  the  celebrated  educator 
Professor  Joachim  Lelewel  of  the  Wilno  University. 
The  new  government  set  itself  energetically  to  work 
at  the  great  task  imposed  upon  it,  and  soon  a  consider- 
able army  was  mustered  and  equipped  for  action. 

Chlopicki   was   persuaded   to   accept   the   active 

command  of  the  army  and  Prince  Michael  Radziwill 

was  made  Dictator.     It  was  too  late  to 

TTVi*» 

iv*        . .          move  the  theatre  of  hostilities  to  Lithu- 

Dictatorship  oj  73       ,u  J       r    T  r>          • 

Skrzynecki  ania.  By  the  end  of  January  Russian 
forces  appeared  in  Poland  commanded 
by  Field  Marshal  Deebitch.  After  a  series  of  minor 
battles  in  which  Dwernicki  and  other  generals  distin- 
guished themselves,  the  Polish  forces  assembled  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Vistula  to  defend  the  capital.  On 
February  25th  the  famous  battle  of  Grochov  took  place, 
noted  for  the  dogged  determination  of  the  adversaries. 
Over  seven  thousand  Poles  fell  on  that  field.  The 
number  of  killed  in  the  attacking  army  was  consider- 
ably larger.  The  increasing  assaults  of  the  doubly 
strong  Russian  army  were  repeatedly  repulsed  and 
Deebitch  was  forced  to  retire  to  Siedlce.  Warsaw 
was  saved,  and  the  Polish  army  remained  triumphant 
and  confident.  Chlopicki,  whose  soldierly  qualities 
reasserted  themselves  at  the  sound  of  battle,  was 
wounded  in  action  and  his  place  taken  by  John 
Skrzynecki  who,  like  his  predecessor,  had  won  dis- 
tinction under  Napoleon  for  personal  courage  and 
had  been  general  of  the  line  in  the  Polish  army.  Dis- 
liked by  Grand  Duke  Constantine,  he  had  retired 
from  service  and  had  spent  his  advancing  years  in 
lazy  speculations  over  transcendental  questions.  He 
shared  with  Chlopicki  the  conviction  of  the  futility  of 
a  war  with  Russia,  but  with  the  opening  of  hostilities 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA   AND  THE  AFTERMATH 


435 


436        •       THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

took  command  of  a  corps  and  fought  creditably  at 
Grochov.  When  the  weak  and  indecisive  Radziwill 
surrendered  the  dictatorship,  Skrzynecki  was  chosen 
to  succeed  him.  Unfortunately,  he  also  lacked  the 
qualities  of  firmness  and  high  generalship  essential 
to  meeting  a  difficult  situation.  He  endeavored  to 
end  the  war  by  negotiations  with  the  Russian  Field 


FIG.   198— GEN.   JAN   SKRZYNECKI, 
Successor  of  Gen.   Chlopicki   in   supreme  command  of  the  Polish   Army 

Marshal,  and,  in  his  political  artlessness,  hoped  for 
benign  foreign  intervention.  Sympathetic  echoes  of  the 
Polish  aspirations  reverberated  throughout  Europe, 
and  the  astounding  heroism  of  the  Polish  army  won 
popular  admiration  for  the  country  and  her  endeavors 
to  free  herself  from  oppression.  Under  Lafayette's 
presidency,  enthusiastic  meetings  had  been  held  in 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH  437 

Paris.  Some  money  for  the  Polish  cause  was  also 
collected  in  the  United  States  and  flags  sent  to  the 
Polish  heroes.  The  chancelleries  of  France  and  Eng- 
land, however,  did  not  share  in  the  feelings  of  their 
people.  Louis  Phillippe,  elevated  to  royal  dignity 
by  a  revolutionary  tide,  thought  but  of  securing  for 
himself  recognition  on  the  part  of  all  European  gov- 
ernments, and  Lord  Palmerston  was  in  too  friendly 


FIG.   199 — A   BANNER  PRESENTED   TO   THE   POLISH   INSURRECTIONISTS   OF 

3830-1831    BY   THE   YOUNG   MEN    OF    BOSTON,    MASS. 
At  present  In  the  Polish  Museum  at  Rappersvvil,  St.   Gallen,   Switzerland 

relations  with  Russia  at  the  time  even  to  listen  to 
Polish  entreaties.  Moreover,  England  regarded  with 
alarm  the  reawakening  of  the  French  national  spirit 
and  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  its  policy 
ought  to  be  not  to  weaken  Russia,  "as  Europe  might 
soon  again  require  her  services  in  the  cause  of  order, 


438 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


and  to  prevent  Poland,  whom  it  regarded  as  a  na- 
tional ally  of  France,  from  becoming  a  French  pro- 
vince of  the  Vistula."*  Austria  and  particularly 
Prussia  adopted  a  most  hostile  attitude  and  hampered 
the  cause  of  Poland  by  a  benevolent  neutrality  toward 
Russia.  They  closed  the  Polish  frontiers  and  prevented 


1 


FIG.   200— GEN.   JOSEPH  DVVERNICKI 
One  of  the  ablest  commanders  of  the  campaign 


the  transportation  of  munitions  of  war  or  supplies 
of  any  kind.  Under  such  circumstances  the  war  with 
Russia  began  to  take  on  a  somber  and  disquieting 
aspect.  No  amount  of  devotion  and  sacrifice  could 

*  Morfill,  1.  c.,  p.  260. 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH  439 

avert  the  impending  catastrophe.  The  Poles  fought 
desperately  and  attempts  were  made  to  rouse  Volhy- 
nia,  Podolia,  Zmudz  and  Lithuania.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  the  Lithuanian  uprising  which  took  on  a 
serious  aspect  under  ardent  leadership,  in  which  the 
youthful  Countess  Emily  Plater  and  several  other 
women  distinguished  themselves,  the  guerilla  war- 
fare carried  on  in  the  frontier  provinces  was  of 


FIG.   201 — COUNTESS  EMILY  ZYBERK.-PLATER 

One  of  the  organizers  of  the  uprising  in  Lithuania  and  an 

active    participant    in    several    battles 

minor  importance,  and  served  only  to  give  the  Rus- 
sians an  opportunity  of  wreaking  their  vengeance  on 
the  peaceful  population.  Notorious  was  the  slaughter 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  small  town  of  Oszmiana  in 
Lithuania.  Meanwhile,  new  Russian  forces  under 
Grand  Duke  Michael  arrived  in  Poland  but  met  with 
many  defeats.  They  were  frequently  out-manoeuvred 
by  superior  Polish  strategy.  Constant  warfare,  how- 
ever, and  bloody  battles  such  as  that  at  Ostrolenka 
in  which  eight  thousand  Poles  lost  their  lives,  con- 


440  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

siderably  depleted  the  Polish  forces  and  cast  de- 
spondency over  the  country.  Regrettable  mistakes  on 
the  part  of  the  commanders,  constant  changes  and 
numerous  resignations  and  above  all  the  indolence 
of  the  Generalissimo  who  had  not  ceased  to  count  on 
foreign  intervention,  added  to  the  feeling  of  despair. 
The  more  radical  elements  of  the  community  severely 
criticized  the  government  for  its  inactivity,  its  lack 
of  energy  and  resourcefulness,  and  urged  immediate 
land  reforms  and  the  recognition  of  the  peasants' 
rights  to  the  soil  they  tilled.  By  identification  of 
their  interests  with  the  national  liberty,  the  masses 
of  the  people  could  be  gained  for  further  efforts. 
Such  a  course  of  action  was  strongly  indicated  and 
there  should  have  been  no  delay  in  adopting  it. 
There  was  no  time  for  academic  discussion, yet  the  Diet 
fearing  lest  the  reactionary  governments  of  Europe 
might  regard  the  war  with  Russia  as  social  revolu- 
tion procrastinated  and  haggled  over  concessions.  The 
original  enthusiasm  of  the  peasantry  became  damp- 
ened, and  the  incompetence  and  ineptitude  of  the  gov- 
ernment more  apparent.  The  thundering  denuncia- 
tions of  the  democrats  were  unavailing.  In  the 
meantime,  the  Russian  army,  commanded  after  the 
death  of  Deebitch  by  General  Paskievitch,  was  con- 
centrating and  moving  in  a  huge  semi-circle  toward 
Warsaw.  Skrzynecki  failed  to  prevent  the  juncture 
of  the  enemy's  forces.  Popular  clamor  demanded  his 
deposition.  The  Diet  acted  accordingly  and  General 
Dembinski  temporarily  assumed  command.  The  at- 
mosphere was  highly  charged.  Severe  rioting  took 
place  and  the  government  became  completely  disor- 
ganized. Count  John  Krukowiecki  was  made  the 
President  of  the  Ruling  Council.  He  took  everything 
in  hand  with  much  energy  and  determination,  but  had 
no  faith  in  the  success  of  the  campaign  and  accepted 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          441 

the  highly  responsible  position  to  satisfy  his  personal 
ambition.  He  believed  that  when  the  heat  of  the 
aroused  passions  had  subsided  he  could  end  the  war 
on,  what  seemed  to  him,  advantageous  terms. 

After  a  desperate  defence  by  General  Sowinski, 

Warsaw's    suburb   of   Wola   fell    into    Paskievitch's 

hands  on  September  6th.     The  next  day 

The  Close  ,-,  ,   r  r   ,1  •.    i,      AJ 

of  the  War  saw  tne  second  ^me  °*  the  capital  s  de- 
fensive works  attacked  by  the  Rus- 
sians. During  the  night  of  the  7th  Krukowiecki  capitu- 
lated, although  the  city  still  held  out.  He  was  im- 
mediately deposed  by  the  Polish  government  and  re- 
placed by  Bonawentura  Niemoyowski.  The  army  and 
the  government  withdrew  to  the  fortress  of  Modlin, 
on  the  Vistula,  subsequently  renamed  Novo-Georg- 
ievsk  by  the  Russians,  and  then  to  Plock,  where  the 
dramatic  climax  of  the  war  was  reached.  New  plans 
had  been  adopted  when  the  staggering  news  was 
received  that  the  Polish  crack  corps  under  Ramorino, 
unable  to  join  the  main  army,  had  laid  down  its  arms 
by  crossing  the  Austrian  frontier  into  Galicia.  It 
became,  evident  that  the  war  could  be  carried  on  no 
longer.  On  October  5,  1831,  the  Polish  army  of  over 
20,000  men  crossed  the  Prussian  frontier,  and  amid 
scenes  of  heart-rending  despair  and  grief  laid  down 
their  arms  at  Brodnica  in  preference  to  submission  to 
Russia.  Only  one  man,  a  colonel  by  the  name  of 
Stryjenski,  won  the  peculiar  distinction  of  giving  him- 
self up  to  the  grace  of  Russia.  All  the  others  chose 
voluntary  exile  rather  than  life  under  Russian  rule. 
Following  the  example  of  Dombrowski  of  a  genera- 
tion before,  General  Bern  endeavored  to  reorganize  the 
Polish  soldiers  in  Prussia  and  Galicia  into  Legions 
and  lead  them  to  France.  The  Prussian  government 
frustrated  his  plans  in  spite  of  the  sympathy  shown 


442  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

by  the  people.  The  immigrants  left  Prussia  in  bands 
of  from  fifty  to  a  hundred,  and  their  journey  through 
the  various  German  lands  was  a  "triumphal  march." 
The  population  of  the  principalities  through  which 
they  passed  greeted  them  with  enthusiasm.  Ban- 
quets and  festivities  were  given  in  their  honor,  cities 
were  illumined,  fiery  speeches  were  made  and  great 
hospitality  was  shown.  Poetry  vied  with  prose  in 
extolling  Polish  heroism  and  patriotism.  Even  some 
of  the  German  sovereigns,  such  as  the  King  of  Saxony, 
the  Princess  of  Weimar  and  the  Duke  of  Gotha 
shared  in  the  general  outburst  of  sympathy.  It 
was  only  upon  the  very  insistent  demands  of  Russia 
that  the  Polish  committees  all  over  Germany  had 
been  closed.  Meanwhile,  "the  storm  birds  of  the 
revolution  flew  across  central  Europe  and  brought 
with  them  the  breath  of  freedom,  awakening  the  feel- 
ings wrhich  were  slowly  taking  hold  of  the  German 
people  and  kindling  in  them  the  striving  for  liberty 
which  seventeen  years  later  found  expression  in  deeds 
which  shook  the  foundations  of  absolutism  and  re- 
action." * 

In  the  meantime  Russia  proceeded  "to  restore 
order"  in  the  conquered  country,  for  the  possession 
of  which  she  never  obtained  legal  title.  Neither  the 
Polish  Government  nor  the  powers  which  signed  the 
treaty  of  Vienna  gave  sanction  to  the  incorporation 
of  Poland  into  the  Russian  Empire.  It  was  done  by 
force  of  arms  and  had  no  authority  under  the  law  of 
nations.  Until  the  outbreak  of  the  present  war  the 
country  had  been  held  by  virtue  of  military  occupancy 
alone.  The  importance  of  this  fact  cannot  be  under- 
estimated in  considering  Poland's  future  status. 


,*  Sokolowski,  1.  c.  Vol.  IV,  p.  635. 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          443 

Tragic  was  Poland's  lot  when  she  fell  prey  to 
Russia  and  ceased  to  have  an  army  of  her  own!  All 

the  leaders  of  the  Patriotic  Club  and  the 
P1  members  of  the  Diet  were  condemned  to 

Consequences  death ;  all  those  who  served  in  the  Polish 
of  the  War  army  and  returned  to  Poland,  following 

the  Imperial  amnesty,  were  drafted  into 
the  Russian  army  for  periods  of  fifteen  to  twenty-five 
years.  In  addition,  twenty  thousand  men  were  re- 
cruited from  Poland.  By  an  ukase  of  1831  forty-five 
thousand  persons  belonging  to  the  gentry  of  Lithuania 
and  Ruthenia  were  forcibly  settled  in  Russia.  Tens  of 
thousands  of  fatherless  Polish  boys  were  taken  from 
their  mothers  and  sent  off  to  Russia  to  be  raised  as 
Orthodox  Russians  in  military  camps  or  to  become 
settlers  in  remote  provinces.  The  estates  and  all  other 
properties  of  those  who  took  part  in  the  war  were 
confiscated.  In  this  way  2,349  estates  were  taken 
from  their  owners  in  Poland  and  2,890  in  Lithuania 
and  given  as  compensation  to  Russian  generals  and 
officials.  The  Universities  of  Warsaw  and  Wilno, 
the  Lyceum  of  Kremienetz  in  Volhynia  and  various 
other  schools,  the  Society  of  the  Friends  of  Science  and 
other  scientific  and  civic  organizations  were  ordered 
closed.  The  libraries  and  many  scientific  and  art 
collections  wrere  removed  to  Russia.  The  country 
was  put  under  military  law  which  lasted  uninterrupt1 
edly  until  1856  and  practically  since  1861,  as  at  no 
time  has  the  Kingdom  been  entirely  free  from  ex- 
traordinary administrative  regulations.  In  order  "to 
exterminate  all  traces  of  Polish  influence"  on  Novem- 
ber 11,  1831,  Nicholas  ordered  the  abrogation  of  the 
existing  judicial  system  in  Lithuania  and  the  adjoin- 
ing provinces.  The  indemnity  imposed  upon  Poland 
amounted  to  twenty-two  million  roubles.  The  burden 
of  maintaining  a  Russian  army  of  one  hundred  thou- 


444  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

sand  men  was  laid  on  the  outraged,  ruined  and 
bleeding  country  where  there  was  hardly  a  family 
which  had  not  lost  some  member  either  by  execution 
or  through  exile.  General  Paskievitch  was  made 
Duke  of  Warsaw  and  given  dictatorial  powers  over 
the  conquered  territory.  An  elaborate  system  of 
espionage  and  flogging  was  instituted  in  the  place  of 
constitutional  government.  The  possession  of  arms 
was  punishable  by  death.  To  keep  the  population  in 
dumb  obedience,  citadels  were  built  in  Warsaw  and 
Wilno  and  the  guns  so  mounted  as  to  face  the  cities. 
The  people  were  threatened  with  the  utter  destruction 
of  their  two  principal  cities  in  the  event  of  an  uprising. 
A  so-called  "organic  statute"  guaranteeing  certain 
constitutional  rights,  designed  to  beguile  public 
opinion  abroad,  was  promulgated  in  1832  but  never 
put  into  operation.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  Pope 
Gregory  XVI  in  his  bull  of  June  9,  1832,  addressed 
to  the  Polish  clergy,  condemned  the  war  with  Russia, 
the  -Government  in  its  vindictiveness  did  not  spare 
the  Catholic  Church  and  adopted  a  number  of  re- 
strictive measures,  particularly  in  Lithuania  and 
Ruthenia.  A  large  number  of  convents  and  churches 
were  closed  and  the  children  of  parents  belonging 
to  other  churches  were  ordered  to  be  baptized  in 
the  Orthodox  Church.  The  hardest  blow  was  dealt 
to  the  Uniate  Church  which,  since  the  partition  of 
Poland,  had  been  singled  out  by  Russia  for  particular 
repression,  as  it  was  the  last  existing  vestige  of 
ancient  Polish  influence  and  bound  the  people  of 
the  outlying  provinces  to  Western  civilization.  The 
same  dissenters,  for  the  protection  of  whom  Peter 
the  Great  and  Catharine  TI  found  it  necessary  to  in- 
terfere in  Polish  internal  politics,  became  the  sub- 
jects of  the  most  rigorous  persecution.  Only  four 
davs  after  the  fall  of  Warsaw  two  monasteries  re- 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH  445 

ceived  notice  that  their  estates  were  confiscated  and 
that  the  Uniate  monks  would  be  replaced  by  Ortho- 
dox friars.  Twenty  more  such  institutions  were 
closed  before  the  end  of  the  year  1831.  "It  was  with 
exuberant  joy  that  Emperor  Nicholas  received  every 
news  of  the  closing  of  another  Uniate  monastery: 
"Thanks  be  to  God ;  we  have  again  destroyed  an 
enemy  stronghold."  *  With  the  aid  of  a  renegade 
Uniate  Bishop  Siemaszko,  the  government  resolved 
to  extirpate  the  Uniate  faith  and  did  not  stop  at  any- 
thing to  achieve  this  aim.  On  February  24,  1839,  the 
Uniate  Bishop  sealed  a  formal  act  of  separation  from 
the  Church  of  Rome.  Only  the  Chelm  (Kholm)  dio- 
cese which  was  within  the  limits  of  the  Congressional 
Kingdom  of  Poland,  because  of  the  determined  op- 
position of  the  local  clergy  and  population,  was  ex- 
empted. Those  who  clung  to  their  religion  outside 
of  this  single  diocese  were  regarded  as  dangerous 
political  offenders  and  were  dealt  with  accordingly. 
During  the  first  week  following  the  dissolution  of 
the  Uniate  Church  hundreds  of  priests  and  monks 
were  exiled  to  Siberia;  many  were  denied  food  and 
beaten  to  death.  The  women  were  even  more  re- 
solved to  remain  true  to  their  faith  than  the  men  and 
refused  apostasy.  The  sisters  of  a  convent  in  Minsk 
were  punished  for  their  obstinate  devotion  by  out- 
rageous cruelties,  flogging  and  subjection  to  atrocious 
insult.  One  of  them,  Baptiste  Downar,  was  burned 
to  death  in  a  bake  oven  by  the  Orthodox  nuns. 
Nepomucena  Grotkowska  had  her  head  split  with  an 
axe  by  a  Russian  Mother  Superior.  Some  of  the 
sisters  who  survived  the  two  years  of  inhuman  suf- 
ferings, were  sent  to  an  Orthodox  convent  in  Miad- 


*  Bishop  Edward  Likowski,   Historya  Kosciota  Unickiego,  Vol.  II, 
p.  78. 


440  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

zioly,  where  the  superior  officer  tortured  them  in  an 
unspeakable  manner.  On  cold  days  they  were  put  in 
sacks  and  in  the  presence  of  the  populace  of  the 
town,  thrown  into  a  lake  and  dragged  by  means  of 
ropes  from  shore  to  shore.  Many  drowned.  After 
six  years  of  such  persecution,  five  sisters  managed  to 
escape  and  went  to  Rome  to  lay  their  story  before  the 
Pope.  Slowacki,  one  of  Poland's  greatest  poets  had 
depicted  their  lot  in  one  of  his  most  renowned  poems, 
and  more  recently  Stefan  Zeromski  described  the  suf- 
fering of  the  Uniates  in  some  of  his  short  stories.  In 
spite  of  the  persecution  many  Uniates  remained  true 
to  their  faith  and  though  officially  belonging  to  the 
Orthodox  Church  they  took  every  occasion  to  mani- 
fest their  true  attachment.  During  the  course  of  the 
present  war,  when  Russian  armies  retired  from  these 
districts  the  people  gave  vent  to  their  religious  emo- 
tions, welcoming  the  Polish  priests  and  the  Polish 
legions  who,  knowing  their  feelings,  opened  for  them 
their  ancient  churches. 

The  intense  sufferings  of  the  Polish,  Lithuanian 

and  cognate  peoples  who  had  once  formed  the  Polish 

Republic,  could  not  remain  without  an 

The  Reflection      echo   in   Polish   literature  which,   since 

in^v!teM\Ure  i     the  days  of  Poland's  partitions  took  a 

of  the  National  /  ,  .    J  «       i   • 

Tragedy  powerful  upward  swing  and  reached  its 

zenith  during  the  period  between  1830 
and  1850  in  the  unsurpassed  patriotic  writings  of 
Mickiewicz,  Slowacki  and  Krasinski.  In  "Iridion" 
the  latter  commands  his  Greek  hero  to  go  north  and 
in  the  name  of  Christ  to  stop  in  "the  land  of  graves 
and  crosses."  "Thou  mayst  know  it  by  the  silence  of 
its  warriors  and  the  melancholy  of  its  little  children. 
Thou  mayst  know  it  by  the  huts  of  its  poor,  destroyed 
by  fire  and  the  palaces  of  its  exiles,  long  since  laid  in 
waste." 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          447 

The  writings  of  the  three  poets  have  had  such  a 
tremendous  influence  upon  the  Polish  mind  as  to 
warrant  at  least  a  brief  analysis  in  con- 
nection  with  the  political  developments 
of  the  nation  since  1830.  Never  since 
the  days  of  ancient  Greece  has  there  been  another 
example  of  a  nation  receiving  an  exclusively  poetic 
education  until  the  tragic  fate  of  Poland  after  her  un- 
successful war  with  Russia.  Life  became  stifled; 
every  expression  of  thought  and  action  was  rendered 
impossible  by  a  stupid  and  rigid  bureaucratic  regime. 
And  at  that  time  among  the  tens  of  thousands  of 
exiles  on  foreign  soil  sprang  forth  the  providential 
and  since  the  days  of  the  Prophets,  the  unexampled, 
triple  blossom  of  poetry  drawing  its  vital  sap  from 
the  bitter  sufferings  of  the  soul  of  the  nation.  In 
intensity  of  feeling,  depth  of  thought,  love  of  country 
and  mastery  and  beauty  of  expression,  the  three  poets 
have  no  peers  in  the  literature  of  the  world.  Had 
they  written  in  French,  English  or  German  instead  of 
in  Polish,  their  names  would  have  been  known  to  every 
schoolboy  the  world  over  as  are  the  names  of  Dante, 
Shakespeare  and  Goethe.  It  is  profitless,  perhaps  use- 
less to  endeavor  to  say  who  of  the  three  was  the  great- 
est, as  it  is  useless  to  try  to  measure  the  elemental 
powers  of  nature.  Each  of  them  had  the  grandeur  and 
force  which  nature  bestows  upon  human  genius,  and 
each  found  a  different  mould  for  an  adequate  expres- 
sion of  his  soul.  Because  of  the  greater  simplicity  of  his 
style  and  the  directness  of  presentation,  Mickiewicz 
reached  more  Polish  hearts  than  the  other  two  and 
came  to  be  regarded  as  the  greatest  interpreter  of  the 
people's  hopes  and  ideals.  He  is  the  Zeus  of  the 
Polish  Olympus  and  the  immortal  incarnation  of 
Polish  national  spirit.  He  wrote  at  a  time  when 
Romanticism  prevailed  in  European  literature.  His 


448  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.    202— ADAM    MICKIBWICZ    (1799-1855) 


449 


writings  bear  the  impress  of  that  literary  epoch,  but 
they  deal  with  intense  and  palpable  realities.  His  two 
monumental  works,  marking  the  zenith  of  his  power, 
are  "Dziady"  (Ghosts)  and  "Pan  Tadeusz."  The 
latter  is  universally  recognized  as  "the  only  successful 
epic  which  the  XlXth  century  produced."  George 
Brandes  says  that  "Mickiewicz  alone  approached 
those  great  names  in  poetry  which  stand  in  history 
as  above  all  healthy,  far  healthier  than  Byron,  health- 


il, 


ier  jry£n...lhan  Shakespeare:  Homer  and  Goethe." 
The  poetic  serenity  of  the  description  of  Lithuanian 
life  at  the  opening  of  the  last  century  is  the  more  re- 
markable when  considered  in  the  light  of  the  poet's 
volcanic  nature  and  his  intense  suffering  over  the 
tragic  fate  of  his  native  land  to  which  he  could  never 
return.  His  passionate  nature  finds  its  truest  ex- 
pression in  "Dziady,"  which  undoubtedly  constitutes 
the  acme  of  poetic  inspiration.  It  deals  with  the 
transformation  of  the  soul  from  individual  to  a  higher 
national  conception.  The  hero,  Gustavus,  who  has 
suffered  great  misfortune,  wakes  up  one  morning  in 
his  prison  cell  and  finds  himself  an  entirely  changed 
man.  His  heart,  given  over  to  individual  pain  and 
individual  love,  dies.  The  Gustavus,  bewailing  his 
lost  personal  happiness  lives  no  more,  and  Konrad, 
his  divine  ego,  takes  his  place.  All  the  creative 
powers  of  his  nation  are  concentrated  in  him.  Here 
Mickiewicz  bares  his  own  soul.  He  is  filled  with 
enough  moral  strength  to  challenge  even  God.  He 
feels  for  millions  and  is  pleading  before  God  for  their 
happiness  and  spiritual  perfection.  It  is  the  Prome- 
thean idea,  no  doubt,  but  greatly  deepened  in  concep- 
tion and  execution  and  applied  to  but  one  part  of 
humanity,  the  Polish  nation  whose  intensity  of  suffer- 
ing was  the  greatest  in  all  mankind. 

*  Poland,  London  1903,  p.  279. 


453  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

In  1835  Mickiewicz  came  under  the  influence 
of  Towianski,  a  mystic,  and  ceased  to  write.  Toward 
the  end  of  his  days  he  freed  himself  again  of  this 
peculiar  thrall  which  Towianski  was  able  to  exert 
over  him,  as  over  the  two  other  poets,  and  became 
again  a  man  of  reality. 

As  a  young  man  Mickiewicz  took  a  leading  part 
in  the  literary  life  of  the  University  circles  at  Wilno, 
which  were  mentioned  in  the  last  chapter.  When, 
the  societies  were  closed  in  1823  by  the  order  of  the 
Russian  Government  he  was  arrested  and  exiled  to 
Russia.  While  in  Crimea  he  wrote  his  exquisite 
sonnets.  Subsequently  he  emigrated  to  France, 
where  most  of  his  life  was  spent,  and  died  in  Con- 
stantinople in  1855,  while  organizing  a  Polish  legion 
against  Russia  during  the  Crimean  war.  His  spirit 
was  ever  imbued  with  exalted  patriotism  and  his 
genius  was  active  in  pointing  toward  means  of  freeing 
the  country  from  foreign  oppression.  He  was  a 
champion  of  action  and  it  is  characteristic  of  the 
greatness  of  his  soul  that  he  was  ever  above  the  petty 
strifes  that  were  tearing  apart  the  Polish  emigrants, 
and  which  absorbed  their  thoughts  and  energies.  At 
the  time  of  the  greatest  intensity  of  that  strife  he 
wrote  the  celebrated  "Books  of  the  Pilgrims"  a  work 
of  love,  wisdom  and  good  will  written  in  exquisite 
style.  They  have  been  called  "Mickiewicz's  Homilies" 
and  have  exercised  a  soothing  and  elevating  influence. 
Despite  the  fact  that  Mickiewicz's  themes  and  heroes 
are  connected  with  Polish  life,  his  writings  still  touch 
upon  most  of  the  problems  and  motives  of  the  world 
at  large,  thus  assuring  to  his  works  everlasting  value 
and  universal  interest.  The  same  in  an  equal  meas- 
ure is  true  of  the  other  two  poets.  They  dealt  with 
the  most  profound  problems  of  existence,  looking  at 
them  always  through  the  prism  of  their  ardent  pa- 


WAR  WITH  RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          451 

triotism.  Like  Mickiewicz,  Slowacki  and  Krasinski 
were  compelled  to  live  outside  their  own  country. 

Slowacki's  longing  for  his  home  in  Volhynia  and 
later  in  Lithuania,  where  he  spent  his  childhood  and 
T  adolescence,  and  his  love  for  his  mother 

Slowacki  are  trubr  pathetic.     A  few  stanzas  of 

one  of  his  poems  "I  am  so  sad,  O  God!" 
may  give  an  idea  of  the  fine  sentiment  which  per- 
meated his  whole  existence: 

"To-day  o'er  the  wide  waste  of  ocean  sweeping, 

Hundreds  of  miles  away  from  shore  or  rock, 

I  saw  the  cranes  fly  on,  together  keeping 

In  one  unbroken  flock; 

Their  feet  with  soil  from  Poland's  hills  were  shod, 

And  I  was  sad,  O  God! 

"Often  by  strangers'  tombs  I've  lingered  weary, 

Since,  grown  a  stranger  to  my  native  ways, 

I  walk  a  pilgrim  through  a  desert  dreary, 

Lit  but  by  lightning's  blaze. 

Knowing  not  where  shall  fall  the  burial  clod 

Upon  my  bier,  O  God! 

"Sometime  hereafter  will  my  bones  lie  whitened 
Somewhere  on  strangers'  soil,  I  know  not  where: 
I  envy  those  whose  dying  hours  are  lightened, 
Fanned  by  their  native  air; 

But  flowers  of  some  strange  land  will  spring  and  nod 
Above  my  grave,  O  God." 
(Translation  by  Paul  Soboleski  in  Warner's  "World  Literature.") 

Poets  are  seldom  born  to  be  happy.  It  was  not  given 
Slowacki  to  see  his  native  land  again.  On  April 
3,  1849,  at  forty  years  of  age, -he  died  of  consumption 
in  Paris,  and  flowers  of  a  strange  land  blossomed  on 
his  grave. 

Albeit  all  three  great  Polish  poets  were  under  the 
Byronic  spell,  none  other  was  to  such  a  marked  de- 
gree as  Slowacki.  And  yet  in  spite  of  that  his  mes- 
sage is  not  that  of  doubts  and  questions,  but  of  action 
and  suffering.  "Although  his  head  was  in  the 
clouds,  his  feet  were  on  the  earth."  Much  as  he 
loved  Poland,  he  wras  keenly  conscious  of  her  faults. 


452 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.    203— JULIUSZ    SLOWAOKI    (1809-1849) 


WAR  WITH  RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          453 

Hence  his  bitterness  on  one  hand  and  his  idealism  on 
the  other.  He  would  wish  to  liberate  ''the  angelic 
soul  of  Poland"  from  "the  hideous  rags,''  and  "the 
burning  shirt  of  Deianira's"  in  which  it  had  been 
wrapped  and  would  like  to  see  her  a  great,  naked, 
beautiful  statue  struck  out  "of  one  lump  of  rock." 
He  would  wish  for  his  nation  such  spiritual  power 
as  would  make  it  immortal.  And  this  desire  for 
internal  perfection,  seen  also  in  Mickiewicz's  "Books 
of  the  Pilgrims,''  runs  through  his  works  like  a  red 
thread.  He  would  not  for  a  moment  think  that  there 
is  an  abyss  which  could  not  be  bridged  over  between 
the  ideal  and  the  reality.  He  was  convinced  that  the 
ideal  exists  in  the  national  soul  but  had  been  encum- 
bered by  extraneous  foreign  growths  which  should  be 
removed.  There  is  hardly  anything  more  beautiful 
than  Slowacki's  conception  of  the  genesis  of  the  dis- 
crepancy of  the  two  elements.  The  struggle  of  the 
two  constitutes  the  pith  of  his  drama  "Lilla  Weneda." 
The  plot  turns  around  a  war  between  two  primitive 
pagan  peoples,  the  Weneds  and  Lechits.  The  first 
are  the  forebears  of  "the  Polish  ideal,  the  latter  the 
forebears  of  the  Polish  nation.  Derwid  is  the  chief 
of  the  Weneds  and  his  harp  is  the  symbol  of  the  ideal, 
a  treasure  of  the  tribe.  With  the  fall  of  the  Weneds, 
the  harp  comes  into  the  possession  of  the  Lechits, 
who  had  not  come  up  to  the  appreciation  of  the  treas- 
ure. Yet  "the  harp  will  conquer  nations."  Slowacki 
believes  that  his  life  mission  is  to  champion  the  "harp" 
idea.  After  he  succumbed  to  the  influence  of  the 
Towianski  philosophy,  which  was  a  modification  of 
the  Hegelian  system,  he  began  to  identify  the  cause 
of  Poland  with  that  of  Divinity  and  of  Destination. 
Poland  is  to  lead  all  other  nations  to  their  spiritual 
salvation.  He  believed  in  metampsychosis.  By  each 
successive  change  the  spirit  comes  nearer  to  the  ideal. 


454 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


Poland  is  the  last  link  on  the  road  toward  the  ideal. 
Her  suffering  has  brought  her  soul  nearer  perfection 
than  the  soul  of  any  other  nation.  She  is  the  "King- 
Spirit."  In  1848  in  that  year  of  "the  spring  of  the 
nations"  the  hopes  of  Slowacki  rose  high,  and  though 
suffering  from  a  fatal  disease,  he  organized  a  Con- 


FIG.   204 — ANDREW  TOWIASSKI,   Philosopher  and   Mystic 


federacy  and  planned  to  take  part  in  an  armed  upris- 
ing against  Russia.     But  on  April  3,  1849  he  died. 

Of  the  three  poets  Slowacki  was  the  most  re- 
volutionary, the  most  radical  and  the  most  demo- 
cratic. Tn  this  respect  he  formed  and 
extreme  contrast  to  his  warm  friend 
Zygmunt  Krasinski  who,  by  birth,  tradi- 
tion and  temperament  was  an  aristocrat  and  had  a 


Zygmunt 
Krasinski 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          455 


FIG.    205— ZYGMUNT   KRASI&SKI    (1812-1859) 


456  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

horror  of  democracy  and  radicalism ;  who  saw  in  those 
tendencies  of  the  Polish  nation  the  explanation  for  its 
late  misfortunes  and  the  cause  of  its  ultimate  de- 
struction. The  social  unrest  of  Europe  at  the  time 
raised  in  his  mind  most  disquieting  thoughts  about 
Poland  and  he  gave  expression  to  them  in  his  "Un- 
divine  Comedy."  The  philosophy  of  action  and  ven- 
geance found  in  Mickiewicz's  and  Slowacki's  work 
is  foreign  and  repugnant  to  Krasinski.  His  "Un- 
divine  Comedy''  was  conceived  to  demonstrate  their 
futility.  It  is  Christian  love  and  virtue  that  conquers 
in  the  end.  In  this  respect  he  was  a  precursor  of 
Tolstoy.  It  required  a  great  deal  of  boldness  to  teach 
such  a  philosophy  of  inaction  and  resignation  to  the 
Poles,  who  were  chafing  under  oppression  and  were 
gnawed  by  despair,  and  to  combat  the  democratic 
currents  which  were  permeating  the  hearts  of  the 
people  who  believed  that  by  the  adoption  of  these 
principles  alone,  could  governmental  tyranny  be  al- 
layed. The  seeds  of  his  unpopular  philosophy  did 
not,  however,  fall  on  utterly  barren  ground.  There 
was  too  much  despair  in  the  national  soul  for  the 
glory  of  quiet  martyrdom  not  to  find  any  sympathetic 
echo. 

Brandes  asserts  that  in  few  literatures  has  Ro- 
manticism attained  to  an  expression  of  such  beauty 
as  in  the  Polish.  The  reason  for  it  can  be  easily  ex- 
plained. The  essence  of  Romanticism  is  to  be  found 
in  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  human  spirit  with  exist- 
ing reality.  In  normal  communities  the  dissatisfac- 
tion and  the  resultant  sufferings  and  longings  lie 
usually  in  individual  planes.  In  the  tragic  conditions 
of  Poland  it  was  elevated  to  a  social  conception,  hence 
the  greater  breadth  and  intensity  of  Polish  Roman- 
ticism. By  heroic  efforts  the  nation  endeavored  to 
turn  away  the  trend  of  hostile  reality.  The  efforts 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          457 


FIG.  206— FREDERICK  CHOPIN   (1810-1849) 


458  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

resulted  only  in  greater  misfortunes.  Despair  and 
pessimism  began  to  affect  the  national  spirit.  To 
combat  this  evil  force  of  bitter  reality  it  was  necessary 
to  create  an  equally  strong  spiritual  force.  Hence 
the  conception  of  Poland  as  a  Christ  of  the  nations 
evolved  with  such  strength  and  beauty  by  the  three 
poets,  and  with  particular  emphasis  by  Krasinski. 
By  their  powerful  flights  of  fancy,  by  the  intensity  of 
their  feeling,  by  the  grandeur  of  their  genius  and  the 
beauty  of  their  expression,  the  three  poets  have  im- 
mortalized Poland,  her  literature,  her  sufferings  and 
her  ideals.  They  have  left  an  indelible  imprint  upon 
the  spiritual  evolution  of  their  nation.  The  same 
spirit  and  longings  of  the  Polish  soul  have  been  incul- 
cated in  the  soul  of  every  civilized  human  being  the 
world  over  by  the  musical  productions  of  another 
Polish  genius,  Frederick  Chopin,  who  was  born  in 
Warsaw  and  who  died  in  Paris  in  the  same  year  as 
Slowacki.  His  sensitive  soul  was  imbued  with  the 
same  sufferings  that  permeated  the  hearts  of  the  three 
great  poets  and  the  Polish  people. 

The  tens  of  thousands  of  Polish  emigrants  who 
fled    from    Russian    vengeance    arrived    in    France. 
While   the  population   met  them  with 
Emi  rants  enthusiasm    as    champions    of    liberty, 

Louis  Philippe  and  the  then  Premier, 
Casimir  Perier,  for  the  same  reason  received  them 
with  great  reserve,  and  to  keep  them  away  from  Paris 
designated  the  cities  of  Avignon  and  Chateaurouxfor 
their  temporary  settlements.  Perier  refused  to  grant 
an  audience  to  Bonawentura  Niemoyowski,  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  last 'Polish  Government,  for  fear  that  such 
a  hearing  might  be  construed  as  an  act  of  diplomatic 
demonstration.  It  was  an  attitude  which  the  emi- 
grants had  not  anticipated  but  which  remained  un- 
altered after  the  monarchy  was  succeeded  by  the 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH 


459 


Second  Republic.  Even  Lamartine,  the  poet  and 
historian,  then  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  told  the 
Poles  that  "the  dead  cannot  be  resuscitated."  But 
the  Poles  never  can  or  will  believe  that  their  nation  is 
dead.  Each  generation  since  the  last  dismember- 


FIG.    207— BONAWENTURA   NIEMOYOWSKI,    PRESIDENT    OF   THE 
LAST   POLISH   GOVERNMENT 


ment  has  proved  by  the  seas  of  blood  shed  for  the 
cause  of  independence  that  the  Polish  nation  is  alive 
and  virile,  and  that  there  can  be  no  permanent  peace  in 
Central  Europe  until  the  Polish  nation  is  again  made 
free  to  organize  its  own  State.  The  efforts  of  the 


460  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

emigrants  of  the  period  under  consideration  are  but 
another  chapter  of  the  epopee  of  toil  and  privation,  de- 
votion and  martyrdom  for  a  sacred  cause.  Immedi- 
ately upon  their  arrival  in  France  the  emigrants  or- 
ganized themselves  in  political  societies  to  further 
their  aims.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  flower 
of  Polish  thought  and  achievement  was  represented 
among  those  who  came  to  France.  All  the  generals, 
officers,  statesmen,  scientists  and  writers  assembled 
there,  among  them  Prince  Czartoryski,  Joachim  Lele- 
wel,  Maurice"  Mochnacki,  General  Bern,  Mickiewicz, 
Slowacki,  Krasinski  and  the  galaxy  of  other  poets 
and  writers.  Those  who  still  believed  that  through 
diplomatic  intervention  a  good  deal  could  be  accom- 
plished clustered  around  the  illustrious  Prince  Adam 
Czartoryski,  who  had  many  influential  connections 
in  the  chancelleries  of  Europe,  and  who  maintained  a 
large  political  bureau  in  his  palace,  "Hotel  Lambert," 
in  Paris,  through  which  he  kept  in  touch  with  most 
of  the  capitals  of  Europe.  Others  formed  the  Demo- 
cratic Society  and  associated  their  hopes  with  the 
democratic  currents  of  the  time.  They  criticized  Czar- 
toryski's  faction,  holding  justly  that  diplomacy  with- 
out a  strong  army  behind  it  is  bound  to  be  ineffect- 
ive. The  failure  of  the  'Polish  representatives  in 
London  may  serve  as  an  illustration  of  the  truth 
of  this  assertion.  Both  Grey  and  Brougham,  mem- 
bers of  Palmerston's  cabinet,  were  close  personal 
friends  of  Czartoryski,  and  both  were  very  friendly 
to  the  Poles.  In  the  name  of  England,  Grey  had 
presented  a  sword  of  honor  to  Kosciuszko,  assuring 
him  of  England's  friendship  for  Poland.  Brougham 
had  written  splendid  dissertations  concerning  Po- 
land's political  rights.  And  yet,  as  cabinet  officers, 
they  dared  do  nothing  for  the  outraged  and  dispos- 
sessed nation.  The  Russian  Ambassador,  Count 


WAR  WITH  RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          461 

Lieven  and  his  wife,  the  sister  of  General  Beckendorff, 
who  was  the  closest  friend  of  Tsar  Nicholas  I  and  the 
organizer  of  the  Russian  secret  service,  were  able  to 
exercise  such  pressure  upon  Lord  Brougham  that  he 
refused  to  grant  a  hearing  to  the  venerable  Polish  his- 
torian Niemcewicz,  Kosciuszko's  friend  and  compan- 
ion. In  1831,  after  Grey  entertained  Czartoryski  at 
a  private  dinner  he  received  a  most  acrimonious  and 
resentful  letter  from  Lady  Lieven.  Similarly  disap- 
pointing were  the  hopes  of  the  Democratic  Society, 
as  the  expected  social  revolutions  were  slow  to  come, 
and  when  they  finally  did  come,  brought  naught  to 
Poland. 

Tsar  Nicholas  I,  in  vindictiveness  not  a  whit  in- 
ferior to  Ivan  the  Terrible,  his  celebrated  predecessor 
The  Further  on  tne  Russian  throne,  resolved  to 
Consequences  blot  out  the  Polish  nation  forever.  His 
of  the  Polish  inhuman  tyranny,  carried  out  with 
War  with  heartless  rigor  by  Paskiewicz  and  his 

associates,  has  cast  an  indescribable 
horror  over  "constitutional"  Poland.  It  should  be 
borne  in  mind  that  the  constitution  has  never  been, 
and  legally  could  not  be  rescinded.  The  slightest  sus- 
picion was  sufficient  to  subject  the  unfortunate  vic- 
tims to  cruel  flogging,  tortures,  jailing  and  exile. 
Executions  were  a  daily  occurence;  life  was  utterly 
stifled;  schooling  was  practically  discontinued;  and 
shameless  provocation  was  practiced  incessantly. 
When  the  secret  service  agents  "discovered"  a  plot 
which  never  existed  among  the  boys  of  one  of  the 
upper  grades  in  a  Warsaw  high  school,  the  Tsar 
ordered  that  the  three  upper  grades  in  the  high 
schools  all  over  Poland  be  closed.  Those  who  knew 
the  attitude  of  this  despot  toward  education  will  not 
be  surprised  at  this  deed  of  his.  The  following  quo- 
tation from  Prof.  Vladimir  G.  Simkhovitch  of  Colum- 


462  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

bia  University,  may  give  an  idea  of  the  mentality  of 
the  Tsar,  which  will  help  the  reader  to  grasp  what  his 
rule  in  a  conquered  nation  must  have  been: 

"Nicholas  I  was  a  narrow-minded  man,  but  with  strong  con- 
victions, and  with  a  temper  that  brooked  no  contradiction.  He 
made  it  his  paramount  task  to  educate  his  people  for  an  autocratic 
regime.  He  therefore  resolved  to  do  away  with  all  elements  and 
conditions  leading  to  independent  thought  or  to  a  desire  for  free- 
dom ....  The  students  in  the  universities  were  ordered  to 
wear  a  special  military  uniform,  and  regulations  were  issued  pre- 
scribing how  they  should  appear  in  public,  how  they  should  cut 
their  hair.  The  university  course  also  felt  the  heavy  hand  of 
Emperor  Nicholas.  Thus,  for  instance,  all  courses  in  European 
public  law  were  abolished,  because  'rebellions  in  foreign  lands  have 
disfigured  this  science  and  shattered  its  very  foundations.'  Com- 
parative constitutional  law  was  discontinued  because  of  'the  weak- 
ness of  its  principles_and  its  unsatisfactory  results.'  Courses  in 
social  statistics  and  logic  were  abolished.  Philosophy  and  psy- 
chology could  be  taught  only  by  Greek  orthodox  professors  of 
theology,  and  then  with  the  explicit  order  to  teach  according  to  the 
truth  of  revealed  religion.  The  professors  were  instructed  to 
submit  to  the  government  the  lectures  they  intended  to  give,  and 
also  the  lists  of  books  recommended  for  collateral  reading.  The 
deans  were  to  see  to  it  that  professors'  lectures  are  identical  with 
those  that  were  approved,  and  they  were  to  report  the  slightest 
deviations,  'even  the  most  harmless  ones.'  The  tuition  fees  of  the 
students  were  furthermore  greatly  increased,  so  as  to  keep  out 
poor  people,  'whom  education  may  make  dissatisfied  with  their  lot, 
or  with  that  of  their  friends.' 

"Of  the  gymnasiums,  the  classical  fell  into  disgrace.  The 
classical  writers  talked  too  much  about  civic  matters,  and  referred 
to  republics.  By  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Nicholas  I,  only  eight 
classical  gymnasiums  were  left  in  existence. 

"Primary  education  under  Nicholas  existed  only  on  paper. 
The  Pedagogical  Institute  was  closed,  'being  unnecessary,'  and 
unnecessary  it  really  was  in  Nicholas's  reign.  Denominational 
parochial  schools  were  tolerated,  and  in  1839  there  were  2,000  such 
schools,  with  19,000  pupils.  But  there  is  no  way  of  telling  whether 
they  really  existed.  Many  things  existed  in  Russia  on  paper 
only.'  "  * 

*  "History  of  the   School   in   Russia,"   Educational   Review,   1907, 
;.  506-7. 


WAR  WITH  RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          463 

Some  of  the  emigrants  nourished  such  an  im- 
patient desire  to  do  something  for  the  country,  as  to 
undertake  the  rashest  kinds  of  expedi- 
tions  designed  to  stir  up  local  rebellions 
and  disturbances.  Such  was  the  at- 
tempt of  Colonel  Zaliwski,  early  in  1833.  With  a 
small  band  of  ill-provisioned,  penniless  companions, 
with  no  passports,  he  reached  Poland,  having  braved 
unlimited  perils.  Overawed  by  oppression,  the  popu- 
lation failed  to  respond  to  his  urgings.  Here  and  there 
he  found  a  few  followers,  but  pursued  by  Russian 
troops  he  sought  refuge  in  Galicia,  where  he  was  ar- 
rested by  the  Austrian  police.  A  similar  attempt  by 
Zawisza  ended  in  the  loss  of  life  of  many  of  the  noble 
souls  blinded  by  patriotism  and  goaded  on  by  despair. 
Another  result  of  the  numerous  unfortunate  expedi- 
tions and  small  uprisings  was  a  closer  understanding 
between  the  three  powers.  In  Munchengraetz,  in 
Bohemia,  the  Tsar  met  Emperor  Francis  I  and  the 
Prussian  King  Frederick  Wilhelm  III  in  September, 
1833,  to  ratify  the  "Holy  Alliance"  and  strengthened 
the  ties  that  bound  them  together  because  of  Poland. 
At  this  meeting  also  the  lot  of  the  free  Cracow  re- 
public was  doomed.  It  was  agreed  to  discontinue  its 
existence  and  to  incorporate  it  in  Galicia  at  the  first 
opportunity.  Meanwhile  the  representatives  of  the 
three  powers  began  to  exert  growing  pressure  and 
became  the  de  facto  government  of  the  Republic.  All 
these  repressive  measures,  however,  were  unsuccessful 
in  suppressing  national  unrest.  As  somebody  well  ex- 
pressed it,  the  war  was  going  on,  merely  the  form  had 
changed.  The  repressions  were  met  by  constant  up- 
risings, organized  by  local  secret  societies  in  conjunc- 
tion with  or  independently  of  the  Polish  political 
organizations  abroad.  After  the  flower  of  the  nation's 
manhood  had  been  mowed  down,  all  the  strong  and  en- 


4G4  THE  POLITICAL  HISTOkY  OF  POLAND 

terprising  spirits  who  were  left  at  home  took  part  in 
the  preparations  for  another  open  outbreak  of  hos- 
tilities. The  secret  police  in  all  parts  of  Poland  had 
their  hands  full  trying  to  uncover  the  conspiracies. 
Political  suits  were  incessant;  hundreds  of  men  were 
thrown  into  dungeons;  many,  like  the  noble  Simon 
Konarski  and  Father  Sciegenny,  were  executed; 
others  were  exiled  for  life  to  Siberia;  and  others 
were  tortured  inhumanly.  In  Galicia,  Smolka  and 
Dunayewski  were  sentenced  to  death  in  1845,  but 
their  sentences  were  commuted  to  long  imprisonment. 
The  tide  of  the  revolution  in  1848  released  them,  and 
subsequently  Smolka  became  the  President  of  the 
Austrian  Parliament  and  one  of  the  greatest  states- 
men of  the  century  and  Dunayewski  was  Bishop  of 
Cracow  and  Cardinal. 

The  manifold  local  uprisings  occurring  in  all 
sections  of  Poland  and  the  existence  of  secret  organi- 
zations gave  to  the  Polish  "Democratic 
The  End  of  Society"  in  France  the  erroneous  im- 
pression that  the  time  was  ripe  for 
thcfsiaughter  starting  a  general  revolution  throughout 
of  the  Gaiic-  Poland.  The  leading  spirit  in  this  en- 
ian  Gentry  tcrprisc  was  Ludwik  Mieroslawski,  who 
prepared  a  sweeping  plan  of  campaign 
without  giving  much  consideration  to  the  feasibility 
of  carrying  it  out  even  in  part.  The  men  of  cooler 
judgment  urged  that  he  desist  from  undertaking  rash 
steps,  but  without  avail.  He  was,  however,  pre- 
vented from  progressing  very  far  with  the  prelimin- 
ary arrangements  by  the  vigilance  of  the  Prussian 
police.  He  and  a  few  of  his  fellow  workers  were  in- 
tercepted in  Posen  in  February,  1846,  and  a  number 
of  his  sympathizers  in  Lemberg  were  arrested  on  a 
charge  of  complicity  in  the  conspiracy.  This  ill- 
timed  launching  of  a  movement  would  have  been 


WAR  WITH  RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH          465 

harmless  had  not  the  three  partitioning  powers  made 
use  of  it  to  put  an  end  to  the  free  Republic  of  Cracow. 
Immediately  following Mieroslawski's  arrest  in  Posen, 
Austria,  by  consent  of  the  Russian  and  Prussian  .Gov- 
ernments, sent  a  large  army  to  occupy  Cracow.  A 
series  of  encounters  followed  throughout  Galicia,  dur- 
ing which  occurred  one  of  the  most  brutal  slaughters  of 
the  gentry  by  the  peasant  rabble  that  Poland  had  ever 
known.  To  eradicate  the  existing  political  ferment 
the  Austrian  Government  decided  to  make  use  of  the 
artifically  fostered  enmity  which  the  peasants  enter- 
tained against  their  landlords  because  the  latter  were, 
by  law,  compelled  to  collect  taxes  and  select  recruits 
for  the  Austrian  army.  Officials  of  the  Austrian 
Government  spread  news  among  the  peasants  that 
the  revolutionary  movement  of  the  gentry  was  aimed 
at  the  subjugation  of  the  peasants  into  still  greater 
economic  dependence,  and  that  the  magnanimous 
Austrian  Government  was  sending  troops  to  defend 
them  against  the  oppressors.  The  ignorant  and  ex- 
citable mobs  broke  loose  under  these  instigations 
and  the  protection  of  the  military  and  civil  authori- 
ties, and  the  carnage  and  havoc  wrought  by  them 
were  atrocious.  Particularly  distinguished  for  cruelty 
was  a  highwayman  by  the  name  of  Jacob  Szela,  who 
was  subsequently  awarded  an  estate  in  Bukovina  by 
the  Austrian  Government.  This  dastardly  crime  of 
Austria  was  but  the  crowning  of  the  policy  of  nourish- 
ing social  discontent  in  Galicia.  On  several  occa- 
sions the  representatives  of  the  gentry  in  Galicia  had 
petitioned  the  government  to  set  their  serfs  free,  and 
in  every  instance  the  government  had  refused  to  grant 
permission.  When,  in  1848,  at  the  first  news  of  the 
conflagration  that  had  set  Europe  on  fire,  the  Galician 
landowners  again  resolved  to  abolish  serfdom,  the 


466  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Austrian  Government  again  interfered,  but  soon 
afterward,  in  the  middle  of  April  of  the  same  year,  it 
proclaimed  the  emancipation  of  the  peasants  as  an  act 
of  grace  of  the  Emperor.  The  parcels  of  land  which 
the  peasants  had  been  renting  were  donated  to  them 
by  the  government.  Reimbursements  were  promised 
to  the  owners.  The  sudden  change  in  land  ownership 
caused  by  the  arbitrary  act  of  a  despotic  government 
and  the  grave  economic  problems  it  created  and  left 
unsolved,  precipitated  a  severe  crisis  in  Galicia,  which, 
closely  following  the  illegal  dissolution  of  the  Cracow 
Republic  whose  semi-independent  status  was  guaran- 
teed by  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  created  a  strong  feeling 
of  resentment. 

The  progress  of  events  of  that  celebrated  year  of 
1848  gave  rise  to  new  hopes.     Italy,  France,  Germany 
and  Austria  had  been  shaken  by  revolu- 
184g  tions.    Everywhere  the  people  requested 

armed  intervention  on  behalf  of  Poland 
in  addition  to  their  particular  demands.  The  Poles 
did  not  remain  passive  onlookers  in  this  mighty  awak- 
ening of  Europe  to  the  stirring  up  of  which  they  had 
contributed  in  no  mean  measure.  The  emigrants 
left  France  for  Poland,  and  on  their  way  through  the 
German  states  and  Bohemia  were  hailed  enthusiasti- 
cally. In  Berlin  the  population  demanded  the  im- 
mediate release  of  Mieroslawski  and  his  colleagues, 
which  King  Frederich  Wilhelm  IV  not  only  granted 
without  delay,  but  greeted  the  released  prisoners 
standing  with  bared  head.  He  also  permitted  the 
formation  in  the  Duchy  of  Posen  of  a  Polish  army, 
which  was  to  fight  beside  the  united  German  nation 
against  tyrannical  Russia.  The  army  soon  numbered 
ten  thousand  men  and  Mieroslawski  became  its  com- 
mander. The  poet  Mickiewicz  went  to  present  the 


WAR  WITH  RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH 


46? 


Polish  question  to  the  newly  elected  Pope  Pius  IX 
and  formed  a  Polish  Legion  in  Italy.     At  the  same 


FIG.    208— LUDWIK   MIEROSI,AWSKI 


time  Galicia  urged  a  war  with  Russia  upon  the  Con- 
stitutional Austrian  monarch. 


46$  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Soon,  however,  the  revolutionary  wave  subsided 

and  with  its  ebb  came  a  dampening  of  enthusiasm  for 

the  cause  of  Poland.     The  reaction  be- 

The  Reaction  ,   •      n  •     *>  A        • 

came  apparent  in  Prussia  first.  Against 
the  Poles,  a  German  committee  was  formed  in  Posen, 
which  demanded  the  division  of  the  Duchy  into  two 
parts,  one  German  and  the  other  Polish.  The  con- 
sent of  the  King  to  the  formation  of  a  Polish  army 
was  rescinded,  particularly  in  view  of  the  threatening 
attitude  assumed  by  the  Russian  ambassador  and  the 
massing  of  strong  Russian  forces  at  the  frontier.  The 
warning  issued  by  Tsar  Nicholas  in  his  memorable 
manifesto  in  which  he  said:  "Nations  be  submissive, 
for  God  is  with  us!"  had,  no  doubt,  its  desired  effect. 
As  the  Poles  did  not  want  to  disband,  severe  en- 
counters followed  between  them  and  the  Prussian 
troops.  Finally  submission  became  inevitable,  and 
being  unable  to  reach  their  own  country,  they  scat- 
tered to  help  the  revolutions  in  Italy,  Baden  and 
Hungary. 

In  Galicia,  the  Ruthenian  clergy  aroused  a  feeling 
of  animosity  among  their  peasants  toward  the  Poles, 
and  in  this  they  were  strongly  encouraged  by  the  Aus- 
trian Government  which  was  under  stipulated  obliga- 
tions to  the  Tsar  for  the  effective  aid  he  had  rendered 
by  sending  a  great  army  to  suppress  the  Hungarian 
revolutionaries  so  ably  led  by  the  Polish  Generals 
Dembinski,  Wysocki  and  Bern.  The  latter  was  mili- 
tary commander  of  the  Viennese  burghers  early  in 
1848,  when  they  defended  their  city  against  the 
Austrian  Imperial  troops;  later  he  joined  the  Hun- 
garians and  won  a  famous  victory  in  Transylvania, 
and  after  the  collapse  of  the  Hungarian  revolution 
went  to  Turkey  and  embraced  Islamism,  as  several 
other  Poles  had  done,  to  be  able  to  serve  in  the  Sul- 
tan's army  against  Russia.  The  failure  of  the  Hun- 


WAR  WITH   RUSSIA  AND  THE  AFTERMATH 


469 


garian  uprising  was  a  great  blow  to  the  cause  of 
Poland.  Its  success  would  probably  have  resulted 
in  the  emancipation  of  Galicia.  As  it  was,  the  year 
1848  ended  in  a  triumph  of  reaction  and  the  retention 
of  the  painful  status  quo  as  far  as  Poland  was  con- 
cerned, with  the  single  exception  that  the  Poles  re- 


FIG.    209 — GENERAL  JOSEPH    BEM 


ceived  representation  in  the  newly  established  con- 
stitutional regime  in  both  Austria  and  Prussia,  and 
through  their  representatives  they  could  denounce 
openly  all  the  iniquities  to  which  they  had  been  sub- 
jected and  voice  the  sentiments  of  the  nation  for  free- 
dom and  independence. 


470  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


The  disappointment  with  the  results  of  the  revo- 
lutionary era  of  1848  was  disheartening.  In  Con- 
gressional Poland  dead  silence  and  com- 
The  illegal  plete  apathy  followed,  lasting  until  the 
Annexation  cf  opening  of  the  Crimean  War.  Interest 
the  Congres-  ^n  ecOnomic  and  intellectual  pursuits 

sional  King-  ,      ~  .  •    j    T» 

dom  to  the  ceased.   During  this  quiet  period  Rus- 

Russian  sia  proceeded  in  her  wanton  ways.  The 

Empire  Russian  language  was  introduced  in  all 

governmental  offices,  which  had  been 
systematically  filled  with  Russian  officials.  The 
Russian  system  of  weights  and  measures  and  of 
passports  was  transplanted;  the  post  office  and  the 
control  of  highways  was  taken  over  by  the  Rus- 
sian Government,  and  the  tariff  frontier  separating 
the  Kingdom  from  the  Empire  was  removed.  During 
the  decade  from  1846  to  1855  the  population  of  Poland 
decreased  about  one  million,  and  when  the  Crimean 
war  broke  out  new  hopes  seemed  vain  because  the 
exhaustion  of  the  country  was  too  great  to  make 
possible  any  serious  uprising  against  Russia  in  spite 
of  the  reverses  she  was  experiencing  at  the  hands  of 
the  Allies:  Turkey,  France  and  England.  Ukraine 
alone  rose,  led  by  Polish  conspirators,  and  in  Turkey 
Polish  Legions  were  formed  with  the  help  of  France 
and  England.  In  the  spring  of  1855  and  again  in 
September  of  the  same  year  Napoleon  III  instructed 
his  Ambassador  at  London  to  take  up  with  the  Eng- 
lish Government  the  settlement  of  the  Polish  ques- 
tion. The  matter  did  not,  however,  come  up  for  con- 
consideration  at  the  Paris  peace  conference  in  1856. 
And  once  more  were  the  Poles  made  to  realize  the 
painful  truth  that  their  hopes  in  diplomacy  were  but 
an  illusion,  a  pernicious  fata  morgana. 


FIG.   210— THE   BANK  OF  POLAND,   FOUNDED  IN   1S25   IN  WARSAW 


CHAPTER  XIX 

The  Uprising  of  1863  and  the  Era  of  Positivism 

In  1855  Nicholas  I  died.  He  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Alexander  II,  who  had  been  heralded  as  a 
The  man  of  liberal  proclivities,  of  broad  mind 

Shattering  of  and  of  warm  sympathies  for  the  Poles. 
Polish  Hopes  Upon  his  arrival  at  Warsaw  in  May, 
by  Tsar  1856,  he  was  received  with  great  hopes 

and  expectations.  The  impatiently 
awaited  political  credo  of  the  new  Tsar  brought  grave 
disappointment.  He  expressed  himself  in  full  sym- 
pathy with  the  policy  of  his  father,  proposed  to  con- 
tinue it  and  warned  the  Poles  against  any  dreams. 
"Point  de  reveries,  messieurs,"  he  said,  and  left  the 
indolent  Prince  Gorchakoff  and  the  bitterly  hated 
MukhanofF  to  continue  the  administration  of  the  con- 
quered country  in  their  habitual  fashion.  When  the 
suggestion  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  Poles  that  a 
law  school  be  opened  at  Warsaw,  Gorchakoff  opposed 
it,  and  in  his  report  of  August  25,  1857,  he  argued 
that  "the  founding  of  such  a  school  at  Warsaw  would 
act  as  a  new  obstacle  toward  the  fraternization  of  the 
Polish  youth  with  the  other  parts  of  the  Empire  and 
toward  the  instilling  in  them  of  feelings  of  loyalty 
to  the  sovereign."  The  Tsar  was  of  the  same  opinion. 


472  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  actual  results  of  this  policy  were,  however,  quite 
contrary  to  the  anticipations  of  official  Russia,  as  the 
Poles,  studying  in  Russian  universities,  came  into 
sympathetic  contact  with  the  young  Russian  revolu- 
tionaries, and  when  they  returned  home  they  hardly 
entertained  any  strong  attachments  for  the  govern- 
ment. 

Viceroy  Gorchakoff  advised  against  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  representative  government  in  Poland. 
"There  will  be  time  to  do  this,"  he  said,  "when  the 
whole  Empire  is  ready  to  benefit  in  an  equal  measure 
from  liberal  local  government,  after  the  institutions 
of  credit,  mortgages  and  other  public  improvements, 
as  exist  in  Poland,  will  be  known  in  the  other  parts 
of  Russia."  Owing,  however,  to  the  depression  in 
the  Russian  governmental  circles  which  followed  the 
Crimean  war,  the  rigor  of  administrative  oppression 
was  somewhat  abated.  The  publication  of  some  of 
Mickiewicz's  works  was  allowed,  permission  was 
granted  for  the  establishment  of  a  College  of  Phy- 
sicians and  Surgeons,  and  for  the  founding  of  an 
Agricultural  Society.  Youth  flocked  to  the  college, 
drawn  there  not  altogether  by  the  love  of  medical 
studies,  but  because  it  afforded  an  opportunity  for 
university  life  and  association.  Likewise  the  Agri- 
cultural Society  gathered  around  it  men  of  all  pur- 
suits. In  addition  to  landowners  and  country  squires, 
the  Society  had  in  its  membership  merchants  and 
manufacturers,  scientists  and  poets,  all  craving  some 
sort  of  organized  activity.  Count  Andrew  Zamoyski, 
an  able  and  influential  man  of  fine  character  and 
constructive  mind,  became  the  heart  and  soul  of  the 
Society  which  exercised  a  strong  influence  upon  pub- 
lic opinion,  and  which  devoted  as  much  consideration 
as  the  meddlesome  Russian  authorities  allowed  to 
the  burning  social  and  economic  problems  of  the  time, 


473 

chief  among  which  was  the  agrarian  question.  It 
also  served  as  the  only  organized  body  of  opinion 
to  present  the  needs  of  the  country  to  the  govern- 
ment. Some  of  their  memorials,  however,  though 
containing  very  moderate  demands,  were  resented 
in  St.  Petersburg.  Because  of  their  conservativism, 
the  members  of  the  Society  and  their  political  sym- 
pathizers were  known  as  the  Whites,  in  contradis- 


FIG.    211— COUNT  ANDREW   ZAMOYSKI 

tinction  to  the  younger  men,  known  as  the  Reds, 
who  were  chafing  under  the  bureaucratic  oppression, 
and  who  bound  themselves  in  secret  societies  to 
give  vent  to  their  feelings  and  to  prepare  for  another 
attempt  to  overthrow  the  detested  Russian  rule. 
The  Reds  scorned  the  compromises  indulged  in  by  the 
Whites  and  regarded  all  Russian  concessions  as 
harmful,  because  they  served  only  to  delude  the  nation 


474  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

and  to  retard  an  armed  uprising.     The  Whites  were 
opportunists    and    hoped    by    rational    endeavor    to 
strengthen  the  nation  economically  as  well  as  in  every 
other  direction  before  any  new  war  should  be  at- 
tempted.    Widely  separated  as  they  were   in   their 
views  and  methods,  the  two  parties  still  stood  firmly 
united  in  their  intense  hatred  of  the  government.    In- 
finitesimal was  the  faction  which  advised  loyalty  to 
Russia    in    the    hope    of   regaining    the    guaranteed 
autonomy  and  of  establishing  an  economic  union  with 
the  Russian  Empire.     Chief  among  those  Polish  sym- 
pathizers with  Russia  was  Margrave  Alexander  Wiel- 
opolski,  a  man  of  education  and  strong  will,  but  of  an 
impulsive,  arbitrary,  pugnacious  and  obstinate  char- 
acter.    When,  in  1861,  the  Russian  Government  real- 
ized that  it  must  make  certain  concessions  to  the 
Poles,  its  attention  was  called  to  Wielopolski,  whose 
pro-Russian  political  philosophy  found  an  early  ex- 
pression  in   a   pamphlet   written   by   him   after   the 
Galician    slaughter    in    1846,    entitled    "Lettre    d'un 
gentilhomme  polonais  an  prince  de  Metternich."     In 
that  pamphlet  he  pointed  out  the  futility  of  expecting 
any  effective  help  from  the  West  European  countries 
and  advised  a  political  and  economic  union  with  the 
Russian  nation.     This  political  philosophy,  as  well  as 
the  character  and  egotism  of  Wielopolski,  made  him 
a  most  unpopular  man  in  Poland,  and  yet  he  was 
selected  by  the  government  to  pacify  the  country  and 
to  effect  a  reconciliation  with  the  Russian  rule.     The 
choice  was  unfortunate  and  the  results  disastrous. 

The  echoes  that  reached  Poland  from  the  Apen- 

nine  Peninsula,  where  the  Italians  under  Garibaldi, 

with  the  help  of  Napoleon  III,  were  re- 

Po  itica     em-     gammpr    their    independence,    and    the 

onstrations  b  ..  ,.'.„. 

hopes  of  an  early  revolution  in  Russia, 
stimulated  the  activities  of  the  Reds  in  Poland.     To 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          475 

stir  up  the  patriotic  emotions  and  yet  to  do  it  within 
the  boundaries  permitted  by  law,  the  Reds  utilized 
every  conceivable  occasion.  They  organized  mani- 
festations that  aroused  the  masses  and  kept  Europe 
apprised  of  renewed  activity  in  the  Polish  volcano. 
Plolidays,  religious  processions,  funerals  and  historic 
anniversaries  were  grasped  as  opportunities  to  sing 


FIG.    212 — MARGRAVE   ALEXANDER   WIELOPOLSKI 

patriotic  songs,  to  pray  for  the  redemption  of  the 
country,  to  display  national  emblems  and  to  stir  up 
feeling  in  one  way  or  another.  The  first  of  these  dem- 
onstrations was  held  in  June  of  1860.  The  occasion 
for  it  was  the  funeral  of  Madame  Sowinska,  the  wife 
of  the  defender  of  a  suburb. of  Warsaw  against  Pas- 
kievitch  in  the  war  of  1832.  Tens  of  thousands  of  per- 


476  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

sons  took  part  in  the  funeral  cortege.  A  few  days 
later  another  immense  gathering  took  place,  and  then 
again  another.  There  was  no  end  to  demonstrations 
of  the  kind.  The  authorities  were  unable  to  stop 
this  form  of  patriotic  activity,  particularly  as  the  de- 
monstrations were  so  solemn  and  orderly  as  to  afford 
the  Russian  government  no  opportunity  for  inter- 
ference. The  government  could  not  prevent  the 
people  from  wearing  nothing  but  mourning  clothes 
and  of  refraining  from  gaiety  of  any  kind.  When 
the  Russian,  Austrian  and  Prussian  monarchs  came 
to  meet  at  AVarsaw  in  October,  1860,  the  triumphal 
arches  built  in  the  streets  for  their  reception  were 
burned  and  Francis  Joseph  was  met  at  the  railroad 
station  with  cries  of:  "Long  live  Solferino  and 
Magenta!"  The  monarchs  met  with  a  similar  un- 
pleasantness when  the  air  of  the  theatre  was  sur- 
charged with  obnoxious  gases  during  the  gala  per- 
formance given  in  their  honor. 

In  attempting  to  stimulate  the  Agricultural 
Society  to  a  more  radical  policy  with  reference  to 
agrarian  reforms  than  the  Society  was  willing  to 
adopt,  the  Reds  called  a  huge  street  demonstration 
on  the  day  scheduled  for  the  opening  of  the  annual 
convention  of  the  Society.  Immense  crowds  gathered 
in  the  streets  of  Warsaw  on  February  25,  1861, 
and  with  torches,  crosses  and  historic  banners  pro- 
ceeded toward  the  building  where  the  convention 
was  assembled.  They  were  dispersed  by  the  police 
and  the  soldiery.  Two  days  later  the  demonstration 
was  repeated  on  a  still  larger  scale.  A  Russian 
general,  unauthorized  by  his  superiors,  ordered  a 
charge  against  the  unarmed  crowd.  Five  men  were 
killed  and  a  large  number  wounded.  This  slaughter 
of  innocent  men  roused  the  country.  Contributions 
poured  in  daily  for  the  erection  of  a  lasting  monu- 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


477 


ment  in  memory  of  the  victims  and  for  the  support 
of  their  families.  GorchakofT  realized  that  some  con- 
cessions must  be  made  by  the  government  lest  a  fierce 
revolution  break  out  immediately.  He  allowed  the 
holding  of  demonstrative  obsequies  in  honor  of  the 
dead,  in  which  the  whole  city  took  part  and  turned 
over  the  policing  and  adminstration  of  the  city  to  a 


FIG.    213— DEMONSTRATION   AT   THE    FUNERAL   OF   THE    FIVE    VICTIMS 

KILLED    IN    THE    STREETS    OF   WARSAW    BY    THE    RUSSIAN 

SOLDIERY  ON  FEBRUARY  27,   1861.      THE  CLERGY  OF 

ALL   CREEDS   ATTENDED    THE    OBSEQUIES 

citizens'  committee  which  had  done  splendid  work 
during  the  fort)''  days  it  had  been  in  existence.  Mean- 
while, the  hated  Mukhanoff  was  relieved  from  duty 
by  the  Viceroy,  and  on  March  25th,  a  month  after 
the  last  demonstration,  the  Tsar  proclaimed  an  ukase 
by  which  he  called  into  life  a  Council  of  State,  com- 


478  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

posed  of  citizens,  lay  and  ecclesiastical,  upon  whom 
devolved  the  duty  "to  discuss  the  needs  of  the  coun- 
try, to  receive  petitions  and  to  hear  complaints."  The 
ukase  also  created  elective  administrative  councils  in 
the  provinces,  counties  and  municipalities  of  the 
kingdom;  it  restored  the  Commission  for  Public  Edu- 
cation and  Religious  Creeds;  it  allowed  the  reopening 
of  the  higher  institutions  of  learning;  and  it  provided 
for  the  reorganization  of  public  instruction.  Mar- 
grave Alexander  Wielopolski  was  chosen  to  direct  the 


FIG.    234— SOUVENIR    MEDAL,    IN    MEMORY    OF    THE    DEAD    AND    WOUNDED 
IN   THE   STREETS   OF  WARSAW 


work  of  the  Commission  or  Ministry  of  Education  and 
Creeds.  He  was  also  soon  made  head  of  the  De- 
partment of  Justice  and  became  the  most  powerful 
man  in  Poland.  He  brought  to  his  office  great  abili- 
ties and  good  intentions,  but  his  temper  and  im- 
patience prevented  him  from  achieving  the  things 
he  most  desired :  general  approval  of  his  endeavors 
and  the  conciliation  of  the  nation.  Popular  opinion 
remained  inimical  to  him,  and  Andrew  Zamoyski,  the 
leader  of  the  nobility,  could  not  persuade  himself  to 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          479 

support  the  autocratic  and  violent  Margrave,  although 
he  did  not  oppose  him.  To  curb  his  opponents  and 
the  malcontents,  Wielopolski  did  not  hesitate  to  use 
the  most  drastic  measures,  and  thereby  antagonized 
the  clergy  and  outraged  the  country.  The  closing 
of  the  Agricultural  Society  ordered  by  him,  provoked 
a  demonstrative  outburst  of  indignation,  and  public 
feeling  was  only  the  more  embittered  by  the  hun- 
dreds of  victims  who  fell  in  the  bloody  street  riots 
which  took  place  in  Warsaw  on  April  8,  1861. 

Such  was  the  inauspicious  beginning  of  Wielo- 
polski's  administration!  It  was  necessary  for  him  to 
resort  to  the  use  of  military  patrols  to 
preserve  order  in  the  capital  and  to  in- 
voke rigid  censorship  to  forestall  severe 
criticism.  This  condition  of  things  did  not,  however, 
diminish  his  energy  in  carrying  out  his  program  of 
reforms.  He  began  by  discharging  from  government 
positions  all  Russians  and  supplanted  them  by  Poles, 
reorganized  the  courts,  and  removed  all  the  disabili- 
ties the  Russian  Government  had  imposed  upon  the 
Jews.  They  were  given  full  rights  of  citizenship  and 
representation  in  the  Council  of  State,  and  in  the 
administrative  provincial  and  local  councils.  To 
stimulate  the  polonization  of  the  Jewish  element  he 
encouraged  their  education  in  the  Polish  schools,  and 
forbade  the  use  of  the  Jewish  jargon  in  legal  and 
commercial  transactions.  Public  education  was  one 
of  his  chief  concerns.  He  labored  to  restore  Polish 
schools  to  their  former  European  standards,  and  in 
the  curricula  worked  out  he  laid  particular  emphasis 
upon  French  attainments  and  culture.  He  built  a 
large  number  of  new  primary  and  secondary  schools, 
and  in  1862,  during  his  second  term  of  office,  the  War- 
saw Universary  was  reopened  under  the  name  of  the 
Superior  School,  with  four  departments,  an  elective 


480 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


rector  and  a  large  body  of  able  professors  and  in- 
,  structors. 

Liberal  in  educational  and  religious  matters,  he 
extremely  conservative  in  his  agrarian  policy, 
e  had  no  sympathy  with  the  popular  demand  for 
radical  solution  of  the  land  problem.     Instead,  he 
idvocated  a  modification  of  the  existing  conditions  by 
'the  substitution  of  rent  payments  for  personal  services, 


FIG.    215— THE   LIBRARY   OF   THE   UNIVERSITY   OF  WARSAW 

and  was  unalterably  opposed  to  all  state  legislation 
aimed  at  any  compulsion  to  sell  land  to  peasants  in 
accordance  with  a  stipulated  schedule  of  prices.  It  was 
rather  unfortunate  that  he  encountered  such  relent- 
less open  and  tacit  opposition  to  everything  he  did  or 
proposed.  It  served  to  enrage  him  the  more  and  to 
resort  to  most  brutal  means  to  conquer  the  opposition 
which,  in  turn,  grew  more  determined  from  day  to 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM  481      \ 

I 

day.     His   position   became   untenable,   particularly 
after  the  death  of  Prince   Gorchakoff,   his   staunch/ 
supporter.   The  Reds  were  ceaseless  in  denouncing  the 
Margrave  and  in  organizing  demonstrations  wher|- 
ever  and  wherever  possible.     The  Whites,  despite  the 
closing  of  the  Agricultural  Society,  continued  to  keep 
together  in  secret  societies  and  to  group  around  theu\ 
leader.   Count   Zamoyski.     They   looked  with   favor\ 
upon  the  reforms,  but  were  prevented  from  lending \ 
active  support  by  the  repulsive  character  of  Wielopol-  \ 
ski,  and  because  of  his  failure  to  apply  the  program  1 
to  Lithuania  and  Ruthenia. 

Both   Lithuania  and  Ruthenia  became  restless.  I 
On  August  21,  1861,  Kovno  celebrated  the  anniver- / 
sary  of  the  Union  of  Lublin,  which  was/ 
T-he,Rl^ing.        consummated  in  1569,  during  the  reierf 

Of  the  Revolu-  ,     ~  TTA  i  i    •     i        r    ' 

tionary  Tide  °*  Zygmunt  i  August,  and  which  fofr 
centuries  had  united  the  Lithuanians 
and  Ruthenians  with  the  Poles  as  brethren  and  frefe 
men.  A  still  greater  demonstration  was  held  afc 
Horodlo  on  October  10th  of  the  same  year,  in  which 
a  countless  multitude  of  Lithuanians,  Poles  and  Ru-, 
thenians  celebrated  the  memorable  deed  of  1413, 
which  was  conceived  in  love  and  dedicated  to  liberty. 
In  the  same  historic  town  they  once  more  swore  to  up- 
hold the  union.  To  stem  the  revolutionary  tide,  the 
new  Viceroy,  Count  Charles  Lambert,  goaded  on  by 
Wielopolski,  determined  to  employ  severe  measures 
of  repression.  In  spite  of  this,  the  funeral  of  the 
patriotic  Archbishop  of  Warsaw,  which  took  place 
on  the  day  of  the  Horodlo  anniversary,  was  seized  as 
an  excuse  for  a  demonstrative  gathering  at  the  capital. 
The  Reds  issued  a  proclamation  for  a  similar  demon- 
stration to  be  held  five  days  later  on  the  anniversary 
of  Kosciuszko's  death,  October  15th.  The  govern- 
ment was  apprised  of  this  and  declared  martial  law 


482  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

throughout  the  kingdom.  This  step  served  but  to 
provoke  bloodshed  and  did  not  stop  the  demonstra- 
tion. On  the  morning  of  that  day  all  the  churches 
of  the  city  were  thronged  to  capacity,  masses  cele- 
brated and  religious  and  patriotic  songs  chanted. 
The  Governor  General  surrounded  the  churches  with 
troops  and  ordered  wholesale  arrests  of  all  communi- 
cants. In  two  churches  the  congregations  resolved 
to  remain  throughout  the  day  and  night.  The  next 
morning  the  troops  forcibly  entered  the  churches  and 
arrested  over  three  thousand  persons.  In  remon- 
strance against  this  outrage  the  administrator  of  the 
archdiocese  ordered  the  closing  of  all  churches  for  an 
indefinite  period  of  time.  In  proof  of  their  solidarity 
all  the  Protestant  temples  and  Jewish  synagogues 
similarly  closed  their  doors.  Following  this  incident 
Count  Lambert  left  Poland  and  Wielopolski  sub- 
mitted his  resignation  and  went  to  St.  Petersburg. 
In  the  conferences  with  the  Tsar  he  attributed  the 
causes  of  his  failures  to  the  insufficiency  of  the  con- 
cessions granted,  and  urged  among  other  reforms  the 
separation  of  the  administrative  and  military  branches 
of  the  government,  as  was  provided  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  1815.  The  Tsar  was  not  ready  to  follow  his 
advice  at  the  time.  Meanwhile,  the  successors  of 
Count  Lambert  ruled  the  country  with  an  iron  hand. 
Arrests  were  made  without  discrimination,  and  thou- 
sands of  persons  were  deported  to  Russia  and 
Siberia,  chiefly  from  among  the  Whites.  The  Reds, 
through  the  secrecy  of  their  proceedings  and  their 
splendid  organizations  which  were  spread  all  over  the 
country,  were  more  protected  than  the  conservatives, 
who  were  usually  taken  unawares,  often  on  the  slight- 
est suspicion,  in  the  majority  of  instances  imaginary 
and  groundless.  As  the  repressions  grew,  resistance 
became  more  active  and  better  organized.  The  emi- 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          483 

grants  in  France  and  Italy  renewed  their  efforts  in 
various  directions.  With  the  assistance  of  Garibaldi 
and  under  the  direction  of  General  Mieroslawski  a 
military  school  was  established  at  Genoa  in  September, 
1861,  to  train  officers  and  subalterns.  At  the  request 
of  the  Russian  Government,  however,  the  school  was 
closed  by  order  of  the  Italian  authorities  in  June,  1862. 
These  renewed  revolutionary  activities  led  the  Tsar 


FIG.  216— THE  MAIN  BUILDING  OF  THE  NEW  POLYTECHNICAL,  INSTITUTE 

AT  WARSAW 

to  consider  more  seriously  the  advice  of  Wielopolski. 
He  entrusted  to  him  first  the  selection  of  a  new  arch- 
bishop who  would  open  the  churches  and  prohibit 
future  patriotic  demonstrations  in  these  edifices,  and 
then,  in  spite  of  the  vehement  protests  of  the  Russian 
reactionaries,  consented  to  grant  to  Poland  a  much 
wider  measure  of  home  rule  than  heretofore,  and  to 
separate  the  military  from  the  civil  authorities.  Fol- 
lowing the  example  of  his  grandfather,  the  Tsar  sent 


484 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


his  brother  Constantine  to  Warsaw  as  Viceroy  of 
Poland,  and  made  Wielopolski  the  head  of  the  civil 
government,  June  8,  1862.  The  home  rule  granted 
was  very  considerable.  It  did  not,  however,  restore 
the  autonomy  of  1815,  and  did  not  revive  the  national 
Polish  army. 


FiG.    217 — JOSEPH   KORZENIOWSKI    (1797-1863) 
Educator  and  Writer 


It  was  during  this  period  of  the  shortlived  Polish 
autonomy  that   Wielopolski   carried   out   his   educa- 
tional reforms.     In  addition  to  the  re- 
PoHsh^^  opening  of  the  University  of  Warsaw, 

Home-Rule          mentioned  above, he  founded  aPolytech- 
nical  School  and  an  Institute  of  Agricul- 
ture and  Forestry  at  Pulawy,  near  Lublin.     He  re- 


UPRISING  OF  1863 -AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          485 

organized  the  Warsaw  School  of  Fine  Arts  and 
opened  a  High  School  for  girls  at  the  capital.  In- 
struction in  all  the  schools  was  exclusively  in  Po- 
lish and  emphasis  was  laid  on  the  teaching  of  Polish 
history  and  literature.  The  name  of  the  Polish 
writer,  Joseph  Korzeniowski,  should  be  mentioned  in 
this  connection,  as  he  was  Wielopolski's  chief  adviser 
in  educational  matters,  and  as  his  name  has  since 
become  known  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  world  by  the 
literary  genius  of  his  nephew,  Joseph  Conrad. 

Had  home  rule  been  granted  earlier,  before  the 
revolutionary  propaganda  took  such  a  strong  hold  on 
the  people,  Polish  political  life  might  have  taken  a 
different  course,  for  a  while  at  least.  As  it  was,  the 
Reds,  believing  that  the  concessions  made  on  the  part 
of  the  government  were  calculated  merely  to  pacify 
the  strong  revolutionary  spirit  which  was  animating 
the  country,  and  that  they  would  be  rescinded  or  cur- 
tailed after  this  object  had  been  attained  and  the 
revolutionary  societies  disbanded,  resolved  to  continue 
on  the  warpath  and  to  stop  at  nothing  short  of  com- 
plete independence.  Their  determination,  however, 
might  have  been  paralyzed  by  the  cooler  councils  of 
the  conservatives  had  somebody  other  than  the  im- 
petuous and  tactless  Wielopolski  headed  the  civil 
government. 

To  forestall  the  possibility  of  a  modus  vivendi 
between  the  government  and  the  people  an  irrespon- 
sible band  among  the  Reds  decided  to  employ  terror- 
istic tactics.  In  June,  1862,  a  Russian  military  officer 
belonging  to  the  revolutionary  party  shot  and 
wounded  the  military  governor  in  retaliation  for  the 
death  sentence  imposed  upon  his  three  colleagues  in 
the  army.  Upon  the  arrival  of  Grand  Duke  Con- 


486  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

stantine  an  entirely  unwarranted  attempt  was  made 
upon  his  life  by  a  Polish  tailor,  a  member  of  the  ter- 
roristic organization.  Several  weeks  later  two  suc- 
cessive attempts  were  made  on  the  life  of  the  Mar- 
grave, but  both  failed.  These  mad  acts  met  with  the 
deserved  condemnation  of  the  country.  It  was  shared 
by  both  the  Whites  and  the  Reds.  The  Central  Com- 
mittee of  the  Revolutionary  Party  declared  that  it  had 
nothing  to  do  with  them.  But  in  spite  of  that  the 
government  proceeded  to  avenge  the  irresponsible 
acts  of  the  terrorists.  Even  the  most  conservative 
among  the  Whites,  who,  like  Count  Andrew  Zamoy- 
ski,  condemned  the  terror  in  no  mistaken  terms,  were 
exiled  from  the  country.  Wielopolski  raged  with  fury. 
Many  persons  on  mere  suspicion  were  put  into  jail  or 
sent  to  Siberia.  To  cap  his  policy  of  senseless  ven- 
geance, the  Margrave  conceived  a  dangerous  expedi- 
ent of  "kidnapping  the  opposition."  He  determined 
to  pick  out  a  large  number  of  men  from  the  city  work- 
ing classes  and  from  the  floating  element  in  the 
country  estates  who  constituted  the  bulk  of  the  revolu- 
tionary contingent,  and  to  enroll  them  forcibly  in  regi- 
ments stationed  in  remote  regions  of  Russia.  This 
lawless  and  arbitrary  act  roused  the  country  and  ex- 
pedited and  armed  uprising.  The  Central  Committee 
of  the  Revolutionary  Party  made  frantic  efforts  to 
postpone  the  outbreak  until  sufficient  stores  of  am- 
munition arrived  from  abroad,  but  could  not  control 
the  situation  when  the  time  arrived  for  carrying  into 
effect  Wielopolski's  order.  On  January  22,  1863,  the 
Central  Committee,  assuming  the  name  of  the  Pro- 
visional National  Government,  proclaimed  the  revo- 
lution. 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          487 

The  night  of  January  22, 1863,  was  the  beginning 
of  a  new  uprising  against  Russian  rule.  It  broke  out 

at  a  moment  when  general  quiet  pre- 
P1*  .  vailed  in  Europe  and  in  Russia,  and 

of  ises  when  the  Revolutionary  Party  had  not 

sufficient  means  to  arm  and  equip  the 
bands  of  young  men  who  were  hiding  in  forests  to 
escape  Wielopolski's  order  of  conscription  into  the 
Russian  army.  Altogether  about  ten  thousand  men 
rallied  around  the  revolutionary  banner;  they  were 
recruited  chiefly  from  the  ranks  of  the  city  working 
classes  and  minor  clerks,  although  there  was  also  a 
considerable  admixture  of  the  younger  sons  of  the 
poorer  country  squires  and  a  number  of  priests  of 
lower  rank.  To  deal  with  these  ill-armed  bands  the 
government  had  at  its  disposal  a  well  trained  army 
of  ninety  thousand  men  under  General  Ramsay  in  Po- 
land, sixty  thousand  troops  in  Lithuania  and  forty-five 
thousand  in  Volhynia.  It  looked  as  if  the  rebellion 
would  be  crushed  in  a  short  while.  The  die  was  cast, 
however,  and  the  provisional  government  applied  it- 
self to  the  great  task  with  fervor.  It  issued  a  mani- 
festo in  which  it  pronounced  "all  sons  of  Poland  free 
and  equal  citizens  without  distinction  of  creed,  con- 
dition and  rank."  It  declared  that  "land  cultivated 
by  the  peasants,  whether  on  the  basis  of  rent-pay  or 
service,  henceforth  should  become  their  uncondi- 
tional property,  and  compensation  for  it  would  be 
given  to  the  landlords  out  of  the  general  funds  of  the 
State."  The  revolutionary  government  did  its  very 
best  to  supply  and  provision  the  unarmed  and  scat- 
tered guerrillas  who,  during  the  month  of  February, 
met  the  Russians  in  eighty  bloody  encounters.  Mean- 
while, it  issued  an  appeal  to  the  nations  of  western 
Europe,  which  was  received  everywhere  with  a  genu- 
ine and  heartfelt  response,  from  Norway  to  Portugal. 


488  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Pope  Pius  IX  ordered  a  special  prayer  for  the  success 
of  the  Polish  arms,  and  was  very  active  in  arousing 
sympathy  for  the  suffering  nation.  The  provisional 
government  counted  on  a  revolutionary  outbreak  in 
Russia,  where  the  discontent  with  the  autocratic  re- 
gime seemed  at  the  time  to  be  widely  prevalent.  It  also 
counted  on  the  active  support  of  Napoleon  III,  par- 
ticularly after  Prussia,  foreseeing  an  inevitable  armed 
conflict  with  France,  made  friendly  overtures  to  Rus- 
sia and  offered  her  assistance  in  suppressing  the  Po- 
lish uprising.  On  the  14th  day  of  February  arrange- 
ments had  already  been  completed,  and  the  British 
Ambassador  in  Berlin  was  able  to  inform  his  govern- 
ment that  a  Prussian  military  envoy  "has  concluded  a 
military  convention  with  the  Russian  Government, 
according  to  which  the  two  governments  will  recipro- 
cally afford  facilities  to  each  other  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  insurrectionary  movements  which  have 
lately  taken  place  in  Poland  .  .  .  The  Prussian 
railways  are  also  to  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Russian  military  authorities  for  the  transportation 
of  troops  through  Prussian  territory  from  one  part 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  to  another  .  .  .  "*  This 
step  of  Bismarck's  led  to  protests  on  the  part  of  sev- 
eral governments  and  roused  the  Polish  nation.  The 
result  was  the  transformation  of  the  insignificant 
uprising  into  another  national  war  against  Russia. 
Encouraged  by  the  promises  made  by  Napoleon  III, 
the  whole  nation,  acting  upon  the  advice  of  Wlady- 
slav  Czartoryski,  the  son  of  Prince  Adam,  took  to 
arms.  Indicating  their  solidarity  with  the  nation, 
all  the  Poles  holding  office  under  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment, including  the  Archbishop  of  Warsaw,  resigned 
their  positions  and  submitted  to  the  newly  consti- 


*J.  Ellis  Barker,  1.  c.,  p.  100. 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          489 

tuted  Polish  Government,  which  was  composed  xof  five 
most  prominent  representatives  of  the  Whites.  This 
transformation  of  the  insurrection  into  a  war  changed 
the  whole  aspect  of  the  situation.  An  army  of  thirty 
thousand  men  was  soon  organized  and  new  additions 
were  made.  The  rich  elements  in  the  cities  as  well  as 


FIG.   218— SYMBOL  OF  WAR 
(From   the  series  of  drawings  on   "War"    by   Arthur  Grottger) 

in  the  country  districts  offered  large  sums  of  money. 
The  nobility  of  Galicia  and  the  Duchy  of  Posen  sup- 
ported the  war  with  money,  supplies  and  men.  Lithu- 
ania rose  and  soon  the  flame  of  war  spread  over 
Livonia,  White  Russia,  Volhynia,  Podolia  and  even 
in  some  places  in  LTkraine.  The  diplomatic  inter- 
vention of  the  Powers  in  behalf  of  Poland,  not  sus- 


490  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

tained,  except  in  the  case  of  Sweden,  by  a  real  deter- 
mination on  their  part  to  do  something  effective  for 
her,  did  more  harm  than  good,  as  mere  verbosity  often 
does.  Tt  alienated  Austria  which  hitherto  had  main- 
tained a  friendly  neutrality  with  reference  to  Poland 
and  had  not  interferred  with  the  Polish  activities  in 
Galicia.  It  prejudiced  public  opinion  among  the  radical 


FIG.    219— A   -LITHUANIAN   INSURRECTIONIST 
(From  the  Series  "Lithuania"   by  Arthur  Grottger) 

groups  in  Russia  who,  until  that  time,  had  been  friendly 
because  they  regarded  the  uprising  as  of  a  social  rather 
than  a  national  character  and  it  stirred  the  Russian 
Government  to  more  energetic  endeavors  toward  the 
speedy  suppression  of  hostilities  which  were  growing 
in  strength  and  determination.  By  bringing  about  a 
transfer  of  the  reins  of  government  from  the  hands  of 
the  progressives  into  those  of  the  conservatives, 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          491 

foreign  intervention  was  indirectly  responsible  for  the 
alienation  of  the  former  enthusiastic  support  which 
the  peasants  gave  to  the  uprising.  The  conservative 
government  did  not  make  such  sweeping  promises  of 
land  distribution  as  were  given  in  the  declaration  of 
the  revolutionary  provisional  government.  Prince 
Peter  Kropotkin  in  his  "Memoirs"  gives  interesting 
information  as  to  the  consternation  the  grim  turn 


FIG.    220— A   BATTLE 
(From  the  series  "Polonia"   by  Arthur  Grottger) 

taken  by  the  war  was  creating  in  the  official  circles  of 
Russia,  and  how  the  failure  of  the  Polish  government 
to  satisfy  the  peasants  was  craftily  exploited  in  the 
interests  of  Russia.  To  quote  Kropotkin: 

"Full  advantage  was  taken  of  this  mistake  (on  the  part  of 
the  Polish  government)  when  Nicholas  Milutin  was  sent  to 
Poland  by  Alexander  II  with  the  mission  of  liberating  the 
peasants  in  the  way  he  intended  doing  it  in  Russia,  whether  the 
landlords  were  ruined  or  not.  'Go  to  Poland ;  apply  there 
your  red  program  against  the  Polish  landlords/  said  Alexander 


492  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

TI  to  him,  and  Milutin,  together  with  Prince  Cherkassky  and 
many  others,  really  did  their  best  to  take  the  land  from  the 
landlords  and  give  good-sized  allotments  to  the  peasants  .  .  . 
One  can  imagine  the  effect  which  such  a  policy  had  upon  the 
peasants.  A  cousin  of  mine  was  in  Poland  or  in  Lithuania 
with  his  regiment  of  uhlans  of  the  guard.  The  revolution  was 
so  serious  that  even  the  regiments  of  the  guard  had  been  sent 
from  St.  Petersburg  against  it,  and  it  is  now  known  that  when 
Michael  Muravioff  was  sent  to  Lithuania  and  went  to  take 
leave  of  the  Empress  Marie,  she  said  to  him :  'Save  at  least 
Lithuania  for  Russia!'  Poland  was  regarded  as  lost. 

"  'The  armed  bands  of  the  revolutionists  held  the  country,' 
my  cousin  said  to  rne,  'and  we  were  powerless  to  defeat  them, 
or  even  to  find  them.  Small  bands  over  and  over  again  at- 
tacked our  smaller  detachments,  and  as  they  fought  admirably 
and  knew  the  country  and  found  support  among  the  popula- 
tion, they  often  had  the  best  of  the  skirmishes.  We  were 
thus  compelled  to  march  in  large  columns  only.  We  would 
cross  a  region,  marching  through  the  woods,  without  finding 
any  trace  of  the  bands ;  but  when  we  marched  back  again  we 
learned  that  the  bands  had  reappeared  in  our  rear ;  that  they 
had  levied  the  patriotic  tax  in  the  country ;  and  if  some  peasant 
had  rendered  himself  useful  in  any  way  to  our  troops,  we  found 
him  hanged  on  a  tree  by  the  revolutionary  bands.  So  it  went 
on  for  months,  with  no  chance  for  improvement,  until  Milutin 
and  Cherkassky  came  and  freed  the  peasants,  giving  them  the 
land.  Then— all  Avas  over.' 

"I  once  met  one  of  the  Russian  functionaries  who  went  to 
Poland  under  Milutin  and  Cherkassky.  'We  had  full  liberty,' 
he  said,  to  turn  over  the  land  to  the  peasants.  My  usual  plan 
was  to  go  and  convoke  the  peasants'  assembly. 

"  'Tell  me  first,'  I  would  say,  'what  land  do  you  hold  at  this 
moment?'  They  would  point  it  out  to  me. 

"  'Is  this  all  the  land  you  ever  held?'     I  would  then  ask. 

"  'Surely  not,'  they  would  reply  with  one  voice.  'Years 
ago  these  meadows  were  ours ;  this  wood  was  once  in  our  pos- 
session, these  fields,  too,'  they  would  say. 

"I  would  let  them  go  on  talking  and  then  would  ask: 

"  'Now,  which  of  you  can  certify  under  oath  that  this  or 
that  land  has  ever  been  held  by  you?'  Of  course,  there  would 
be  nobody  forthcoming — it  was  all  too  long  ago.  At  last 
some  old  man  would  be  thrust  out  from  the  crowd,  the  rest 
saying: 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM         493 

'  'He  knows  all  about  it ;  he  can  swear  to  it.' 
"The  old  man  would  begin  a  long  story  about  what  he 
knew  in  his  youth,  or  had  heard  from  his  father,  but  I  would 
cut  the  story  short   .... 

"  'State  on  oath  what  you  know  to  have  been  held  by  the 
gmina  (the  village  community)  and  the  land  is  yours.'  And 
as  soon  as  he  took  the  oath — one  could  trust  the  oath  implicitly 
—I  wrote  out  the  papers  and  declared  to  the  assembly : 

"  'Now,  this  land  is  yours.  You  stand  no  longer  under 
any  obligations  whatever  to  your  late  masters ;  you  are  simply 
their  neighbors;  all  you  will  have  to  do  is  to  pay  the  redemp- 
tion tax,  so  much  every  year,  to  the  government.  Your  home- 
steads go  with  the  land :  you  get  them  free.'  "  * 

How    Muravioff,    the    Hangman,    proceeded    in 
Lithuania  is  too  weird  to  describe.     In  addition  to  the 
thousands  who  fell  in  battles,  one  hun- 
°  ^re<^  anc^  twenty-eight  men  were  exe- 

cuted by  his  order,  and  nine  thousand 
four  hundred  and  twenty-three  men  and  women  were 
exiled  to  Siberia.  Whole  villages  and  towns  were 
burned  to  the  last  beam;  all  activities  were  suspended 
and  the  gentry  was  ruined  by  confiscation  and  exor- 
bitant taxes.  Count  Berg,  the  newly  appointed  Gover- 
nor-General of  Poland,  followed  in  MuraviofFs  foot- 
steps, employing  inhumanly  harsh  measures  against 
the  country.  The  Reds  criticised  the  Conservative  gov- 
ernment for  its  reactionary  policy  with  reference  to 
the  peasants  but,  deluded  in  its  hopes  by  Napoleon  III, 
the  Government  counted  on  French  support  and  per- 
sisted in  its  tactics.  It  was  only  after  the  highly 
respected  and  wise  Romuald  Traugiitt  took  matters 
in  hand  that  the  aspect  of  the  situation  became 
brighter.  He  reverted  to  the  policy  of  the  first  pro- 
visional government  and  endeavored  to  bring  the 
peasant  masses  into  active  participation  by  granting 
to  them  the  land  they  worked  and  calling  upon  all 

*  P.  Kropotkin:   "Memoirs  of  a  Revolutionist."   Boston:  Houghton, 
Mifflin  &  Co.,  1899,  pp.  174-180. 


494  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

classes  to  rise.  The  response  was  generous  but  not 
universal.  The  wise  policy  was  adopted  too  late. 
The  Russian  Government  had  already  been  working 
among  the  peasants  in  the  manner  above  described 
and  giving  to  them  liberal  parcels  of  land  for  the  mere 
asking.  They  were  completely  satisfied,  and  though 
not  interfering  with  the  revolutionaries  to  any  great 
extent,  became  lukewarm  to-  them.  Fighting  con- 
tinued intermittently  for  several  months.  Among  the 
generals  Count  Joseph  Hauke  distinguished  himself 
most  as  a  commander  of  the  revolutionary  forces  and 
took  several  cities  from  the  vastly  superior  Russian 
army.  When  Traugutt  and  the  four  other  members 
of  the  Polish  Government  were  apprehended  by  Rus- 
sian troops  and  executed  at  the  Warsaw  citadel,  the 
war  in  the  course  of  which  six  hundred  and  fifty  battles 
and  skirmishes  were  fought  and  twenty-five  thousand 
Poles  killed,  came  to  a  speedy  end  in  the  latter  half  of 
1864,  having  lasted  for  eighteen  months.  It  is  of  in- 
terest to  note  that  it  persisted  in  Zmudz  and  Podlasie, 
where  the  Uniate  population,  outraged  and  perse- 
cuted for  their  religious  convictions,  clung  longest  to 
the  revolutionary  banner. 

After  the  collapse  of  the  uprising  the  Russian 
Government  was  at  liberty  to  indulge  in  vengeance  and 

the  opportunity  was  not  missed.     Ac- 
C  Venf  h         cording  to  Russian  official  information, 

three  hundred  and  ninety-six  persons 
Government  wef  e  executed  and  eighteen  thousand  six 

hundred  and  seventy-two  were  exiled 
to  Siberia.  Large  numbers  of  men  and  women  were 
sent  to  the  interior  of  Russia  and  to  Caucasus,  Ural 
and  other  sections.  Altogether  about  seventy  thou- 
sand persons  were  imprisoned  and  subquently  taken 
out  of  Poland  and  stationed  in  the  remote  regions  of 
Russia.  The  government  confiscated  sixteen  hun- 


496  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

dred  and  sixty  estates  in  Poland  and  seventeen  hun- 
dred and  ninety-four  in  Lithuania.  A  ten  per  cent, 
income  tax  was  imposed  on  all  estates  as  a  war  in- 
demnity. Only  in  1869  was  this  exorbitant  and 
ruinous  tax  reduced  to  "five  per  cent,  on  all  incomes. 
Resides  the  land  granted  to  the  peasants,  the  Russian 
Government  gave  them  additional  forest,  pasture  and 
other  privileges  (known  under  the  name  of  "servi- 
tutes")  which  have  proven  to  be  a  source  of  incessant 
irritation  between  the  landowners  and  peasants,  and 
of  serious  difficulty  to  rational  economic  development. 
The  government  took  over  all  the  church  estates  and 
funds,  and  abolished  monasteries  and  convents.  With 
the  exception  of  religious  instruction,  all  other  studies 
in  the  schools  were  ordered  to  be  in  Russian.  Russian 
also  became  the  official  language  of  the  country,  used 
exclusively  in  all  offices  of  the  general  and  local  gov- 
ernment. All  traces  of  the  former  Polish  autonomy 
were  removed  and  the  kingdom  was  divided  into  ten 
provinces,  each  with  an  appointed  Russian  military 
governor  and  all  under  complete  control  of  the  Gov- 
ernor-General at  Warsaw.  All  the. former  govern- 
ment functionaries  were  deprived  of  their  positions, 
and  in  Poland  alone  about  fourteen  thousand  Poles 
were  thrown  out  to  care  for  themselves  and  their 
families  as  well  as  they  could. 

In  Lithuania  the  Russian  officials  set  themselves 
to  the  task  of  obliterating  Polish  culture.     As  in  Po- 
land,  all  libraries  and  museums  were  re- 
moved to  Russia.    Associations  of  every 

Lithuania  1-1  11         r^t  •  •  e 

kind  were  closed.  Ine  continuation  of 
a  Polish  newspaper  that  had  been  published  in  Wilno 
since  1750  was  prohibited.  The  confiscated  estates 
were  awarded  to  Russian  officials.  Every  oppor- 
tunity was  used  to  dispossess  Polish  landowners  from 
their  homesteads.  Over  eight  hundred  families  were 


UPRISING  OF  MM  AMD  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM       497 


forced  to  sell  their  estates  and  all  of  them  went  to 
Russians,  as,  by  the  ukase  of  the  Tsar  proclaimed  in 
1865,  only  Russians  had  the  right  to  buy  land  in  Lithu- 
ania and  Ruthenia.  As  long  as  Russian  rule  lasted  the 
Poles  could  not  acquire  land  in  two  sections  of  the  for- 
mer Polish  Republic.  The  impoverished  Polish  nobles 
who  did  not  own  any  real  estate  were  ordered  to  leave 
the  country  and  were  forcibly  settled  in  Russia.  Po- 
lish speech  was  prohibited  in  public  places.  Severe 
punishment  was  prescribed  for  teaching  reading  or 
writing  outside  of  school  buildings.  Polish  display 
signs  over  stores,  Polish  posters  or  advertisements  of 
any  kind  came  under  the  ban  of  the  law.  Even  the 
cab  drivers  had  not  escaped  the  watchful  eye  of  the 
Russian  officials:  they  were  ordered  to  dress,  as 
well  as  to  fix  the  harness  of  their  horses,  in  the  Rus- 
sian style.  The  names  of  the  cities  were  Russified  and 
Russian  colonization  was  strongly  encouraged.  Par- 
ticularly severe  limitations  were  imposed  upon  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church.  During  the  seven  years 
following  the  revolution  only  ten  priests  were  or- 
dained in  Lithuania.  Meetings  of  priests  were  pro- 
hibited as  were  also  public  prayers,  processions, 
renovation  of  church  buildings  or  displays  of  crosses. 
A  very  strict  police  control  was  exercised  over  the 
priests.  As  in  Poland,  Roman  Catholic  religious 
orders  were  abolished.  Thousands  of  Catholic  com- 
municants were  forced  to  join  Greek  Orthodox 
churches  and  many  Roman  churches  were  trans- 
formed into  Orthodox  places  of  worship.  Efforts 
were  made  to  supplement  the  prayers  in  Polish  by 
special  prayers  in  the  Russian  tongue.  Religious  in- 
struction in  the  Lithuanian  schools  was  to  be  given 
in  Russian.  As  a  result  of  these  Russian  iniquities 
with  reference  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  Po- 
land and  Lithuania.  Pope  Pius  IX  severed  diplo- 


498 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


matic  relations  with  Russia  in  1865.  The  Poles  were 
removed  from  all  government  positions,  from  service 
on  railways,  banks  and  similar  public  institutions. 
The  publishing  of  books  and  periodicals  in  either  the 
Polish  or  Lithuanian  language  was  made  illegal.  Only 


FIG.   222— THE  CHURCH   OF  ST.   ANN   IN  WILNO 

in  1904  were  the  Lithuanians  again  granted  the  use  of 
Latin  characters.  The  laws  of  1864  were  later  recon- 
firmed in  1894,  and  the  rigor  continued  unabated.  In 
recognition  of  the  distinguished  services  rendered  to 
the  cause  of  Russia  by  Muravioff,  the  Russian  Gov- 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIJO&M          499 

ernment  erected  a  monument  to  him  at  Wilndjn  1898, 
and  in  1904  a  monument  was  raised  there  in  honor  of 
Catherine  the  Great.  Fearing  lest  the  two  bronze 
monuments  be  used  for  making  howitzers  by  the  Ger- 
mans, the  Russian  authorities,  ordered  their  transfer 
to  Moscow  at  the  time  of  their  recent  hasty  evacua- 
tion of  the  ancient  Lithuanian  capital  in  1915,  and  it 


FIG.   L'23— -CSTRA   BRAMA,"   AN   ANCIENT   CITY   GATE   OF  WILNO 

was  with  sincere  joy  that  the  population  saw  these 

emblems  of  oppression  and  outrage  leave  the  country 

on  their  way  east. 

Following  the  introduction  of  "reforms"  a  severe 

and  stupid  censorship  was  saddled  upon  Poland  and 
Lithuania,  which  stifled  every  thought 
and  which  often  distorted  the  meaning 

t/ensorsnip  .  .  ° 

of  the  most  innocent  expressions  by  the 
censor's  substitution  of  words  that  were  more  to  his 


500  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

liking-  and  sounded  less  revolutionary.  Madame 
Modjeska,  in  her  "Memoirs,"  relates  some  of  her  ex- 
periences with  the  Warsaw  censor  and  the  difficulties 
she  experienced  in  introducing  plays  she  liked. 

"It  was  very  easy  to  get  approval  of  the  modern  French 
plays.  Even  when  the  plays  were  not  highly  moral,  they 
were  kindly  dealt  with,  but  our  censor  always  objected  to  the 
poetic  drama.  He  seemed  to  have  a  special  pleasure  in  cutting 
my  speeches  in  such  a  way  that  it  was  quite  impossible  to  get 
any  sense  out  of  them.  It  was  annoying  and  sometimes  quite 
ridiculous,  and  our  actors  had  a  great  deal  of  fun  every  time  a 
play  came  from  the  censor's  office.  Every  noble  sentiment 
was  forbidden.  Even  some  of  the  words  were  found  disloyal, 
among  others,  the  word  'Slave.'  In  one  of  the  melodramas  it 
was  cut  out  and  replaced  by  the  word  'negro/  and  the  sentence, 
which  ran  as  follows :  'He  was  a  slave  to  his  passion,'  was 
changed  to  'He  was  a  negro  to  his  passion !'  On  another  oc- 
casion a  Catholic  priest  had  to  say,  'I  love  my  country  and  my 
people,  and  I  shall  never  leave  them.'  The  words  'country  and 
people'  were  replaced  by  'wife  and  children !'  In  another  play 
the  words  'He  walked"  arm  in  arm  with  the  emperor  and 
whispered  in  his  ear,'  were  changed  to  'He  walked  three  steps 
behind  the  emperor  and  whispered  in  his  ear !'  On  still  another 
occasion  the  censor  refused  to  allow  the  playing  of  Slowacki's 
'Mazepa'  because  there  was  a  Polish  king  in  it.  He  said  to  me : 

"  'A  Polish  King?  Who  ever  heard  of  such  an  absurd 
thing!  Polish  Kings  never  existed.  There  are  only  Russian 
emperors  of  Poles  and  of  all  the  Russias;  you  understand, 
Madam?'  When  I  tried  to  persuade  him  of  his  error,  he  cut 
me  short  with  the  words : 

"  'Do  not  think  of  it.     It  will  never  do,  never!'  "  * 

The  novel,  the  drama  and  the  newspapers  had  to 
adapt  themselves  to  these  conditions  of  censorship 
and  to  establish  certain  conventions  of  style  which 
would  be  understood  by  everybody.  In  this  way  a 
peculiar  type  of  writing  developed.  The  public  could 
read  between  the  lines  and  a  great  many  things  were 


*  Memories   and    Impressions   of   Helena    Modjeska.     An    Autobi- 
ography, New  York,  The  Macmillan  Company,  1910,  pp.  185,  190. 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          501 


FIG.    224 — ORNAMENTS   WORN    BY   THE   WOMEN   OF   POLAND   IN   TOKEN    OF 
NATIONAL    MOURNING    (1863) 


502  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

said  and  a  great  many  books  were  published  whose 
intent  and  ideas  were  not  in  conformity  with  the 
standards  of  the  censor. 

Passive  and  powerless  resignation  took  hold  of 
the  country  in  the  face  of  the  fresh  calamities  which 

befell  it.  Life  became  divested  of  all 
The  Era  of  possibilities  for  normal  development 
its?eflectiond  anc*  a  ^eeP  gl°omsettled  upon  the  hearts 
in  Literature  an^  minds  of  the  people.  The  profuse 

bloodletting  weakened  the  national 
body  and  sapped  its  vitality.  Poland  became  pain- 
fully conscious  of  the  fact  that  she  was  abandoned  by 
everybody  and  that  her  ideals  were  farther  from 
realization  than  ever  before.  She  saw  that  under  the 
new  regime  she  would  be  unable  to  continue  the  tra- 
ditions of  her  cultural  past  and  to  take  an  active  part 
in  the  progress  of  civilization.  An  European  nation, 
par  excellence,  with  an  ancient,  distinct  and  fine 
culture,  was,  by  force  of  arms,  stripped  of  its  heritage 
and  forced,  bound  hand  and  foot,  into  a  narrow  mould 
of  foreign,  semi-Oriental  life  that  was  suffocating  and 
loathsome.  The  Russian  bureaucrat,  the  chihovnik 
and  the  Cossack  became  the  absolute  masters  of  the 
life  and  death  of  the  people.  All  the  multifarious  and 
onerous  taxes  collected  in  the  country  went  to 
strengthen  the  resources  of  the  Russian  Empire,  and 
only  such  crumbs  were  appropriated  for  improve- 
ments in  Poland  as  the  vindictive  Russian  Govern- 
ment would  grant.  The  inhabitants  and  rightful 
owners  of  the  country  had  no  voice  in  the  manage- 
ment of  it,  even  in  an  advisory  capacity.  Their  chil- 
dren had  to  attend  Russian  schools,  a  few  of  which 
had  been  established,  and  the  youth  went  to  a  Russian 
university.  Everything  Polish  was  discriminated 
against  and  the  feelings  of  the  people  outraged  at 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


503 


504 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


every  turn.  The  ignorance  and  superstition  of  the 
peasantry  was  fostered  by  the  patronizing  officialdom. 
The  activities  of  the  local  self-government  of  the 
peasants  were  carefully  supervised  and  guided  by  the 
Russian  agents.  The  governors  and  the  curators  of 


(Portrait  by  Pilatti) 
FIG.    220—  JOSEPH    IONACB    KUASZKWSKI    (1812-18S7) 

education  were  ruthless  in  their  oppression,  and  the 
only  method  of  obtaining  individual  relief  from  their 
official  iniquities  was  by  bribery.  Russian  bureau- 
cratic corruption  was  by  force  of  circumstances 
grafted  upon  Polish  everyday  life. 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          505 

The  nation  had  to  submit  to  this  order  of  things. 
As  no  political  life  was  possible,  the  leaders  urged 
the  adoption  of  a  program  fitted  to  the  circumstances: 
work  along  general  organic  development,  with  parti- 
cular encouragement  of  modern  commerce,  industry 
and  advanced  agriculture.  Darwinism  and  Spencer- 
ism,  then  corning  to  the  front,  furnished  the  philo- 


FIG.   227—  BOLESLAV  PHUS. 

the  pseiulonym  of  Alexander 

Glowacki    (1847-1912) 


sophical  basis  for  the  new  social  and  economic  policy 
which  in  contradistinction  to  the  idealistic  tendencies 
of  the  former  generations  was  styled  as  that  of  Posi- 
tivism. 

Literature  which  nowhere  else  perhaps,  reflects 
the  intellectual  and  spiritual  life  of  the  people  so  faith- 
fully as  in  Poland,  echoed  almost  immediately  the 
new  tendencies.  Joseph  Ignace  Kraszewski,  the  Po- 


506 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


lish  Dickens,  a  man  of  a  versatile  mind  and  of  a  re- 
markable facility  of  writing,  though  belonging  to  the 
passing  generation,  well  appreciated  the  spirit  of  the 
new  age  and  contributed  a  number  of  novels  exalting 
the  ideal  of  work  and  accomplishment  ("Resurrec- 
turi")and  ridiculing  the  unproductive  dreamer  ("Blue 
Almonds")  and  the  sluggish  ways  of  the  country 


FIG.    228— ELIZA    ORZESZKOWA   (1842-1910) 


squires  ("Morituri").  When  the  Positivist  pendulum 
swung  somewhat  too  far  and  threatened  to  divert  the 
mind  of  the  people  from  the  past  national  ideals, 
Kraszewski  began  his  remarkable  series  of  historical 
novels  for  which,  as  well  as  for  his  indefatigable  ef- 
forts in  promoting  the  education  of  the  masses,  his 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


507 


name  will  long  be  remembered  in  Polish  history.  It 
was  the  fund  collected  on  the  occasion  of  his  75th. 
birthday  that  made  possible  the  establishment  of  the 
''School  Mother,"  an  organization  to  promote  ele- 
mentary education  among  the  people.  It  was  launched 
in  Galicia  in  1882  and  has  been  carrying  on  very 
useful  and  effective  work  ever  since. 

The  truest  exponents  of  the  positivist  era  in  Po- 
lish literature  are  Boleslav  Prus,  Eliza  Orzeszkowa 


FIG.    229— ALEXANDER    SWIENTOCHOWSKI 

Editor  of  "Prawda"    (The  Truth),   a  very  influential   progressive 

weekly   magazine  published   in   Warsaw 

and  Alexander  Swientochowski.  In  their  short  stories, 
novels,  dramas  and  feuilletons  they  portrayed  and 
analyzed  the  changing  social  and  economic  conditions 
and  the  problems  which  these  changes  created  in  the 
environment  and  in  the  individual  and  collective  psy- 
chology. The  relations  of  the  peasant  to  the  other 
classes  of  society,  the  emancipation  of  women  and 
their  new  opportunities,  the  relation  of  the  individual 
to  society,  the  clashes  between  individual  and  social 


508 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


duties,  the  ignorance  of  the  masses,  the  struggle  of 
the  peasant  with  the  efforts  of  the  Prussian  coloniza- 
tion commission,  the  ferment  in  the  life  of  the  Jews 
under  changing  conditions,  found  a  sympathetic  and 
highly  artistic  description  and  analysis  in  the  writings 
of  that  period.  All  three  of  the  above  mentioned 
writers  were  ceaseless  in  their  propagation  of  humani- 


FIG.   230— HENRYK  SIENKIEWICZ    (1846-1916) 

tarian  ideals  and  of  strict  performance  of  duty.  They 
fought  obfuscation  and  slothfulness  and  preached  the 
gospel  of  work  and  accomplishment.  Their  influence 
was  profound  and  lasting:  Their  writings,  remark- 
able for  style  and  beauty  and  scintillating  with  modern 
ideas,  are  lasting  contributions  to  the  thesaurus  of  the 
world's  literature.  Another  writer  of  the  same  period 
who  achieved  great  fame  was  Henryk  Sienkiewicz. 


UPRISING  OF  1803  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


509 


He  also  started  out  as  a  champion  of  Positivist  ideals, 
but  his  great  talent  was  more  at  ease  in  painting 
pictures  of  by-gone  days  and  he  struck  a  deep  chord 
in  the  Polish  soul  by  rekindling  the  pride  of  past 
glory.  His  incomparable  descriptions  of  the  pictur- 
esque life  of  Poland  of  the  XVTIth  century  with  its 


FIG.    231— STANISLAV    MONIUSZKO     (1819-1872) 
Composer  of  Polish  National   Music 


wars  and  glories,  its  free  expansion  and  remarkable 
characters  added  greatly  to  the  strengthening  of 
patriotic  and  national  feelings  of  a  generation  brought 
up  under  the  indescribable  oppression  of  Russia  and 
Prussia.  A  similar  "sursum  corda"  was  afforded  by 
the  national  music  and  national  operas  of  Stanislav 
Moniuszko  of  which  "Halka"  is  the  most  popular,  and 


510  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.   232 — JAN   MATEYKO    (1838-1893) 
Master  of   Polish   Historical   Painting 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


511 


by  the  historic  paintings  of  the  great  masters  Jan  Ma- 
teyko  and  Arthur  Grottger. 

Although  the  Positivist  era  deprecated  poetry, 
the  period  abounded  in  a  number  of  poets  of  great 
distinction,  of  which  at  "least  two,  Adam  Asnyk  and 
Maria  Konopnicka,  should  be  mentioned  because  of 
the  influence  they  exercised  on  their  generation. 


FIG.    233— STANISLAV  WYSPIArtSKI    (1869-1907) 
Poet  and   Painter,   the   greatest   of  modern   Polish   writers 

Asnyk,  a  peer  in  style  and  delicacy  of  feeling,  became 
the  poetic  interpreter  of  the  tendencies  of  his  time  and 
Konopnicka  was  the  inspired  champion  of  the  down- 
trodden and  of  those  who  toil  in  the  factories  and 
fields. 

The  end  of  the  XTXth  century  witnessed  another 
mighty  turn  in  the  evolution  of  Polish  letters  and 


512 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


poetry.  Jan  Kasprowicz,  Kazimir  Tetmayer  and  Jan 
Staff,  in  verse;  Sieroszewski,  Zeromski,  Reymont, 
Weyssenhof  and  Danilowski,  in  prose;  Zulawski, 
Przybyszewski,  and  above  all  the  giant  Wyspianski, 
in  drama,  created  a  new  epoch-making  era  in  Polish 
literature.  The  creative  genius  of  the  nation,  pre- 
vented from  finding  adequate  expression  for  itself  in 


FIG.   235— STEFAN  zEROMSKI 
(pseudonym:   Mauryoy   Zych) 


the  multifarious  endeavors  which  normal  national  life 
affords,  concentrated,  as  it  were,  in  the  sphere  of  lit- 
erature and  the  other  forms  of  art.  There  is  hardly 
another  people  among  whom  art,  science  and  litera- 
ture occupy  such  an  exalted  position  as  among  the 
Poles  and  where  so  much  talent  is  devoted  to  these 
pursuits  of  life.  • 


513 


The  "red  program"  of  Milutin,  referred  to  in  the 
above  quotation  from  Kropotkin,  coupled  with  the 
ruinous  Russian  system  of  taxation  and 
administration,  had  thrown  out  of  the 
saddle  a  vast  number  of  families  belong- 
ing to  the  gentry  class.     Unable  to  meet 
the  onerous  requirements  imposed  upon 
them  or  to  adapt  themselves  to  changed 
conditions,  they  were  driven  to  the  wall. 
Thousands  of  families  became  ruined  and  flocked  to 


Social  and 
Economic 
Changes 
Following  the 
Collapse  of  the 
Revolution 


FIG.    234— JOSEPH    2ULAWSKI 

(1874-1915) 

Poet,    Philosopher    and    Dramatist.      Died    on    the    field 

of  honor  during  the  Great  War  as  an  officer  of 

the  Polish  Legions. 

the  cities,  swelling  the  ranks  of  "the  intellectual  prole- 
tariat" as  they  were  called.  It  was  a  hard  task  for 
them  to  become  accustomed  to  urban  occupations.  Ill 
prepared  to  compete  with  the  city  element  they  could 
not  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunities  for  com- 
mercial and  industrial  pursuits  offered  at  the  time, 
because  of  their  proud  family  traditions.  The  op- 
portunities were  "considerable  on  account  of  the  ex- 
tension of  the  domestic  market  resulting  from  the 
change  in  the  status  of  the  peasantry  and  from  their 


514 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


acquisition  of  a  purchasing  power  which  they  had 
not  possessed  in  by-gone  days.  Gradually,  however, 
adaptation  to  environment  took  place,  technical  ex- 
perts developed  and  the  economic  evolution  of  the 
country  received  a  powerful  boom.  When,  in  the 
seventies,  Russia,  needing  additional  funds  to  finance 
the  war  with  Turkey,  considerably  raised  the  cus- 
tom duties  and  built  a  high  protective  wall,  Polish 
manufactures  found  themselves  practically  without 
foreign  competition  and  with  enormous  markets  in 


FIG.    236— GRAND   THEATRE   OF   WARSAW 

the  east.  Agents  of  the  industrial  countries  arrived 
in  considerable  numbers  and  established  large  fac- 
tories, taking  advantage  of  the  great  natural  re- 
sources of  the  country,  its  abundance  of  coal,  iron, 
zinc  and  lead  and  of  the  immense  supply  of  relatively 
cheap  labor.  The  small  peasant  landowners  were  un- 
able to  eke  out  enough  from  their  farms  to  meet  the 
high  Russian  taxes,  and  tens  of  thousands  of  them 
flocked  to  the  cities.  In  a  decade  or  two  the  coun- 
try's economic  basis  of  existence  swung  from  agri- 
culture to  industry.  In  1909  over  a  million  and  a 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          515 

quarter  tons  of  iron  ore  were  extracted  and  about 
four  and  a  half  million  tons  were  smelted.  The  a'n- 
nual  production  of  calamine  was  100,000  tons  and  that 
of  coal  was  estimated  as  sufficiently  large  to  supply 
all  France.*  Poland  became  one  of  the  most  highly 
developed  industrial  countries  of  Europe  with  a  dens- 
ity of  population  surpassed  by  Belgium  alone.  War- 
saw, on  account  of  its  central  geographic  position, 
grew  by  leaps  and  bounds,  and  reached,  including  the 
population  of  its  suburbs,  the  million  mark.  New 


FIG.    237 — THE    CITY    OF   L6DZ,    THE    MANCHESTER    OF    POLAND 

cities  sprang  up  and  small  towns,  like  Lodz,  developed 
prodigiously.  It  was  due  to  the  enterprise  of  the 
foreign  and  native  capitalists,  to  the  skill  of  the  Polish 
engineers  and  technicans,  and  to  the  intelligence  and 
conscientiousness  of  the  Polish  workmen  that  indus- 
tries could  not  only  maintain  themselves  profitably, 
but  even  increase  in  bulk  and  productivity  in  spite  of 
the  difficulties  placed  in  their  way  by  the  regulations 

*  S.  Posner:  ''Poland  as  an  Independent  Economic  Unit"  London: 
Geo.  Allen  &  Unwin,  Ltd.,  1916,  pp.  11-12. 


516  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

of  the  Russian  government.  Fearing  lest  the  Polish 
industries  supplant  the  Russian  manufactures,  the 
government  so  regulated  railway  tariffs  that  it  was 
much  cheaper  to  ship  the  same  kind  of  goods  from 
points  in  Russia  to  destinations  in  Poland,  than  from 
the  same  places  in  Poland  to  points  in  Russia.  Fac- 
tory regulations  were  made  more  cumbersome  in  Po- 
land than  in  Russia  and  taxation  higher.  The  pur- 
poseful undevelopment  of  railway  facilities  in  Po- 
land interfered  with  proper  local  distribution  and 
tended,  in  addition -to  other  causes,  to  thwart  the 


FIG.  238— THE  PHILHARMONIC  HALL  AT  WARSAW 

development  of  those  industries  of  the  preceding 
period  which  had  been  producing  exclusively  for  the 
Polish  market  and  to  specialize  in  exports  to  the  Em- 
pire. This  led  to  centralization  of  capital  in  certain 
industries  like  the  textile  and  steel  and  iron,  and  de- 
terred diversification  of  production.  Some  of  the 
daily  necessaries  of  life,  like  products  of  leather,  horn, 
bone  and  wood,  building  materials,  soap,  candles, 
glass,  porcelain,  were  imported  in  large  quantities 
from  Russia.  It  became  more  profitable  to  specialize 
in  certain  staple  commodities  for  export  and  to  dis- 


UPRISING  OF  l§63  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


517 


regard  the  home  market.  From  a  political  standpoint 
this  development  had  important  consequences  and 
created  a  peculiar  situation.  Foreign  capital,  attracted 
to  the  country  by  the  latent  possibilities  and  enormous 
financial  gains,  had  turned  Poland  into  an  economic 
dependent  of  Russia  and  created  a  new  political  phi- 
losophy, of  the  "dollar  diplomacy"  type,  based  on 
loyalty  "without  reservations"  because  of  the  lucra- 
tive Far  East  markets  of  the  Russian  Empire.  The 
rich  manufacturers  became  the  spiritual  heirs  of  the 


FIG.   239— THE  MUSEUM   OF  FINE  ARTS  AT  WARSAW 

old  Polish  "kinglets,"  the  magnates,  who,  for  personal 
gain,  had  sacrificed  the  vital  interests  of  the  nation. 
Tn  spite  of  the  industrial  expansion  of  the  country 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  manual  workers  were  im- 
pelled to  seek  work  abroad,  especially  in  the  United 
States  and  also  in  Germany  whither  they  flocked  in 
large  numbers  every  spring  for  work  in  the  fields. 
Many  thousands  among  the  young  Polish  engineers 
and  chemists  were  induced  to  go  to  Russia  and  many 
of  them,  attracted  by  the  very  high  compensation 
professional  service  commands  because  of  its  scarcity, 


518  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

settled  there  permantly.  The  large  exodus  of  the 
most  robust  and  enterprising  elements  among  the 
working  class  was  due  to  a  number  of  causes,  chief 
among  which  were  the  lure  of  the  high  American 
wages  for  unskilled  labor,  the  oppression  on  the  part 
of  the  government  and  the  economic  exploitation  on 
the  part  of  the  industrial  corporations. 

The  fact  that  a  large  percentage  of  the  business 
capital  in  Poland  was  foreign  and  the  government  in- 
tensely  inimical   to   progress,  was   re- 
Socialism  and      sponsible  for  the  disregard  on  the  part 

the  People's  5      ,        .     ,  .    .  .  r        ii. 

Party  of  the  industrial  corporations  for  the 

broader  social  needs  of  the  country 
and  their  unscrupulous  exploitation  of  the  working 
masses.  Unable,  on  account  of  government  pro- 
hibitions, to  organize  themselves  into  trade  unions 
for  bettering  their  condition,  the  workmen  formed 
secret  societies,  chiefly  of  a  socialistic  character.  A 
powerful,  though  officially  non-existent,  Socialist 
Party  arose  and  found  tens  of  thousands  of  sym- 
pathizers among  the  intellectual  elements  of  the 
cities  who  were  attracted  to  the  organization  not  only 
because  of  their  sympathy  with  the  exploited  work- 
man and  their  love  for  democracy,  but  also  because 
of  the  fact  that  the  more  important  wing  of  the  Polish 
Socialist  Party,  known  as  the  P.  P.  S.,  strange  as  it 
may  seem  for  a  Socialist  body,  inscribed  in  its  plat- 
form the  blunt  demand  for  Poland's  independence. 
The  development  of  the  philosophy  of  Polish  Social- 
ism constitutes  one  of  the  most  interesting  chapters 
in  the  evolution  of  political  thought.  The  foremost 
Socialist  writers  like  Boleslav  Limanowski,  Ignace 
Daszynski,  Kazimir  Krauz  and  Titus  Filipowicz  em- 
phasized the  importance  of  an  independent  state  for 
the  proper  development  of  the  masses  of  the  Polish 
people,  and  pointed  out  the  psychological  and  socio- 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          519 

logical  weaknesses  of  internationalism.  The  famous 
speech  of  Bebel,  delivered  in  October,  1891,  at  a  Social- 
ist Congress,  created  a  deep  impression  in  Poland.  In 
the  course  of  that  speech  Bebel  said:  "If  France  and 
Russia  should  join  in  a  war  against  Germany,  then  the 
Germans  will  fight  for  their  existence  and  the  war  will 
become  a  struggle  of  extermination.  The  Socialists 
will  then  be  compelled  to  help  those  classes  whom  they 
always  fought,  as  the  triumph  of  barbarism  will  mean 
a  setback  of  many  years  to  socialism.  It  is  urgently 
necessary  to  push  Russia  to  the  East  and  to  revive  a 
new  Poland,  a  democratic  Poland."  This  speech  by 
the  high  priest  of  socialism,  seconded  a  year  after- 
ward by  Engels  and  Liebknecht,  was  a  revelation  to 
the  narrow  Polish  sectarians  and  dreamers.  It  be- 
came clear  that  to  advocate  a  national  Polish  state 
was  not  preaching  treason  against  the  principles  of 
socialism.  As  a  consequence,  the  break  from  interna- 
tionalism was  precipitous  and  popular.  Only  a  small 
minority  refused  to  follow  the  general  current  and 
banded  together  under  the  name  of  the  "Social 
Democratic  Party  of  Poland  and  Lithuania." 

The  only  other  party  which,  like  the  socialists, 
stood  on  a  basis  of  complete  national  independence 
was  the  People's  Party  which,  as  its  name  indicates, 
comprised  mainly  the  lower  elements  of  the  urban 
and  the  rural  populace.  The  banner  of  independent 
Poland  was  thus  wrested  from  the  hands  of  the 
nobility  by  the  toiling  masses  of  the  cities  and 
villages,  who  had  just  begun  to  come  into  their 
own.  The  two  independence  parties  could  not  work 
openly  in  Russian  Poland  but  they  none  the  less 
reached  a  high  degree  of  development  in  both  Russian 
Poland  and  Galicia,  and  wielded  considerable  political 
influence.  The  beginnings  of  the  People's  Party  are 


520  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

traceable  to  the  organization  by  T.  T.  Jez  (Col.  Zyg- 
mtmt  Milkowski)  of  the  "Polish  League"  in  Switzer- 
land in  the  eighties  at  the  time  when  Russian  govern- 
mental repression  and  the  loyalism  of  the  Polish 
upper  and  middle  classes  reached  their  high  water 
marks.  The  occasion  for  the  launching  of  the  League 
at  that  moment  was  the  impending  war  between 
Austria  and  Russia.  Its  aim  was  the  creation  of  a 
war  fund  for  the  equipment  of  an  army  against  Russia 


FIG.    240 — THOMAS   THEODORE   JEZ 
Pseudonym  of  Zygmunt  Milkowski   (1824-1915),  Soldier,  Publicist,   Novelist 

and  the  stirring  up  of  the  public  opinion  of  Europe 
which  had  entirely  forgotten  Poland.  It  was  for  the 
purpose  of  accumulating  means  for  active  steps 
against  Russia  that  the  National  Treasury  at  Rap- 
perswil  in  St.  Gallen,  Switzerland,  was  created.  As 
the  war  did  not  come  to  pass,  the  organization,  having 
changed  its  name  to  "National  League"  limited  its 
immediate' aims  to  the  fostering  of  national  and 
patriotic  sentiments  among  the  people  and  to  the 


UPRISING  O.F  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          521 

raising  of  their  educational  and  economic  standards. 
The  leaders  of  the  People's  Party  in  Russian  Poland 
were  Joseph  Potocki  and  the  noted  publicist,  John 
Poplawski,  who  afterward,  together  with  Roman 
Dmowski,  distorted  the  movement,  narrowed  its 
scope  and  breadth,  turned  it  into  a  jingo  mould  and 
made  it  subservient  to  Russian  interests  under  the 
name  of  the  National  Democratic  Party.  That  wing 
of  the  People's  Party  in  Russian  Poland,  which  refused 
to  join  the  National  Democrats  clustered  around  the 
National  Peasant  Union  and  the  National  Work- 
ingmen's  Alliance  and  remained  true  to  the  banner 
of  independence.  In  recent  years  large  numbers  of 
former  adherents  realized  that  they  have  been  mis- 
guided by  the  National  Democratic  leaders  and 
went  over  to  the  independence  organizations.  This 
secession  from  the  National  Democratic  Party  has 
been  known  as  the  Fronde  and  has  contributed  toward 
the  breaking  of  the  backbone  of  Mr.  Dmowski's 
strength  and  of  his  political  machine.  In  Galicia  a 
Peasant  Party  has  been  founded  and  led  by  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Wyslouch.  The  Party  has  adhered  steadfastly 
to  the  ideals  of  national  independence  and  has  exer- 
cised a  most  wholesome,  constructive  influence.  In 
1895  the  Party  was  able  to  elect  to  the  Provincial 
Diet  seven  deputies,  famous  among  whom  became  the 
peasant  Jacob  Boyko,  an  orator  of  great  power  and  a 
man  of  vision  and  ability. 

The  economic  development  of  the  Prussian  part 
of  Poland  followed  entirely  different  lines  than  that 
of  Russian  Poland  but  in  their  political 
attitude  toward  the  Poles  the  Prussians 
were  not  a  whit  superior  to  the  Mus- 
Regime  covites.  Extreme  hatred  of  everything 

Polish  is  their  historical  tradition.    The 
entire  country  which  they  claim  is  built  on  lands  taken 


522  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

by  force  of  arms  from  the  Slavs,  chiefly  the  Poles. 
Brandenburg,  the  nucleus  of  the  State,  was  the  first 
German  outpost  in  Slavic  territory.  East  Prussia,  a 
Polish  fief,  went  to  them  as  a  heritage  of  the  bloody 
Order  of  the  Cross;  the  purely  Polish  province  of 
West  Prussia  and  the  Duchy  of  Posen,  the  cradle  of 
the  Polish  nation,  were  their  share  of  the  partition 
pillage  while  Silesia,  an  originally  Polish  land,  was 
wrested  from  Austria  only  half  a  century  ago.  In 
their  haughty  disdain  and  dislike  of  everything  non- 
Prussian,  they  subjected  the  tenacious  and  irrepres- 
sible Poles  to  all  kinds  of  indignities  and  iniquities 
conceivable.  And  yet,  to  quote  the  words  of  Mr. 
Asquith,  uttered  recently  in  reply  to  the  parliamen- 
tary speech  of  Chancellor  Bethmann-Hollweg,  "the 
attempt  to  Germanize  Poland  has  been  at  once  the 
strenuous  purpose  and  colossal  failure  of  the  Prussian 
domestic  policy."  To  a  great  extent  this  failure  was 
due  to  the  untiring  efforts  of  the  Polish  clergy  to 
protect  the  Church  from  the  onslaught  of  the  "Kul- 
turkampf."  The  coincidence  of  the  persecution  of 
the  national  and  the  religious  attachments  of  the 
Poles,  both  in  Russia  and  Prussia,  has  tended  to 
strengthen  the  historic  tradition  that  originated  with 
the  Vasa  period  in  the  XVIIth  century,  that  Polish 
nationality  and  Roman  Catholicism  are  inseparable 
and  has  assured  to  the  clergy  an  important  position 
in  Polish  life.  To  this  day  one  can  find  among  the 
backward  peasants  in  Russian  and  Prussian  Poland 
many  who,  when  asked  about  their  nationality  will 
reply  that  they  are  Catholics,  and  who  will  speak  of 
a  German  as  a  Lutheran  and  of  a  Russian  as  an  Ortho- 
dox. In  the  Duchy  of  Posen,  since  the  dawn  of  the 
"organic"  or  "positivist"  era  the  priests  have  been 
active  in  organizing  co-operative  societies,  loan  asso- 
ciations, trade  circles  and  benefit  funds  among  the 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


523 


city  workingmen  and  peasants,  and  have  stimulated 
self-help  and  developed  political  and  social  instincts. 
The  great  success  obtained  has  been  due  in  no  mean 
degree  to  the  administrative  and  financial  genius  of 
Father  Wawrzyniak.  In  politics,  however,  they  were 
extreme  loyalists  and  at  times  subordinated  the  na- 


FIG.   241 — FATHER  WAWRZYNIAK 

The  highly  gifted  organizer  of  the  Polish  peasants  in  opposition   to  the 
Prussian  Colonization  Commission 

tional  interests  to  those  of  the  Church.  Yet,  during 
the  "Kulturkampf"  the  loyal  Archbishop  of  Gnesen, 
Cardinal  Ledochowski,  two  other  bishops  and  many 
priests  were  arrested  and  some  exiled  from  the  coun- 
try. The  "Kulturkampf"  of  Bismarck  was  particu- 
larly bitter  in  the  Polish  provinces  because  here  it 


524  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

was  not  only  directed  against  the  Catholic  Church 
but  also  against  the  Polish  race.  All  schools,  relig- 
ious orders  and  civic  agencies  were  closed  and  the 
jails  rilled  to  overflowing  with  recalcitrant  peasants 
and  workmen.  Under  the  pretext  of  freeing  the 
Polish  schools  from  the  control  of  the  clergy  the 
Prussian  government  entrusted  all  the  supervisory 
activities  in  the  Polish  schools  to  German  inspectors. 
Soon  the  Polish  language  was  barred  from  all  gram- 
mar and  high  schools  in  the  Duchy  of  Posen,  West 
Prussia  and  Silesia,  and  the  teachers  were  selected 
exclusively  from  among  the  Germans.  When  the 
German  Imperial  Union  was  established,  the  Polish 
provinces,  in  spite  of  the  specific  guarantees  given  to 
them  in  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  were  made  a  part  of 
Prussia  with  no  recognition  of  their  national  char- 
acter and  all  the  protests  of  the  Polish  representatives 
proved  of  no  avail.  The  world  failed  to  take  cogniz- 
ance of  this  breach  of  international  law.  When,  in 
1873,  Prussia  introduced  certain  internal  reforms 
granting  more  home  rule  to  her  cities,  the  Polish 
provinces  were  excluded  from  the  provisions  of  the 
new  law.  In  3876  the  Polish  language  was  super- 
seded by  the  German  in  all  official,  civil,  judicial  and 
administrative  transactions.  The  guaranteed  and 
sworn  Polish  autonomy  dwindled,  and  in  order  to 
obliterate  all  traces  of  the  national  character  of  the 
provinces,  the  Government  proceeded  to  change  the 
names  of  places,  substituting  German  designations 
for  the  ancient  Polish  ones,  and  accordingly  Leszno 
was  named  Lissa,  Chelmno — Kulm,  Pila  became 
known  as  Schneidemiihl,  and  so  along  the  line 
with  every  town  and  hamlet.  The  Poles  were  de- 
prived of  their  constitutional  right  to  assemble  and 
hold  peaceful  meetings  if  Polish  were  spoken  at  such 
gatherings.  To  circumvent  this  restriction,  business 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM         525 

at  Polish  assemblies  was  transacted  with  the  aid  of 
blackboards  and  chalk.  The  law  did  not  prohibit 
the  employment  of  these  accessories  at  Polish  gather- 
ings. In  1885  an  order  was  issued  by  Bismarck 
directing  all  Poles  who  were  not  Prussian  subjects 
to  leave  the  country  immediately.  Within  a  short 
time  over  forty  thousand  persons  were  compelled  to 
leave  their  estates  or  to  abandon  posts  at  which  they 
had  been  working  for  years  and  to  seek  new  homes 
in  other  parts  of  Poland.  In  1886  a  Colonization 
Commission  was  established  with  the  aim  of  buying 
out  land  from  the  Poles  and  settling  it  with  German 
colonizers.  One  hundred  million  marks  was  voted 
for  this  purpose  at  the  outset.  A  brutal  anti-Polish 
orgy  spread  over  all  Prussia  and  Germany.  Under 
the  protectorate  of  Bismarck  a  special  society  was 
formed  to  agitate  German  public  opinion  against  the 
Poles.  The  Government  subsidized  this  society  by 
large  allowances  and  carried  out  its  recommendations. 
This  society,  known  as  the  H.  K.  T.  from  the  initials 
of  its  three  founders,  Hausemann,  Kennemann  and 
Thiedemann,  has  carried  out,  with  the  personal  en- 
couragement of  Kaiser  Wilhelm  II,  a  most  pernicious 
and  vituperative  propaganda  by  means  of  special  pub- 
lications, pamphlets,  meetings  and  dramas,  and  has 
been  responsible,  in  a  large  measure,  for  fostering 
intense  animosity  between  the  two  races.  "Ausrot- 
ten!"  (Exterminate!)  became  the  slogan  of  the  Ger- 
man nation  with  reference  to  the  Poles,  and  for  the 
realization  of  this  inhuman  aim  no  amount  of  money 
was  too  large.  Over  ten  billion  marks  were  spent  for 
the  purpose.  Polish  merchants,  manufacturers  and 
workmen  were  systematically  and  openly  boycotted 
and  German  trade  in  Poland  was  heavily  subsidized. 
The  Polish  village  communities  were  deprived  of  their 
right  of  supervision  over  the  village  schools  and,  in 


520  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Russian  fashion,  private  instruction  outside  of  the 
school  buildings  was  made  punishable  by  heavy  penal- 
ties. Children  became  the  peculiarly  favored  butt  of 
the  H.  K.  T.  assaults.  In  schools  they  were  flogged 
for  speaking  or  praying  in  Polish.  When,  in  1901, 
the  parents  of  the  children  of  the  little  town  of  Wrzes- 
nia,  rose  against  this  barbarous  practice  on  the  part 
of  the  teachers,  they  suffered  heavy  penalties.  The 
echo  of  this  case  reverberated  loudly  all  over  the  world, 
and  for  the  first  time  called  the  attention  of  the  civil- 
ized nations  to  Prussian  Kultur  which,  with  refer- 
ence to  the  Poles,  bore  such  a  striking  resemblance  to 
the  Tsar's  conception  of  government. 

Following  the  Russian  policy  in  Lithuania  and 
Ruthenia,  which  forbade  the  acquisition  of  real  estate 
by  Poles,  and  realizing  that  all  the  efforts  of  the 
Colonization  Commission  were  in  vain  in  view  of 
the  unexampled  attachment  of  the  Polish  peasant  to 
his  native  land,  the  Prussian  government  determined 
in  1904  to  arrest  the.  growth  of  Polish  homesteads 
by  making  the  building  of  houses  on  newly  acquired 
properties  dependent  on  special  permission,  which 
seldom,  if  ever,  was  given.  This  new  limitation  did 
not  stop  the  efforts  of  the  Poles  to  get  hold  of  as  much 
real  property  as  possible.  To  overcome  the  restric- 
tion, the  peasants  have  followed  the  example  of  one 
Drzymala  and  live  in  houses  built  on  wheels,  in  this 
manner  circumventing  the  spirit  of  the  restriction,  for 
the  law  does  not  as  yet  prohibit  a  Pole  from  living  in 
a  wagon.  It  is  incredible  that  a  civilized  government 
should  drive  people  to  resort  to  such  means  of  defence 
in  the  struggle  for  self-preservation.  The  Prussian  in- 
humanity had  at  least  one  redeeming  feature,  for  by  its 
constant  pressure  it  created  a  healthy  reaction.  Ger- 
man thoroughness  and  efficiency  have  called  forth  an 
equal  measure  of  preparation  and  co-operation.  Ger- 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM         527 

man  methods  were  imitated  to  defeat  German  aggres- 
sion. The  Peasant  Bank  of  Posen  and  its  large 
number  of  local  branches  has  successfully  competed 
with  the  Colonization  Bank.  In  thrift  and  product- 
iveness the  Polish  peasant  became  equal,  if  not  supe- 
rior, to  the  German  Michel.  In  endurance  and  educa- 
tion he  is  similarly  his  equal.  He  is  as  progressive 
and  as  prosperous  as  the  German  peasant  and  his 
standards  of  life  and  requirement  have  become  in- 
finitely higher  than  those  of  his  brother  in  Russian 
Poland,  to  whom  the  Russian  Government  has  denied 
all  the  achievements  of  European  civilization.  The 
German  system  of  compulsory  education  though 
resented  by  the  Poles  because  of  its  policy  of  German- 
ization  has  served,  however,  to  develop  the  mental 
faculties  of  the  Polish  peasantry.  There  is  no  illit- 
eracy in  the  German  part  of  Poland.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  German  hammer  stunned,  as  it  were,  the 
higher  creative  faculties  of  the  Poles.  Very  few 
great  artists  and  writers  have  appeared  in  Prussian 
Poland,  though  there  have  been  several  notable  ex- 
ceptions. The  cities  in  German  Poland  are  well 
ordered  and  managed  and  the  population  prosperous. 
In  spite  of  all  the  repressions,  the  number  of  daily 
Polish  newspapers  and  the  consumption  of  Polish 
literature  in  German  Poland  has  increased.  Even 
Silesia,  which  was  separated  from  Poland  in  the 
XlVth  century  has  recently  seen  an  awakening  and 
the  people  are  becoming  conscious  of  their  true 
national  affiliation. 

The  Austrian  defeats  in  the  war  with  France 

in  1859  and  subsequently  in  the  war  with  Prussia  in 

1866  wrought  conspicuous  changes  in 

Gahcian  ^  pOjjtjcai  structure  of  the  Hapsburg 

Home-Kule  .        r  .  TTr1  \        .    •  «« 

domains.    When  Austria  was  compelled 
to  relinquish  to  the  Hohenzollerns  the  leading  part 


528 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OP  POLAND 


in  German  affairs,  she  turned  her  attention  to  the 
peoples  inhabiting  her  own  empire.  A  union  was 
formed  with  Hungary  and  autonomy  was  granted  to 
the  various  component  nationalities  of  Transleithania 
and  Cisleithania.  Galicia  received  a  considerable 
measure  of  home  rule,  a  Provincial  Diet  at  Lemberg 
and  a  recognition  of  her  national  and  cultural  needs. 
The  Polish  language  became  the  official  language  of 
the  Province  and  all  instruction  in  schools,  univer- 
sities, technical  and  other  colleges  was  ordered  to  be 


FIG.    242— THE   GALICIAN  DIET  AT   L.EMBERG 

carried  on  in  the  native  tongue  of  the  population. 
Count  Agenor  Goluchowski,  the  former  Prime  Min- 
ister of.  the  Empire,  was  appointed  the  first  Polish 
Governor  under  the  new  order  of  things  and  numerous 
reforms  were  effected.  The  Government  granted 
several  special  concessions  in  the  interests  of  the 
large  landowners  and  became  otherwise  liberal  in  its 
attitude  to  the  Polish  province.  In  recognition  of 
the  special  privileges,  as  well  as  in  token  of  gratitude 
for  the  introduction  of  home  rule,  the  aristocracy  and 
rich  nobility  of  Galicia  sent  an  address  to  the  Em- 


UPRISING  OP  1863  AND  EkA  OF  POSlT IVISM         52§ 

peror  replete  with  expressions  of  unbounded  loyalty 
and  thankfulness,  ending  with  the  now  famous 
declaration:  "By  Thee,  Sovereign  Lord,  we  stand 
and  to  stand  we  wish."  The  extremists  went  so  far 


FIG.  243 COUNT  AGENOR  GOI.UCHOWSKI,  the  first  Polish  Governor  of  Galicia 

in  their  loyalty  to  the  throne  as  to  oppose  vigorously 
a  plan  of  Francis  Smolka  to  transform  the  Dual 
Empire  into  a. confederation  of  national  states.  This 
loyalty  was  awarded  by  a  change  in  the  ancient  policy 


530 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


of  the  Government.  The  former  practice  of  favoring 
the  peasants  as  against  the  landlords  which  led  to  the 
bloody  carnage  of  1846  was  now  forever  abandoned. 
The  loyalist  or  conservative  Polish  party  in 
Galicia,  as  well  as  in  the  other  parts  of  Poland,  gained 


FIG.    244 — FRANCIS    SMOLKA.    celebrated    Polish    statesman 

additional  strength  after  Napoleon's  defeat  in  the  war 
of  1871.  France,  the  only  ally  Poland  had  on  whom 
any  hopes  at  all  could  be  placed,  after  the  humiliating 
experience  at  the  hands  of  Prussian  military  suprem- 
acy, lost  her  former  position  and  influence  as  a  first 
class  European  power  and  could  not  be  counted  on 
any  more.  Loyalism  and  positivism  seemed  to  be  the 


531 


only  rational  slogans  for  the  Polish  life  under  the 
circumstances  and  any  hopes  for  a  speedy  regaining 
of  an  independent  political  existence  could  seemingly 


FIG.   245— PRINCE  LEON  SAPIEHA 
Eminent  Patriot  and  the  first  Marshal  of  the  Galician  Diet 


be  entertained  but  by  dreamers.  And  yet  new  cur- 
rents were  at  work  and  when,  during  the  Russo- 
Turkish  war  in  1877  the  revolutionaries  of  1863 
planned,  with  the  tacit  aid  of  England  and  of  Turkey 
to  raise  again  the  banner  of  protest  against  Russian 


532 


THE  POLITICAL  HTSTOkY  OF  POLAND 


oppression,  the  landed  gentry  under  the  leadership 
of  Prince  Sapieha  of  Galicia  supported  the  project. 
When,  however,  the  impending  entry  of  Austria  into 
the  war  had  been  averted,  "the  Confederacy  of  the 
Polish  Nation"  was  disbanded.  The  only  way  unsel- 
fish patriots  actively  demonstrated  their  feelings 
toward  Russia  was  by  organizing  in  Turkey  a  Polish 
legion  which  fought  through  the  campaign  under 
Jagmin,  alongside  of  the  Turkish  army. 


FIG.  246— THE  INDUSTRIAL  MUSEUM  OF  LEMBERG 

The  program  of  organic  development  could  be 
applied  in  Galicia  more  successfully  than  in  the  other 
parts  of  Poland  because  of  the  large  measure  of  politi- 
cal freedom  enjoyed  by  that  province  of  the  ancient 
Republic.  The  provincial  government  devoted  a 
great  deal  of  thought,  energy  and  money  to  the  educa- 
tion of  the  people  and  numerous  schools  of  all  grades 
were  established.  In  1910  in  Galicia  there  were  over 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          533 

five  thousand  country  schools  alone.  Likewise  ef- 
forts were  made  to  organize  the  creative  powers  of 
the  people  and  to  keep  alive  national  traditions  and 
patriotism.  To  counteract  the  injurious  effects  the 
artificial  state  frontiers  had  created  by  thwarting  free 
intercourse  between  the  three  sections  of  Poland  and 
by  fostering  provincial  insularity,  steps  were  taken 
to  hold  frequent  national  gatherings  in  Galicia. 


FIG.  247— THE  OSSOLINSKI  INSTITUTE  AT  LEMBERG,  comprising  a  gallery  of 

paintings  and  sculpture,  a  very  large  numismatic  collection  and  a 

library  of   142,000  volumes  and   5,000  manuscripts 

Various  anniversaries  of  events  and  activities  were 
celebrated  and  national  associations  of  all  kinds  were 
encouraged  to  meet  at  Cracow  or  Lemberg.  Sum- 
mer university  courses  were  opened  in  the  famous 
mountain  resort  at  Zakopane  and  at  all  these  oc- 
casions thousands  of  men  and  women  assembled  from 
all  the  parts  of  Poland.  To  train  the  youth  of  the  Prov- 
ince in  bodily  vigor  and  to  prepare  them  for  a  possible 
call  to  arms  against  Russia,  societies  were  formed, 


534 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


known  as  "Nests  of  Falcons,"  or  "Sokols"  in  Polish, 
where  military  training  was  given  under  the  guise  of 
athletic  exercises.  The  boy-scout  movement  of  a  later 
period  was  enthusiastically  received  in  Galicia  and 
encouraged  with  a  similar  purpose  in  mind. 

In   spite   of   the   inadequate   means   due   to   the 


FIG.   248— HOME  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF  FRIENDS  OF  FINE  ARTS  AT  CRACOW 

lack  of  industrial  development  of  Galicia,  the  insuf- 
ficiency of  business  and  agricultural  capital,  the  ex- 
tremely heavy  taxation  prevailing  there  as  every- 
where else  in  Austria  and  the  policy  of  the  Viennese 
government  to  favor  particularly  the  western  prov- 
inces of  the  Empire,  Polish  self-help  was  able,  with 
comparatively  small  equipment  at  its  command, 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


535 


to  work  wonders  in  every  line  of  human  endeavor. 
The  cities  developed,  manufactures  increased  and  in 
many  branches  entered  into  successful  competition 
with  the  industrially  older  sections  of  the  Empire. 
The  productivity  of  the  farms  grew  as  education  be- 
came more  broadly  disseminated;  modern  argricul- 
tural  methods  have  been  adopted  and  co-operative 
rural  credit  has  been  organized.  The  oil  industry, 


FIG.    249 — CITY    THEATRE    OF    CRACOW 

after  going  through  several  crises,  reached  a  stage 
of  rational  development.  Thanks  to  the  ingenuity 
of  the  Polish  chemists  important  by-products  of 
kerosene  oil  began  to  be  manufactured  as  far  back  as 
1853  and  found  immediate  industrial  application.  The 
oil  fields  of  Galicia  extending  over  19,760  acres  have 
been  systematically  worked.  Plans  have  also  been 
made  for  the  exploitation  of  recently  discovered  vast 


536 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


coal  fields;  the  mineral  wealth  of  the  country  is  under 
proper  control  and  the  numerous  natural  spas  are 
being  built  up.  Only  the  salt  and  potash  mines,  be- 
cause they  form  a  monopoly  of  the  Viennese  govern- 
ment have  not  had  adequate  attention.  Local  ad- 
ministration in  Galicia  has  become  efficient;  cities 
have  been  well  managed  and  improvements  of  all 


FIG.    250— THE   THEATRE   OF   LEMBERG 

kinds  introduced.  The  co-operative  movement  has 
reached  a  development  that  compares  favorably  with 
any  other  country  in.  Europe;  the  spirit  of  self-re- 
liance and  mutual  help  has  become  thoroughly  in- 
stilled into  the  minds  of  the  people  and  labor  has 
become  well  organized  and  politically  rife.  Through 
the  university  extension  courses,  popular  education 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


537 


made  great  advances  and  thanks  to  the  compulsory 
education  law  illiteracy  has  been  almost  entirely 
abolished.  Scientific  research  and  literary  and  artis- 
tic life  have  developed  in  Galicia  more  fully  than  in 
any  other  part  of  Poland.  The  Polish  universities 
at  Cracow  and  Lemberg,  the  Polytechnical  School  at 
Lemberg,  which  is  one  of  the  largest  in  Europe,  the 
Agricultural  Academy  at  Dublany,  as  well  as  the 
Cracow  Academy  of  Sciences,  have  made  substantial 


FIG.    251— POLYTECHNICAL,  INSTITUTE   OF  LEMBERG 


contributions  to  the  sum  total  of  human  knowledge. 
The  large  public  and  semi-public  libraries  contain 
valuable  collections  and  stimulate  research. 

Polish  literature  has  flourished  particularly  in 
Galicia.  Half  of  the  800  periodicals  appearing  in  Po- 
land are  published  in  this  fragment  of  the  ancient 
Republic.  Some  of  the  greatest  modern  writers, 
poets  and  dramatists  who,  like  Wyspianski,  are  com- 
parable with  the  masters  of  the  Romantic  period,  could 


538  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

publish  their  works  or  have  them  performed  only 
there.  Many  of  the  scientific  and  literary  workers 
left  Warsaw  and  settled  in  Cracow  because  only  in 
Austrian  Poland  could  they  pursue  their  work  in 
science  and  art  without  police  interference.  One  can- 
not help  contemplating  how  much  more  hopeless, 
sombre  and  gloomy  would  have  been  Poland's  lot 


FIG.  252— THR  AGRICULTURAL  ACADEMY  AT  DUBLANY 

without  this  oasis  of  freedom  that  was.  afforded  in 
Galicia! 

Desirous  as  she  was  to  do  all  in  her  power  to 
help  the  other  parts  of  Poland,  Galicia  was  physically 
unable  to  give  shelter  and  work  to  all  of  the  spirits 
that  craved  freedom  and  a  safe  place  to  work.  Hence 
the  exodus  of  hundreds  of  Polish  artists  and  scien- 
tists in  search  of  opportunity.  Like  Domeyko,  the 


UPRISING  OF  18G3  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM 


539 


geologist,  who  after  the  war  of  1831  went  to  Chile, 
made  the  first  survey  of  that  country  and  subsequently 
organized  national  education  there,  or  like  Strzele- 
cki  who  went  to  explore  the  mountains  of  South 
Australia,  they  scattered  to  almost  all  of  the  large 


FIG.   253— ACADEMY  OF  SCIENCES  AT  CRACOW 

centers  of  activity  in  the  Old  and  New  Worlds.  There 
is  hardly  an  important  university  or  a  great  temple  of 
art  where  Polish  workers  of  first  magnitude  could  not 
be  found.  Marie  Sklodowska-Curie,  Nencki,  Kos- 
tanecki,  Mikulicz,  Marchlewski,  Laskowski,  Rudzki,  v 
Narutowicz,  Arctowski  and  Babinski  are  only  a  few 


540  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

among  the  scientists  who  have  worked  outside  of 
their  native  country.  Similarly  a  very  large  number 
of  Polish  artists  and  musicians  have  attained  distinc- 
tion and  fame  in  foreign  lands. 

The  whole  administration  of  Galicia  has  been  in 
Polish  hands,  thus  affording  to  the  natives  numerous 
opportunities  in  official  life.  Many  Poles  have  dis- 
tinguished themselves  as  administrators  and  legisla- 
tors and  have  been,  like  Goluchowski,  Badeni  or 
Madeyski,  called  upon  to  fill  the  most  responsible 
positions  in  the  Imperial  Cabinet.  Dunayevski  re- 


FIG.    254— ACADEMY   OF   FINE   ARTS   AT   CRACOW 

» 

organized  the  finances  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Em- 
pire and  many  other  Poles,  like  Bilinski  and  Korytow- 
ski,  followed  him  as  finance  ministers.  Similarly,  the 
diplomatic  and  consular  service,  the  army  and  the 
navy,  were  open  to  Poles  and  they  availed  themselves 
of  the  opportunities,  for  the  holding  of  a  high  official 
position  by  a  Pole  in  Austria  was  not  made  contin- 
gent upon  the  renunciation  on  his  part  of  his  national 
attachments  as  has  been  invariably  the  case  in  Russia 
and  Prussia.  The  Polish  representation  in  the  Aus- 
trian Parliament  has  been  considerable,  as  the  popula- 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          541 

tion  of  Galicia  constitutes  twenty-eight  per  cent,  of 
the  total  population  of  Austria,  and  the  Polish  Par- 
liamentary Club  frequently  held  the  balance  of  power 
between  the  various  factions  of  the  Austrian  House 
of  Representatives.  On  many  occasions  this  position 
of  the  Club  has  been  utilized  to  wrest  from  the  Legis- 
lature or  from  the  Government  concessions  in  favor 
of  Galicia  and  the  development  of  her  economic  re- 
sources by  better  railroad  and  canal  facilities.  Until 
the  outbreak  of  the  present  war  the  governors  of 
Galicia  had  invariably  been  appointed  from  among 
the  Poles.  The  powers  of  the  Galician  Diet,  sitting 
at  Lemberg,  the  capital  of  the  Province,  have  not  been 
as  broad  as  the  Galicians  would  have  wished  to  have 
them,  and  neither  the  Governor  nor  the  Marshal,  or 
the  Speaker,  of  the  Diet  have  been  directly  responsible 
before  that  body  or  removable  by  it,  yet  it  has  been 
able  to  express  the  will  of  the  people  in  all  matters 
pertaining  to  the  collective  life  of  the  Province. 

There  has  been,  however,  a  considerable  dis- 
turbing element  in  the  peaceful  evolution  of  Galicia 
and  that  is  the  Ruthenian  question. 
The  native  population  of  the  country 
districts  of  Eastern  Galicia  is  preponder- 
ately  Ruthenian.  It  consists  almost  entirely  of  farm- 
ers or  farm  laborers.  Only  nine  per  cent,  of  the 
population  of  Lemberg  is  Ruthenian  and  but  a  sprink- 
ling of  Ruthenians  follow  intellectual  or  business  pur- 
suits. That  section  of  Ruthenia  which  constitutes 
the  eastern  part  of  Galicia  came  under  Polish  in- 
fluence in  the  opening  centuries  of  the  formation  of 
the  Polish  State  and  the  upper  strata  of  the  people,  as 
well  as  the  cities,  have  undergone  complete  poloniza- 
tion;  the  lower  classes,  however,  preserved  their 
language,  although  all  of  them  speak  Polish  perfectly 
well.  Like  the  majority  of  the  Ukrainians,  the  East 


542  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Galician  Ruthenians  joined  the  Church  Union  in  the 
XVIth  century.  Not  having  been  forced,  like  their 
brethren  in  Russia,  to  abandon  their  faith  they  re- 
mained Uniates  or  Greek  Catholics.  Their  political 
and  social  conceptions  are  the  same  as  those  of  the 
Polish  peasantry  and  about  twenty  per  cent,  of  the 
Ruthenian  population  intermarries  with  the  Poles. 
Their  folkways,  however,  and  character  are  different 
from  those  of  the  Poles.  They  are  perhaps  more 
musically  gifted  and  more  easy  going,  but  less  ambi- 
tious, less  self-reliant  and  less  thrifty  than  the  Poles. 
They  lack  historical  tradition  of  a  politically  organ- 
ized national  state  of  their  own  as  well  as  the  higher 
standards  of  culture  and  civilization  to  compete  suc- 
cessfully with  their  Polish  neighbors.  Because  of 
the  existing  social  and  property  relations  in  Galicia, 
the  mind  of  a  Ruthenian  peasant  invariably  associates 
the  Pole  with  the  master  or  landowner.  This  ac- 
counts for  the  basic,  purely  economic  source  of  any 
ill  feeling  that  may  be  found  in  the  heart  of  a  Ruthe- 
nian in  relation  to  a  Pole.  This  state  of  mind,  en- 
gendered by  the  resentment  usually  felt  by  an 
economic  inferior  to  his  superior,  has  been  taken  ad- 
vantage of  for  political  reasons,  first  by  the  Austrian 
government  and  then  by  the  agents  of  Russia.  When 
the  Bismarckian  crusade  began  and  the  Polish  depu- 
ties denounced  it  in  the  Austrian  parliament  and  de- 
manded remonstrance  against  the  Prussian  outrages, 
the  German  government,  likewise  took  recourse  to 
the  Ruthenians  and  began  to  assist  them  in  order  to 
reduce  Polish  influence  at  Vienna.  Several  years 
ago,  at  the  time  of  the  renewal  of  the  treaty  between 
Austria  and  Germany  the  Galician  Poles  vigorously 
opposed  the  alliance  and  in  the  course  of  this  cam- 
paign the  insidious  work  of  the  Prussian  government 
was  exposed  in  the  famous  Krysiak  case  that  stirred 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM          543 

the  whole  of  Poland.  The  documents  purloined  from 
the  office  of  the  Colonization  Commission  laid  bare 
before  the  world  the  shameless  German  dealings  with 
the  Ruthenians  calculated  to  injure  the  Poles  of 
Galicia. 

The  truly  national  Ruthenian  movement,  making 
its  demands  for  an  independent  sovereign  state,began 
in  the  sixties  of  the  past  century.  It  became  well  de- 
fined only  in  the  eighties.  As  yet  it  can  hardly  claim 
to  have  reached  any  other  than  the  Austrian  Ru- 
thenes,  because  Russia  has  stifled  every  expression 
of  it  in  Ukraine.  In  Galicia  the  majority  of  the 
Ruthenians  stand  on  the  ground  of  loyalty  to  Austria 
and  only  a  small  faction  hopes  for  the  union  of  all 
Ukrainians  in  the  Orthodox  faith  and  under  Russian 
protection.  For  obvious  reasons  the  last  named  fac- 
tion has  had  the  support  of  the  Russian  government 
although  Russia  has  been  extremely  hostile  to  the 
dreams  of  Ukrainian  independence  and  equally  antago- 
nistic toward  the  plans  for  a  formation  of  an  autono- 
mous Ruthenian  state  in  a  possible  federation  of  nation- 
alities making  up  the  Hapsburg  Empire.  The  National 
Democrats,  the  Chauvinist  element  of  Poland,  small 
but  noisy,  like  jingoes  everywhere,  have  similarly 
deprecated  the  nationalist  Ruthenian  movement  and 
have  given  the  false  impression  that  Poland  was  oppos- 
ing the  free  play  of  Ruthenian  national  life.  All  sorts 
of  preposterous  charges  have  been  made  by  Ruthenian 
political  leaders  against  the  Poles  and  yet  upon  a 
close  analysis  any  unbiased  scrutiny  will  reveal  no 
real  discrimination  on  the  part  of  the  Poles  against 
the  Ruthenians  of  Galicia.  They  have  enjoyed  the 
same  suffrage  rights  and  as  much  freedom  in  the 
political  life  of  the  country  as  the  Poles;  they  have 
their  own  schools,  supported  out  of  the  general  tax 
proceeds,  where  the  language  of  instruction  is  Ru- 


544  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

thenian.  Moreover,  all  children  in  the  Polish  public 
schools  of  East  Galicia  are  compelled  to  learn  the 
Ruthenian  tongue.  The  Ruthenian  language  has 
equal  standing  with  the  Polish  in  the  Provincial  Diet 
and  the  Marshal  in  his  opening  speech  adresses  the 
Chamber  in  both  languages.  The  deputies  are  privi- 
leged to  speak  either  Polish  or  Ruthenian.  Similarly 
in  all  branches  of  provincial  administration  in  East 
Galicia  as  well  as  in  the  courts,  Ruthenian  is  on  par 
with  Polish.  The  Ruthenians  have  more  parishes 
than  the  Poles  and  their  parishes  are  better  equipped, 
for  it  has  always  been  the  Polish  policy  to  foster  the 
Greek  Catholic  Church  in  order  to  make  the  induce- 
ments of  the  Russian  Orthodox  Church  less  attract- 
ive. No  doubt  there  have  been  instances  where  politi- 
cal gerrymander  was  practiced  in  Eastern  Galicia  or 
election  frauds  perpetrated  by  unscrupulous  party 
organizations.  Likewise,  public  officials  of  lower 
rank  have  at  times  used  their  power  against  the  Ru- 
thenians, but  a  dispassionate  student  will  find  that 
no  bona  fide  charge  can  be  brought  against  the  large 
body  of  Polish  citizenry  in  Galicia  or  against  the 
government  of  the  Province.  Similar  gerrymander 
or  petty  election  frauds  have  been  practiced  elsewhere 
to  defeat  rival  political  parties  and  they  were  as  fre- 
quent in  West  as  in  East  Galicia.  The  politicians  of 
the  reactionary  camp  have  been  active  in  preventing 
the  peasants  and  workingmen  from  asserting  them- 
selves politically  and  to  achieve  their  aims  they  em- 
ployed insidious  methods  against  the  Polish  demo- 
cratic -elements  as  well  as  against  the  Ruthenians. 
These  acts  of  political  unfairness  cannot  be  regarded 
as  arising  from  racial  animosity.  Seldom,  if  ever, 
was  there  any  discrimination  against  the  Ruthenians 
on  the  score  of  racial  or  religious  affiliations,  but  when 
the  Ruthenes  become  so  unreasonably  aggressive  as  to 


UPRISING  OF  1863  AND  ERA  OF  POSITIVISM         545 

demand  from  the  Poles  the  giving  up  of  some  of  the 
very  few  mainstays  of  culture  they  themselves  possess 
instead  of  sharing  them  jointly,  they  meet  with  a 
justifiable  rebuff.  In  recent  years  Lemberg  wit- 
nessed a  student  disturbance  over  the  demand  for 
"utraquisation"  or  the  making  of  the  two  languages 
official  languages  of  instruction,  thus  doubling  the 
number  of  chairs  and  introducing  confusion  at  the 
University.  The  Ruthenians  already  had  a  few 
chairs  where  instruction  was  in  Ruthenian.  The 
Poles  naturally  refused  this  utterly  unreasonable 
demand  and  suggested  that  the  Ruthenians  establish 
a  separate  university  of  their  own.  This  can  hardly 
be  interpreted  as  an  act  of  unfairness  or  hostility  to 
the  Ruthenian  people  and  yet  they  seemed  to  regard 
it  as  such.  The  Poles  well  realize  that  the  national 
Ruthenian  movement  has  taken  a  firm  root,  they 
respect  it  as  .long  as  its  manifestations  do  not  overstep 
the  bounds  of  civilized  political  struggle  and  are  ready 
to  meet  the  reasonable  demands  of  the  Ruthenians. 
After  the  re-establishment  of  Poland's  independence 
that  will  undoubtedly  follow  the  present  war,  a  satis- 
factory modus  vivendi  will  be  found  for  the  two  na- 
tionalities in  Galicia,  that  will  be  based  on  justice  and 
mutual  good  will. 


The  Russo- 
Japanese  War 
and  the  Politi- 
cal Awakening 
of  Russia 


FIG.    225 — A     GENERAL     VIEW     OF     WILNO 

CHAPTER  XX 
Constitutional  Russia  and  the  Poles 

The  year  1905  is  a  milestone  in  the  political  his- 
tory of  Poland,  just  as  it  constitutes  the  beginning  of 
a  new  era  in  the  political  life  of  Russia. 
The  repeated  defeats  of  the  Russian 
autocracy  in  the  war  with  Japan  paved 
the  way  for  the  new  order  of  things. 
The  new  era  was  ushered  in  by  a  series 
of  assassinations,  in  the  course  of  which  the  Grand 
Duke  Sergius  and  the  omnipotent  Plehve  fell;  after 
numerous  revolutionary  outbreaks  in  the  various 
parts  of  the  Russian  Empire;  and  after  a  general 
strike  of  a  magnitude  never  before  known  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world.  It  was  this  strike,  which  had  held 
a  whole  Empire  in  its  deadly  grip  for  weeks,  that 
finally  brought  the  proclamation  of  the  constitution 
by  Tsar  Nicholas  II  on  October  30,  1905.  This 
historic  imperial  proclamation  established  a  parlia- 
ment, known  as  the  Duma,  and  guaranteed  certain 
civic  liberties  to  the  peoples  of  the  vast  domains  of 
the  Empire.  As  is  well  known,  many  of  these  liber- 
ties granted  under  duress  were  revoked  as  soon  as 
the  bureaucracy  was  able  to  gather  itself  up  and  to 
muster  its  forces.  The  Duma  was  stripped  of  its 


CONSTITUTIONAL    RUSSIA   AND   THE   POLES        547 

original  powers,  suffrage  limited  and  so  manipulated 
as  to  assure  a  majority  to  those  elements  who  re- 
garded the  constitutional  regime  as  prejudicial  to  the 
interests  of  Russia. 

The  period  immediately  preceding  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  Constitution  as  well  as  the  so-called  con- 
stitutional era  saw  an  awakening  of  political  life  and 
patriotism  in  Poland,  and  the  mounting  of  hopes,  so 
soon  to  be  dispelled  by  painful  disillusion.  The  politi- 
cal ferment  which  the  Russian  reverses  in  the  Far 
East  had  caused  in  the  whole  Empire  had  its  first  ex- 
pression in  a  manifestation  organized  by  the  Polish 
Socialist  Party  at  Warsaw  on  November  14,  1904. 
The  manifestation  inaugurated  an  endless  series  of 
uprisings  which  spread  like  wildfire  through  the  wide 
^domains  of  the  Tsar.  In  January,  1905,  the  demon- 
||strative. workmen's  procession  to  the  Imperial  Palace 
in  St.  Petersburg,  headed  by  the  ill-famed  priest 
Gapon,  took  place  and  the  bloody  reception  it  received 
but  added  oil  to  the  conflagration.  Strikes  in  cities 
and  in  country  districts  were  ceaseless  and  violent. 
The  Government  was  bombarded  with  memorials  and 
demands  from  various  national,  political,  civic,  indus- 
trial, agrarian  and  scientific  bodies.  University  stu- 
dents struck  and  a  great  many  of  the  professors 
endorsed  their  action  and  demands.  The  University 
of  St.  Vladimir  in  Kieff  was  the  first  to  strike.  When 
the  despatch  to  the  effect  that  "Vladimir  is  sick" 
reached  the  student  leaders  at  Warsaw  a  mass  meet- 
ing was  called  at  the  University  and  amidst  great  en- 
thusiasm the  resolution  to  boycott  the  University,  its 
regime  and  policy  was  adopted.  Demands  were 
made  for  a  Polish  University  with  Polish  professors 
and  instruction  in  Polish.  The  Russian  matriculates 
expressed  their  sympathy  with  the  demands  of  the 
Polish  students  and  joined  in  the  strike.  The  students 


548  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

of  the  Warsaw  Polytechnical  School,  the  Veterinary 
College  and  of  the  Institute  of  Agronomy  and  Fores- 
try at  Pulawy  immediately  followed  suit  and  made 
similar  demands.  The  boys  and  girls  of  all  the 
primary  and  secondary  schools  joined  in  the  boycott 
of  the  prevailing  educational  regime.  The  unflinch- 
ing perseverance  of  the  youth  and  the  support  given 
to  them  by  their  parents  were  truly  remarkable  and 
touching.  For  the  poorer  boys  who  could  not  be  sent 
abroad  to  be  educated  in  Galicia  or  in  the  West  of 
Europe,  the  strike,  which  lasted  practically  until  the 
beginning  of  the  present  war,  often  meant  the  cur- 
tailment of  careers.  When  the  Government  finally 
consented  to  legalize  private  Polish  colleges  many 
thousands  of  boys  entered  these  institutions,  although 
many  parents  could  ill  afford  to  pay  the  rather  high* 
tuition  fees  which,  of  necessity,  were  charged  by  the 
schools,  and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  these  private 
schools  gave  none  of  the  privileges  to  which  the 
graduates  of  the  government  schools  were  entitled. 
The  boys  of  the  private  schools  had  no  privileges 
while  serving  in  the  army  and  their  diplomas  did  not 
unlock  for  them  the  doors  of  the  universities,  except 
those  of  Galicia.  Tt  was  only  after  a  number  of  years 
that  the  Swiss  and  other  European  universities  began 
to  recognize  the  diplomas  of  the  Polish  schools,  but 
the  Russian  authorities  never  consented  to  do  so.  The 
only  other  act  of  the  Government  prior  to  the  procla- 
mation of  the  constitution  which  was  of  benefit  to 
Poland  was  the  Edict  of  Tolerance,  promulgated  by 
the  Tsar  on  April  30, 1905.  Within  a  short  time  after 
its  issuance  two  hundred  odd  thousand  Uniates  of  the 
border  territories  of  Poland,  who  had  been  forced  to 
accept  the  Greek  Orthodox  rites  and  to  be  Russians, 
joined  the  Church  of  Rome  and  became  officially 
Poles  once  more.  Several  months  previous  to  that 


CONSTITUTIONAL    RUSSIA    AND    THE    POLES        549 

the  Government  restored  to  the  Lithuanians  the  right 
to  use  Latin  characters,  of  which  they  had  been  de- 
prived for  several  decades.  This  was  all  the  govern- 
ment did  for  the  Poles  although  several  imperial 
rescripts  had  been  issued  carrying  promises  of  re- 
forms none  of  which  has  ever  been  inaugurated.  The 
trifling  concessions  above  mentioned  could  not  satisfy 
the  Polish  demands  and,  as  a  result,  the  portentous 
rumble. of  the  political  volcano  continued,  becoming 
constantly  aggravated  by  powerful  ejections  of  revo- 
lutionary lava  directed  by  the  Fighting  Squad  of  the 
Polish  Socialist  Party. 

When  the  news  of  the  proclamation  of  the  Con- 
stitution reached  Poland  it  was  received  with  elation 
by  the  country.     Even  those  who  had 
Tr  e  Se^ent.y       been  pessimistic  about  the  Russian-  au- 

of  the  Russian  ,    .  .c        -n    i       j 

Ruie  tocracy  ever  doing  anything  tor  Poland 

entertained  the  confident  hope  that 
matters  would  assume  a  different  aspect  when  the  will 
of  the  Russian  people  made  itself  known  and  felt. 
They  soon  painfully  convinced  themselves  that  the 
Government  under  the  constitution  was  as  irrespon- 
sible and  its  acts  as  wanton  as  before,  that  the  con- 
stitution was  a  decoy  and  that  the  Russian  people 
would  have  little  opportunity  to  transmute  its  will 
into  action,  and  even  if  it  could  have  done  this,  the 
results  would  have  been  far  from  what  the  Poles  had 
anticipated.  In  short,  the  constitutional  era  of  Rus- 
sia had  but  tragic  disillusionment  and  sordid  reality 
for  Poland.  Three  days  after  the  proclamation  of  the 
constitution,  Russian  troops  fired  at  the  people  in  the 
streets  of  Warsaw  when  they  gathered,  in  holiday 
raiment,  with  their  womenfolk  and  children,  with 
banners  and  crosses,  to  rejoice  over  the  dawn  of  a  new 
life.  On  the  Theatre  Square  twenty-six  innocent 
persons  were  killed  and  seventy  wounded  on  the  day 


550  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

of  the  celebration,  and  a  few  days  later  the  whole  of 
Russian  Poland  was  under  martial  law.  This  was 
the  first  gift  the  Poles  received  from  constitutional 
Russia.  The  official  reason  given  for  this  extraordi- 
nary procedure  was  that  "the  Polish  political  leaders 
revealed  the  impudent  desire  to  tear  Poland  from 
Russia/'  Nine  days  later,  on  November  19,  the  reason 
was  declared  to  lie  in  "the  fact  that  the  idea  of  Polish 
autonomy  has  taken  hold  of  all  the  classes  of  the 
Polish  population  and  of  all  political  parties."  On 
December  1,  1905,  martial  law  was  recalled  by  an 
ukase  of  the  Tsar  because  "complete  quiet  already 
prevailed,"  and  yet  in  spite  of  the  ukase,  the  Governor- 
General  restored  martial  law  on  December  21st  on  the 
ground  that  rumors  were  abroad  about  impending 
revolutionary  outbreaks.  All  these  rumors  were  pur- 
posely created  to  deprive  Poland  of  the  fruits  of  the 
constitutional  regime.  The  established  martial  order 
which  lasted  for  several  years,  gave  to  the  governors 
full  opportunity  to  deal  with  the  population  as  they 
pleased  and  accordingly,  during  the  month  of  Janu- 
ary, 1906,  seventeen  persons  were  executed  without 
any  trial  in  Warsaw  and  Lublin  alone.  The  jails 
became  overcrowded  with  persons  who  had  nothing 
to  do  with  politics  but  attempted  to  make  use  of  some 
of  the  guaranteed  constitutional  liberties.  By  sheer 
administrative  wilfulness  the  government  officials 
ordered  the  arrest  of  peasants  and  landlords  by  the 
hundreds  because  they  invoked  their  constitutional 
right  and  employed  the  Polish  language  at  the  legal 
communal  meetings.  Failure  to  pay  taxes  promptly 
on  specified  dates  was  made  occasion  for  the  imposi- 
tion of  huge  fines,  and  the  payments  were  exacted  by 
means  of  military  dragoonades,  accompanied  by  in- 
credible atrocities  and  outrages.  This  state  of  affairs 
lasted  for  almost  three  years,  rendering  the  constitu- 


tional  era  in  Poland  the  most  cursed  period  of  Russian 
slavery,  just  as  it  was  the  blackest  and  bloodiest 
chapter  in  the  life  of. the  Jews  in  Russia.  The  pog- 
roms organized  by  the  Government  had  never  been 
so  numerous  and  effective  and  cruel  as  they  were  in 
constitutional  times  and  the  Government  attempted 
to  introduce  them  into  Poland.  Thanks,  however,  to 
the  intelligence  and  high  moral  sense  of  the  native 
population,  all  attempts  failed,  although  one  was 
started  by  the  Russian  soldiery  in  Siedlce  and  the 
provocation  agents  were  busy  in  rousing  the  street 
rabble  of  the  town,  but  did  not  succeed. 

The  concessions  which  the  government  made 
during  the  unsettled  revolutionary  days  allowed  the 

foundation  of  schools  and  the  organiza- 
The  Suppres-  tion  of  educational  and  cultural  societies. 
EducattoiS*  An  association  known  as  the  Polish 
Activities  School  Mother  was  formed  which  had 

an  enrollment  of  hundreds  of  thousands. 
Numerous  libraries  were  founded,  courses  for  illiter- 
ates established  throughout  the  country  and  agricul- 
tural clubs  and  trade  unions  organized.  All  these  insti- 
tutions were  gradually  suppressed  by  the  Government 
during  the  constitutional  era.  The  trade  unions  were 
suspected  of  socialism;  the  Society  for  the  Distribu- 
tion of  Scholarships  was  charged  with  subsidizing 
Polish  schools  and  wras  disbanded;  and  the  gymnastic 
societies  were  closed  as  early  as  September  4,  1906. 
In  1909  the  government  closed  the  Catholic  Union 
which  maintained  a  number  of  day  nurseries,  libraries 
and  schools,  and  carried  on  lecture  work  and  other 
similar  activities  through  its  three  hundred  and  sixty 
branches. 

Following  the  course  of  events  of  the  last  one 
hundred  years  in  Poland,  the  reader  might  have 
observed  that  it  has  been  characteristic  of  the  Polish 


552  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

people  that  whenever  they  had  a  chance  to  govern 
themselves  without  foreign  intervention  they  have 
thrown  most  of  their  energies  into  the  development 
of  education.  So  it  was  during  this  transition  period. 
The  above  mentioned  organization,  known  as  the 
"Polish  School  Mother"  came  into  existence  almost 
spontaneously  and  in  a  short  time  maintained  an 
enormous  number  of  primary  schools  and  libraries 
throughout  the  country  in  spite  of  the  difficulties  put 
in  its  way  by  the  government,  which  demanded  the 
redtape  legalization  of  every  school  and  of  every 
teacher  connected  with  it.  The  work  of  the  organiza- 
tion was  purely  educational,  and  yet  it  became  the 
target  of  attacks  on  the  part  of  the  Russians.  The 
officials  of  the  County  of  Ghelm,  in  the  Province  of 
Lublin,  were  first  to  petition  the  government  to  close 
the  Polish  schools  of  that  section  as  they  "create  a 
ferment  and  endanger  the  existence  of  State  schools." 
The  "Union  of  True  Russians"  of  Warsaw  seconded 
the  petition  and  went  so  far  as  to  request  the  closing 
of  all  of  the  schools  of  the  "Polish  Mother."  Under 
the  influence  of  these  requests  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment began  to  make  the  work  of  the  schools  more 
difficult.  In  one  instance  at  a  meeting  of  the  dele- 
gates of  the  Society  a  prominent  Pole  from  Posen 
spoke.  For  the  offense  of  allowing  a  "foreigner"  to 
speak  at  the  meeting  the  government  imposed  upon 
the  society  a  fine  of  three  thousand  roubles,  and  a 
month  or  so  afterward,  on  December  14,  1907,  the 
organization  was  dissolved  upon  order  of  the  Rus- 
sian authorities.  At  the  time  of  the  closing  of  the 
schools  there  were  sixty-three  thousand  children 
attending  the  grammar  classes  and  twenty-four  hun- 
dred in  the  kindergarten.  In  addition  to  the  large 
amount  of  real  estate  owned  by  the  Society  and  the 
school  buildings,  it  had  a  fund  of  eight  hundred  and 


ten  thousand  roubles.  To  those  who  know  what  drafts 
have  constantly  been  made  on  the  Poles  in  addition  to 
the  heavy  government  taxes  which  they  have  had  to 
pay,  the  financial  showing  of  the  institution  and  the 
success  of  its  work  must  appear  truly  remarkable.  The 
organization  of  any  other  association  with  a  similar 
educational  object  was  forbidden,  because  the  gov- 
ernment entertained  the  "moral  conviction"  that  any 
new  society  would  be  but  a  continuation  of  the  old. 
All  other  educational  institutions  such  as  the  People's 
University,  the  courses  for  illiterates,  the  Library 
Association  and  the  Society  for  Polish  Culture  were 
likewise  doomed  and  one  after  another  had  to  suspend 
their  useful  work.  The  regulations  concerning  Polish 
colleges  which  were  sanctioned  by  the  Government 
in  1905  during  the  school  strike,  grew  more  restrict- 
ive. In  1908  the  Government  decided  to  reopen  the 
University  and  the  Polytechnical  School,  which  had 
been  boycotted  by  the  Polish  youth  because  of  their 
Russian  character.  In  order  to  stimulate  enrollment 
the  Government  lowered  the  requirements  for  en- 
trance and  a  large  number  of  Russian  graduates  of 
the  inferior  Greek  Orthodox  religious  seminaries 
began  to  arrive  to  register  at  the  Warsaw  University. 
With  a  few  exceptions,  no  Poles  matriculated  in  either 
the  University  or  the  Polytechnical  School.  The 
filling  up  of  the  University  with  a  low  grade  of  Rus- 
sian students  led  to  several  hostile  demonstrations  on 
the  part  of  the  boys  of  the  private  Polish  colleges,  and 
the  Government  took  this  occasion  as  a  pretext  for 
closing  sixteen  of  the  colleges  with  an  enrollment  of 
six  thousand  students,  and  the  threat  was  made  that 
should  such  a  hostile  demonstration  be  repeated,  all 
the  other  Polish  schools  would  meet  with  a  similar 
end. 


554  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  first  Duma  was, 
in  its  majority,  composed  of  representatives  of  the 

liberal  and  radical  elements  of  the  Rus- 
The _  Attitude  sjan  people,  its  declarations  failed  to 
Toward  dre*  mention  Poland  or  to  assert  any  clear- 
Poles  cut  intentions  concerning  it.  The 

speech  from  the  throne  totally  ignored 
Poland  and  was  addressed  exclusively  to  the  Russian 
people.  Similarly,  the  oath  which  the  Polish  deputies 
had  to  sign  was  to  the  effect  that  they  would  labor 
for  the  benefit  of  Russia  alone. 

The  attitude  of  the  second  Duma  toward  the 
Polish  question  was  even  less  sympathetic  than  that 
of  the  first.  It  went  out  of  existence  without  having 
formulated  any  definite  policy  with  reference  to  Po- 
land, and  the  imperial  manifesto  dissolving  the  second 
Duma  contained  ill  forebodings  for  the  future.  It 
clearly  stated  that  the  Russian  Duma  should,  in  its 
spirit,  be  wholly  Russian  and  that  "other  nationalities 
composing  the  Empire  should  have  in  the  Duma  rep- 
resentation of  their  needs,  but  they  should  not  and 
will  not  have  a  representation  large  enough  to  afford 
them  the  possibility  of  deciding  questions  purely  Rus- 
sian." It  must  be  added  that  the  Polish  representa- 
tives in  the  first  two  Dumas,  without  exception  ex- 
hibited staunch  loyalty  to  the  Government  and  voted 
in  favor  of  the  Government  budget  for  the  army. 
After  the  dissolution  of  the  first  Duma  they  took  no 
part  in  the  famous  protest  of  the  deputies,  which 
was  formulated  at  their  specially  called  meeting  in 
Finland.  And  yet  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  the 
sovereign  the  number  of  Polish  deputies  from  Poland 
was  cut  down  from  thirty-six  to  twelve,  while  from 
the  provinces  of  Wilno  and  Kovno  a  representation 
of  at  least  three  Russian  deputies  was  made  manda- 
tory. In  Lithuania  and  Polish  Ruthenia  separate 


CONSTITUTIONAL    RUSSIA    AND    THE    POLES        555 

electoral  colleges  were  established  on  the  basis  of  na- 
tionality, thus  assuring  representation  to  the  Russian 
minorities.  In  this  way  the  total  number  of  Polish 
deputies  in  the  Third  Duma  numbered  but  eighteen, 
eleven  of  whom  were  from  Poland  proper  and  the 
remainder  from  the  border  territories.  In  order  to 
forestall  any  criticism  of  this  arbitrary  act  of  the 
Government,  the  Governor-General  of  Poland  issued 
a  warning  "that  the  publication  of  any  articles  or 
news  inimical  to  the  Government  would  be  punishable 
by  three  months  imprisonment  or  a  fine  of  three 
thousand  roubles."  In  protest  against  this  depriva- 
tion of  an  adequate  representation  all  the  parties  of 
Poland,  except  the  National  Democrats,  boycotted 
the  new  elections. 

The  Third  Duma,  composed  of  a  majority  of  con- 
servatives and  reactionaries,  concerned  itself  with  the 
Polish  question  in  a  most  inimical  fashion.  Taking 
advantage  of  the  fact  that  there  lived  in  Chelm,  or 
Kholm  as  the  Russians  call  it,  and  its  vicinity  a  con- 
siderable number  of  people  of  Greek  Orthodox  faith, 
most  of  them  of  Uniate  antecedents,  the  Duma  re- 
solved to  protect  them  against  Polish  influence  and  ac- 
cordingly voted  to  cut  off  parts  of  the  Provinces  of 
Lublin  and  Siedlce  and  to  form  a  separate  Province  of 
Chelm.  In  1912  this  new  Province  was  created.  The 
population -of  the  new  province  at  the  time  of  its  estab- 
lishment, consisted  of  four  hundred  and  sixty-seven 
thousand  Roman  Catholics  and  two  hundred  and 
seventy-eight  thousand  followers  of  the  Greek  Ortho- 
dox Church.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  new  prov- 
ince had  a  preponderance  of  the  Polish  element  the 
law  establishing  it  provided  that  no  Poles  or  Cath- 
olics could  buy  land  outside  of  city  limits;  that  no 
Poles  from  other  parts  of  Poland  could  settle  in  it; 
and  that  no  Poles  could  hold  any  official  position,  no 


556  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

matter  how  trivial.  The  Code  Napoleon  was  sup- 
planted by  the  Russian  civil  law  which  did  not 
recognize  civic  equality.  The  system  of  communal 
self-government  and  other  Polish  institutions  were 
abolished  and  supplanted  by  those  of  Russia.  None 
of  the  other  draconian  Russian  laws  has  so  severely 
hurt  the  national  consciousness  of  the  Poles  as  this 
further  diminution  of  Polish  territory  whose  integrity 
was  guaranteed  by  the  treaty  of  the  Congress  of 
Vienna.  It  was  a  flagrant  violation  of  an  act  guar- 
anteed by  the  Powers  of  Europe  and  yet  not  a  single 
voice  of  protest  was  raised  by  any  of  the  governments. 
.  After  many  years  of  deliberation  over  the  intro- 
duction of  a  system  of  municipal  self-government  in 
Poland,  Premier  Stolypin  finally  presented  a  draft  of 
a  proposal  to  the  Third  Duma.  The  bill  was  pure 
mockery.  It  gave  extraordinary  representation  to  the 
scattered  Russians  living  in  Poland  and  made  the  will 
of  the  government  officials  superior  to  the  enactments 
of  the  city  boards.  It  is  not  worth  while  to  go  into 
the  details  of  that  document.  It  is  important,  how- 
ever, to  record  the  fact  that  when  it  came  before  the 
representatives  of  the  Russian  nation  assembled  in 
the  Duma,  it  was  considered  too  polonophile  and  was 
amended  in  such  a  way  as  to  become  a  veritable  cari- 
cature. They  provided,  for  instance,  that  the  gov- 
ernor of  a  province  shall  have  a  right  to  suspend  the 
enactments  of  city  councils  not  only  on  the  ground 
of  their  illegality,  but  also  when,  in  his  opinion,  "they 
shall  be  contrary  to  the  interests  of  the  State."  No 
more  latitude  could  be  given  to  administrative  law- 
lessness. They  also  struck  out  the  provision  which 
allowed  a  limited  use  of  the  Polish  language  in  meet- 
ings and  in  official  papers.  The  Polish  language 
could  be  used  in  certain  documents  and  only  as  a 
supplement  to  the  Russian  text.  When  this  project 


CONSTITUTIONAL    RUSSIA    AND    THE    POLES        557 

came  up  for  approval  in  the  Council  of  the  State  it 
was  further  emasculated  and  the  provision  allowing 
the  use  of  the  Polish  language  was  entirely  eliminated. 

Another  severe  blow  was  dealt  to  Poland  by  the 
representatives  of  constitutional  Russia  in  the  enact- 
ment by  which  the  Warsaw-Vienna  Railroad  was 
taken  over  by  the  Government.  The  Duma,  which  was 
usually  very  slow  in  the  transaction  of  business,  acted 
with  remarkable  celerity  in  buying  out  this  important 
Polish  highway  of  commerce.  Soon  after  the  taking 
over  of  the  railroad  on  the  14th  day  of  January,  1912, 
the  government  proceeded  to  discharge  the  Polish 
employees.  Not  only  were  the  heads  of  the  depart- 
ments and  the  engineers,  firemen,  conductors,  switch- 
men and  office  clerks  discharged,  but  even  porters  and 
sweepers  were  replaced  by  Russians.  Over  fourteen 
thousand  families  were  thus  deprived  of  a  means  of  • 
livelihood  at  a  single  stroke.  It  would  be  a  long 
story  to  relate  the  many  iniquities  perpetrated 
upon  the  Poles  by  the  representatives  of  the  Rus- 
sian people,  of  whom  so  much  was  expected  in  the 
pre-constitutional  days,  as  contrasted  with  the  Rus- 
sian Government.  In  certain  instances  even  the  . 
progressive  and  radical  members  of  the  Duma 
joined  hands  with  the  representatives  of  the  Black 
Hundred  when  Polish  matters  were  concerned.  The 
Poles  had  the  painful  opportunity  to  learn  that  the 
Russian  Duma  and  the  Russian  Government  were 
much  alike  in  their  attitude  toward  Poland. 

The  Polish  representation  in  the  Russian  Duma, 

with    several    exceptions,    consisted    exclusively    of 

members   of  the   National   Democratic 

Polish  Repre-      party  which,  as  has  been  stated  in  the 

sentation  in  / '          .  ~.  ,  ,    , 

the  Duma  previous  chapter,  was  an  offshoot  of  the 

Polish    National    League.     Because    of 

greater  political  experience  gained  through  their  con- 


558  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

nection  with  the  National  League  from  which  they 
seceded  and  because  the  progressive  elements  in  Po- 
land could  not  work  openly  in  the  face  of  government 
restrictions  and  finally  boycotted  the  spurious  parlia- 
mentary elections,  the  National  Democrats  were  able 
to  carry  most  of  the  districts  and  became  the 
official  representatives  of  Poland  in  the  Duma.  The 
character  of  their  political  doctrine  foretold  their 
activities,  but  their  comport  and  ineptitude  were  both 
humiliating  and  disappointing.  They  lacked  man- 
hood and  daring  to  protest  sincetly  and  effectively 
against  the  Russian  iniquities,  and  courage  and  ability 
to  carry  through  anything  of  benefit  for  their  country. 
The  considerable  following  which  the  National  Demo- 
crats had  in  the  first  decade  of  the  constitutional  era 
is  but  an  indication  of  the  extent  of  disorganization 
in  Polish  life  and  of  the  degree  of  disorientation 
among  the  people  who  were  deprived  of  all  semblance 
of  open  political  life  for  several  generations.  It  is 
also  a  testimonial  to  the  efficiency  of  the  organization 
of  the  Party  which  was  not  at  all  sensitive  as  to 
the  means  it  employed  to  achieve  its  ends.  Even 
physical  force  and  intimidation  were  resorted  to 
not  infrequently.  The  distasteful  methods  and  be- 
havior of  the  National  Democrats  coupled  with  their 
complete  failure  to  accomplish  anything  at  St.  Peters- 
burg were  bound  to  call  forth  a  strong  wave  of 
reaction  against  them  in  spite  of  the  protection  which 
was  afforded  to  the  Party  by  the  Government  as 
against  their  opponents  and  in  spite  of  demagogue-like 
tactics  skillfully  adopted  by  the  leaders.  When,  in 
1908,  Mr.  Dmowski  and  his  associates  took  part  in  the 
Pan-Slav  Congress  at  Prague  contrary  to  the  age-old 
traditions  and  wishes  of  the  Polish  nation,  a  great 
many  of  his  former  supporters  left  him,  individually 
or  collectively  like  the  National  Workmen's  union. 


CONSTITUTIONAL    RUSSIA    AND    THE    POLES        559 

V 

This  schism  in  the  ranks  caused  his  personal  downfall 
at  the  following  elections  and  led  to  the  gradual  de- 
cline of  the  National  Democratic  Party  which 
shriveled  to  naught  during  the  present  war. 

In  summing  up  it  may  be  said  without  exaggera- 
tion that  no  influence  in  the  whole  course  of  modern 
Polish  history  has  been  more  harmful  to  Poland  than 
that  of  the  National  Democrats.  They  have  demoral- 
ized Polish  political  life,  dragged  politics  into  the 
mire  of  personal  ambitions  and  petty  racial  animosi- 
ties. By  siding  with  the  Russian  Government  in  its 
persecution  of  the  national  aspirations  of  the  Ukrain- 
ians they  have  contributed  much  toward  the  deep- 
ening of  ill-feeling  between  the  Ruthenians  and  the 
Poles  in  Galicia,  and  by  their  exploitation  of  anti- 
Semitism  for  political  purposes,  they  have  branded 
the  Polish  people  with  the  stigma  of  religious  in- 
tolerance. The  Polish  nation,  which  was  singularly 
free  from  this  charge,  has  been  presented  to  the  world 
in  recent  years  as  a  Jew-hater.  It  is  important  that 
the  world  should  know  what  elements  were  respon- 
sible for  the  anti-Jewish  orgy  which  had  taken  hold 
of  certain  classes  of  the  Polish  population  in  the  years 
immediately  preceding  the  present  war. 

The  Jews  constitute  one-seventh  of  the  popula- 
tion of  Poland.  For  various  reasons,  but  primarily  be- 
cause of  the  fact  that  for  almost  a  century 

f«L  t  "' 

Jewish  Poland  had  no  government  of  its_ojvn, 

Problem  tne  forge  mass  of  the  Jewish  popula-    ?  -. 

tion    has    nol    Been    assimilated.      The    '   • 
bulk  of  the  Jewish  people  lives  in  cities.     In  some  fa 
of   the    smaller    towns    the    proportion    of   Jews    is    ?• 
much  larger  than  that  of  the  Gentiles.     Over  thirty 
per  cent,  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  City  of  Warsaw  is 
Jewish.     In  the  larger  cities  where  they  constitute  a 
minority  the  Jews  are  usually  clustered  together  and 


560  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

preserve  the  spirit  of  the  old  ghetto.  The  majority 
of  them  live  in  penury,  squalor  and  ignorance.  The 
occupations  of  a  great  many  of  the  Polish  Jews  are 
chiefly  of  a  commercial  nature.  They  act  as  agents, 
merchants,  salesmen,  shop  keepers,  hawkers,  money 
lenders.  A  considerable  part,  however,  is  engaged  as 
artisans  and  in  domestic  industry.  In  their  habits 
of  life  they  cling  to  mediaeval  modes  and  dress  in  long 
black  robes.  The  stigma  of  a  distinctive  dress,  which 
was  thrust  upon  them  centuries  ago  in  many  of  the 
countries  of  Europe  has  been  accepted  as  a  mark  of 
their  racial  attachment  and  those  from  among  the 
Jews  who  divest  themselves  of  it  are  considered  by 
their  co-religionists  as  renegades.  Their  standards 
of  life  are  low  and  backwardness  so  strongly  in- 
trenched that  it  will  probably  take  many  generations 
of  most  enlightened  policy  to  force  this  citadel  of 
mediaevalism.  Through  historic  evolution^the  Jews 
in  Poland  have  become,  in  a  degree,  monopolists  of 
commerce  and  banking.  There  are  certain  branches 
of  business,  like  marketing  of  grain  and  lumber,  for 
example,  which  they  have  almost  entirely  to  them- 
selves and  owing  to  race  solidarity  and  efficient  busi- 
ness organization  they  can  beat  off  any  undesirable 
newcomer.  In  relation  to  their  Gentile  neighbors,  on 
the  whole  the  Jews  entertain  no  ill-feeling  but  do  not 
identify  themselves  with  the  Polish  nation,  although 
there  is  a  natural  strong  sentiment  for  Polish  life  and 
traditions.  When  the  Jews  leave  their  ghetto  and 
become  educated  and  associate  with  the  Poles*  this 
unconscious  sentiment,  which  is  latent  in  the  Polish 
Jewry,  sprouts  into  Polish  patriotism,  as  has  been 
demonstrated  on  many  occasions  in  the  course  of 
history.  During  John  Sobieski's  time  the  famous 
defender  of  the  fortress  of  Trembowla,  Captain 
Chrzanowski  was  of  Jewish  antecedents.  In 


CONSTITUTIONAL    RUSSIA   AND   THE    POLES        561 

Kosciuszko's  time  Berek  Joselowicz  organized  a  Jew- 
ish regiment.  During  the  war  of  1831  and  the  insur- 
rection of  1863  the  Jews  were  active  in  the  defense  of 
their  country.  Mr.  Wohl,  the  treasurer  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary Government  in  1863,  was  a  Jew.  During 
the  patriotic  procession  which  took  place  in  Warsaw 
in  1862,  when  the  cross  fell  from  the  hands  of  a  priest 
who  was  killed  by  a  Russian  charge,  a  Jewish  lad 
picked  it  up  and,  raising  it  high  above  his  head,  led 
the  procession  to  the  church.  Jews,  like  the  bankers 
Baron  Kronenberg  and  Jean  de  Bloch  of  Warsaw, 
contributed  materially  toward  the  economic  upbuild- 
ing of  the  country,  and  a  number  among  the  Polish 
historians,  scientists  and  publicists,  like  the  well 
known  Julian  Klaczko,  Leopold  Meyet,  Prof.  Joseph 
Nusbaum,  Prof.  Simon  Askenazy,  Samuel  Dick- 
stein,  Wilhelm  Feldman,  Alexander  Kraushar,  Prof. 
Beck,  Prof.  Sternbach  and  many  others  are  of  Jewish 
faith  or  blood.  In  the  present  war  a  number  of  Jewish 
men  have  enlisted  in  the  Polish  Legions  and  have 
fought  valiantly.  On  the  other  hand,  there  have  been 
numerous  instances,  where  the  Polish  Jews  have 
played  an  unenviable  role  in  relation  to  their  mother 
country. 

The  attitude  of  the  Poles  to  the  Jews  has  seldom 
been  marked  by  any  deep-rooted  hatred.  The  Jews 
have  often  been  made  the  butt  of  humor,  but  have 
seldom  been  the  scapegoat  in  a  serious  outbreak  of 
animosity.  Until  the  recent  artificial  arousing  of  anti- 
Semitism  in  Poland  by  the  National  Democrats,  there 
was  only  one  anti-Semitic  periodical  published  in 
Warsaw  and  that  was  edited  by  a  Jewish  apostate. 
This  weekly  was  patronized  chiefly  by  backward  vil- 
lage priests  and  has  died  a  natural  death  for  want  of 
support.  The  Polish  landlords  and  magnates,  and 
even  the  kings,  almost  invariably  employed  Jewish 


>62 


financial  advisers,  and  in  this  way  the  Jews  be- 
came an  important  factor  in  the  life  of  Poland. 
Serving  the  interests  of  their  masters,  they  inevitably 
came  into  conflict  with  the  masses  of  the  people, 
whom  they  exploited  on  behalf  of  their  employers  as 
well  as  on  their  own,  and  in  this  way  often  earned  the 
dislike  of  the  peasants.  The  laws  since  the  early  days 
of  Polish  history,  with  the  exception  of  the  era  of 
decadence,  have  been  tolerant  to  the  Jews,  as  has  been 
pointed  out  in  the  various  preceding  chapters.  Of 
all  the  literatures  of  the  world,  Polish  literature  has 
probably  portrayed  the  Jew  with  the  most  sym- 
pathetic feeling.  How  do  the  Eli  Makover  and 
Meyer  Ezofowicz  of  the  Polish  woman  writer  Eliza 
Orzeszkowa  or  the  cymbalist  Jankiel,  of  Mickie- 
wicz,  compare  with  the  Shylock  of  Shakespeare? 
And  these  are  but  two  in  a  long  array  of  Polish 
writers  who  have  treated  the  Jew  with  utmost  kind- 
ness and  affection.  The  Russian  government,  with 
its  policy  of  divide  et  impera,  determined  to  break  this 
harmony  between  the  Poles  and  the  Jews  and  to 
achieve  that  purpose  has  employed  both  the  Russian 
Jews  and  the  Polish  National  Democrats.  By  a 
policy  of  pogroms,  persecutions  and  restrictions  the 
government  forced  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Rus- 
sian and  Lithuanian  Jews,  known  as  Litwaks,  to 
migrate  to  Poland,  where  they  were  given  special 
protection  against  the  Poles.  The  Litwaks,  because 
of  a  keener  cunning  and  because  of  their  intimate 
knowledge  of  Russian  ways  and  Russian  markets 
became  dangerous  competitors  of  the  native  Jews 
of  Poland.  In  addition,  because  of  their  still  lower 
standards  of  life  they  were  better  prepared  to 
undermine  the  economic  opportunities  of  the  Polish 
Jews.  Though  persecuted  in  Russia  and  subjected 
to  pogroms,  the  Russian  Jews  in  Poland  were  un- 


CONSTITUTIONAL    RUSSIA    AND    THE    POLES        563 

conscious,  and  sometimes  conscious,  tools  of  Russi- 
fication  as  in  addition  to  their  jargon  they  spoke 
Russian  and  either  could  not,  or  would  not,  employ 
the  use  of  the  Polish  language.  This  was  naturally 
resented  by  the  Poles  who  looked  with  apprehension 
upon  the  enormous  influx  of  a  nationally  and  eco- 
nomically undersirable  element.  A  free  nation  can 
exercise  its  soveregin  power  with  reference  to  foreign 
immigration;  Poland,  without  a  government  of  its 
own,  could  do  nothing  to  prevent  this  unwelcome 
addition  to  its  densely  populated  country.  It  should 
be  remembered  that  Poland  is  the  second  country  in 
Europe  in  point  of  density  of  population,  Belgium 
being  the  first.  Even  without  immigration  Poland 
could  hardly  accommodate  her  native  population  and 
for  years  there  has  been  a  large  exodus  of  peasants 
as  well  as  of  the  Jewish  city  element.  The  infiltra- 
tion of  the  Russian  Jews  helped  to  sweep  out  of  the 
country  the  native  Jews,  whose  places  were  then 
taken  by  the  former,  a  people  foreign  in  race  as  well 
as  in  national  sympathy.  It  became  a  problem  of 
great  concern  to  the  Poles.  The  National  Democrats 
decided  to  take  advantage  of  the  general  uneasiness 
engendered  by  this  policy  of  the  Russian  government 
and  to  exploit  it  in  the  interests  of  their  party  and 
indirectly  in  the  interest  of  Russia.  They  succeeded 
thoroughly  in  their  pernicious  endeavor.  At  election 
periods  appeals  were  made  to  the  lowest  instincts  of 
the  masses.  The  publication  of  a  daily,  replete  with 
vituperation  and  insinuations,  under  the  name  of 
"A  Gazette  for  Two  Groschen"  was  begun  in  Warsaw 
with  the  strong  financial  backing  of  a  number  of 
well  known  anti-Semites.  This  publication  did  more 
than  any  other  single  influence  in  tearing  open 
a  large  wound  on  the  body  politic  of  Poland.  It  alien- 
ated two  sections  of  the  nation  from  each  other  and 


564  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

widened  the  breach  which  separated  them.  It  precipi- 
tated an  internal  economic  war  under  the  form  of  a 
boycott  after  the  Jewish  electors  of  Warsaw,  who  had 
the  majority  of  votes,  refused  to  support  a  Polish  can- 
didate because  he  was  not  free  from  objections  on 
the  ground  of  race  hatred.  Though  able  to  elect  a 
Jew  they  threw  their  votes  in  favor  of  an  obscure 
social  democrat  and  made  him  the  representative  of 
Warsaw  in  the  Fourth  Duma,  1912.  The  election  of 
a  Socialist  fanned  the  fury  of  the  chauvinists  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  it  was  in  deference'to  popular  feeling 
that  the  Jews  refrained  from  electing  a  Jew  and  com- 
promised on  the  Socialist  of  Roman  Catholic  faith. 
The  boycott  was  carried  out  in  a  most  rigorous  man- 
ner and  was  extended  not  only  to  the  merchants  and 
artisans  but  also  to  the  Jews  of  all  other  occupations. 
The  "economic  patriotism,"  as  the  boycott  was 
styled,  had  its  beginning  in  the  adverse  attitude  of 
the  Jews  toward  the  co-operative  consumers'  asso- 
ciations. Until  1905  the  Russian  Government  had 
forbidden  the  formation  of  such  organizations.  In 
that  year,  however,  the  associations  were  legalized 
and  soon  an  immense  chain  of  co-operative  stores 
was  opened  all  over  the  country.  The  growth  and 
success  of  the  enterprise  were  phenomenal.  A  central 
purchasing  agency  was  created  and  a  co-operative 
bank  was  established  with  a  capita^  of  many  millions 
of  roubles.  Naturally,  the  small  shopkeepers  were 
hard  hit  and  combated  the  movement  vigorously. 
As  the  vast  majority  of  the  merchants  were  Jews, 
they  attributed  the  foundation  of  the  associations 
to  anti-Semitism.  The  National  Democrats  had 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  this  wholesome  eco- 
nomic activity,  but  decided  to  turn  the  Jewish  inter- 
pretation of  it  into  political  capital,  and  in  the 
furtherance  of  their  scheme  brought  about  a  gen- 


CONSTITUTIONAL   RUSSIA   AND   THE    POLES        565 

eral  boycott  of  the  Jews.  Sober  minded  publicists 
repeatedly  pointed  out  this  erroneous  basis  of  the 
philosophy  of  the  "economic  patriots"  who  spoke  of 
the  Jews  as  a  separate  nation.  It  is  a  wrong  political 
doctrine  which  regards  the  Jews  of  any  country  as  a 
distinct  nationality,  with  interests  of  its  own,  foreign 
or  antagonistic  to  the  country  in  which  they  live,  and 
any  deductions  based  on  such  premises  must  needs 
lead  to  destructive  conclusions.  There  is  but  little 
doubt  that  the  anti-Semitic  feeling  aroused  by  the 
National  Democratic  Party  and  precipitated  by  the 
policy  of  the  Russian  Government  will  largely,  if  not 
entirely,  disappear  when  the  Polish  people  become 
free  and  unconstrained,  and  when  the  cultural  and 
educational  standards  of  "both  the  Polish  and  the 
Jewish  masses  have  been  raised  to  a  higher  level.  An 
indication  as  to  what  the  Polish  policy  in  that  respect 
will  be  is  contained  in  an  address  made  a  while  ago 
by  Professor  Wladyslav  Leopold  Jaworski,  then 
President  of  the  Supreme  National  Committee  which 
was  the  most  important  and  representative  political 
organization  that  existed  in  Poland  during  the  war 
before  the  organization  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment. In  the  course  of  this  address,  in  which  he  de- 
precated anti-Semitism,  he  said: 

"After  Poland  is  freed  from  Russian  rule  and  joins  again 
the  family  of  West  European  nations,  it  must  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  the  civilized  countries  of  the  world  in  solving  the 
Jewish  question ;  it  must  grant  to  them  equal  rights  of  citizen- 
ship and  gain  their  sympathy  and  confidence.  In  return,  it 
must  be  emphatically  demanded  of  the  Jews  that  they  become 
devoted  .citizens  of  their  country ;  that  they  work  for  its  best 
interests  and  development.  We  must  give  the  Jews  full  access 
to  the  sources  of  well-being  and  culture  and  then  we  will  have 
the  right  to  demand  of  them  that  they  be  good  and  loyal  citi- 
zens of  Poland,  as  they  are  good  citizens  of  France,  England, 
Italy  or  Germany." 


566  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

The  misdirected  efforts  of  certain  Jews  in  fos- 
tering Jewish  nationalistic  feelings  and  in  agitating 
for  the  creation  of  a  sort  of  Jewish  state  in  Poland 
must  meet  with  the  most  severe  condemnation  on  the 
part  of  the  Poles,  as  they  would  on  the  part  of  any 
other  nation.  The  Jewish  nationalists  have  done  as 
much  to  impede  the  proper  solution  of  the  Jewish 
problem  in  Poland  as  have  the  Polish  National  Demo- 
crats. The  latter  are  politically  bankrupt  and  will 
probably  not  rally  if  after  the  close  of  the  war  Poland 
should  be  an  independent  state.  The  Jewish  na- 
tionalists wil-1  similarly  have  to  abandon  their  propa- 
ganda if  a  proper  understanding  is  to  be  reached. 
The  spread  of  false  information  in  Europe  and  Amer- 
ica about  the  alleged  Polish  atrocities  committed 
upon  the  Jews  in  the  opening  months  of  the  war  has 
done  great  harm  to  Poland,  and  has  helped  only  to 
embitter  the  Polish  nation,  in  the  hour  when  it  is 
undergoing  hard  trials  and  is  making  a  supreme 
effort  to  regain  its  independent  national  exist- 
ence. It  has  not  served  the  cause  of  the  Polish  Jews. 
Many  prominent  men  among  the  Jews,  like  Dr. 
Joseph  Sare,  the  Vice-President  of  the  City  of  Cra- 
cow, Mr.  Bernard  Lauer,*  a  manufacturer  of  War- 
saw, Mr.  Herman  Feldstein,**  a  banker  of  Lemberg, 
and  others  have  raised  their  protest  not  only  against 
the  dissemination  of  fabricated  slanderous  tales  but 
also  against  the  presumption  of  certain  misguided 
foreign  Jews  to  speak  in  the  name  of  the  Polish 
Jewry  and  to  advise  with  reference  to  Polish- 
Jewish  affairs.  They  are  fain  to  trust  the  matter 
of  adjustment  to  the  Polish  people  and  express 

*  Bernard  Lauer,  "Zum  Polnisch-Judischen  Problem,  (vom  Stand- 
punkt  eines  polnischen  Juden)."  Preussische  Jahrbiicher,  Band  162, 
Heft  2,  Berlin,  1915. 

**  Herman  Feldstein,  "Polen  und  Juden,  Ein  Appell."  Wien,  Verlag 
des  Obersten  Polnischen  Nationalkomitees,  May,  1915. 


CONSTITUTIONAL    RUSSIA    AND    THE    POLES 


567 


the  conviction  that  should  Poland  emerge  from  the 
present  cataclysm  a  free  and  independent  state,  the 
Polish  spirit  may  be  relied  upon  to  seek  no  vengeance 
for  the  harm  done  and  that  the  difficult  Jewish  prob- 
lem will  be  settled  in  equity  and  justice.  A  pledge  of 
loyalty  to  the  recently  organized  State  Council  of 
Warsaw,  tendered  by  the  Polish  Jewry  and  express- 
ing fine  sentiments  of  patriotism  and  devotion,  is 
another  proof  of  the  faith  they  entertain  in  the  spirit 
of  the  Polish  nation  and  its  state  policies. 


(Painting  by  J.  StanislawskI) 
FIG.   256 — THE    ROYAL    CASTLE    OF    CRACOW 

CHAPTER  XXL 
The  Polish  Question  and  the  Great  War 

"The  Polish  question,"  said  Napoleon,"  is  the  key 

to  the  European  vault,"  and  on  its  proper  solution 

the  future  peace  of  Central  Europe  will 

The  Re-open-      iargely  depend.'    The  ideal  solution  lies 

ing  of  the  Po-       •      fi  i    ,      •  j 

lish  Question  m  tne  restoration  to  complete  independ- 
ence of  the  ancient  Polish  Republic  and 
in  the  establishment  of  a  thoroughly  democratic  gov- 
ernment which  would  be  a  true  representation  of  the 
needs  of  the  various  classes  and  elements  of  the  peo- 
ple. As  the  war  continues  the  possibility  of  such  a  so- 
lution grows  greater  and  greater.  While  only  three 
years  ago,  with  the  exception  of  Galicia,  Poland  did 
not  possess  as  much  as  a  limited  city  home-rule,  she 
now  enjoys  a  considerable  measure  of  state  freedom  in 
the  larger  part  of  her  domains  and  has  her  own  gov- 
ernment, diet  and  army.  While  only  three  years  ago 
the  word  "independence"  could  not  be  mentioned  in 
Poland  with  impunity,  to-day  both  the  Central 
Powers  and  the  Provisional  Russian  Government 
have  declared  themselves  unequivocally  in  favor  of 
independence.  What  has  been  the  course  of  this 
rapid  evolution  wrought  by  the  war? 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      569 

Although  Poland  had  no  part  in  precipitating  the 
gigantic  world  conflict  which  opened  on  the  first  day 
of  August,  1914,  yet,  by  reason  of  her  geographic  posi- 
tion, she  became  one  of  the  greatest  theatres  of  the 
war  where  whole  nations  met  in  a  terrible  death 
grapple.  The  country  was  devastated  and  plunged 
into  a  sea  of  blood.  Scores  of  cities  and  towns,  thou- 


FIG.    258— "CONFLAGRATION."    FROM   THE   SERIES    OF    "WAR" 
BY  A.   GROTTGER 

sands  of  villages  were  ruined.  Peaceful  men  and 
women,  happy  homes,  property  and  wealth  were  de- 
stroyed. Hunger  and  disease  wrought  fearful  ravage. 
Starvation  took  its  toll  as  tens  of  thousands 
fell  by  the  wayside.  Millions  fled  their  burning 
homes  and  in  hordes  were  driven  eastward.  The 
roads  were  strewn  with  the  whitening  bones  of  the 


570 


fugitives.  The  younger  children,  their  lives  like  the 
flickering  flame  of  a  candle,  easily  extinguished  by  the 
lightest  wind,  died  by  thousands  daily,  deprived  of 
proper  food  and  care. 

About  two  million  Poles  of  military  age  were 
drafted  into  the  three  foreign  armies  and  lined  up 
on  opposite  sides  of  the  battlefield — brother  against 
brother.  Once  more  the  luckless  country  was  laid 
waste.  This  stupendous  calamity  was  bound,  how- 
ever, to  raise  the  Polish  question  which  seemed  buried 
forever.  The  political  thinkers  and  writers  of  the 
past  century  foresaw  that  only  a  cataclysm  like  the 
present  one,  in  which  the  three  powers  that  tore  Po- 
land asunder  were  arrayed  on  opposite  sides,  could 
liberate  the  nation  from  its  political  bondage,  and  the 
great  seer  Mickiewicz  prayed  for  this  to  come  to  pass. 
During  the  Balkan  wars  several  years  ago  it  looked 
as  if  the  world  were  on  the  brink  of  the  mighty  con- 
flict. It  was  postponed  for  a  short  time,  but  its  in- 
evitableness  had  been  fully  realized  in  Poland  since 
the  last  imbroglio,  and  had  been  thoroughly  discussed 
in  the  Polish  press  and  in  the  political  literature  uf 
Galicia,  the  only  part  of  Poland  in  which  such  a  dis- 
cussion could  openly  be  pursued. 

What  should  be  the  attitude  of  the  Polish  people 

if    the    anticipated    war    should     occur,     was    the 

question    which    the    Poles    sought    to 

The  Polish          answer  for  themseives.      And  immedi- 

MUita  ^Pre-        atdy      ^l      the      tragic      difficulties      °f 

paredness  *  the  Polish  situation  became  apparent, 
complicated  as  they  were  by  the  differ- 
ences in  the  political  status  of  the  three  sections  and 
by  the  multiplicity  of  economic  and  social  interests 
and  aspirations  among  the  various  classes  of  the  peo- 
ple. Those  of  the  Prussian  part  of  Poland,  exasperated 
by  the  inhuman  treatment  to  which  they  have  been 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      571 

subjected,  had  but  one  desire :  to  be  rid  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible and  forever  of  the  Prussian  curse.  In  Russian 
Poland,  likewise,  it  was  the  ardent  desire  of  the  people 
to  free  themselves  from  Russian  shackles,  and  the 
vast  majority  hoped  for  a  complete  severance  of  all 
the  bonds  uniting  Poland  with  Russia. 

There  were  some  elements,  however,  who  for 
reasons  of  immediate  political  expediency  did  not  go 
so  far  in  their  open  declarations.  Some  of  the  reac- 
tionary landowners  and  industrialists  favored  auto- 
cratic Russia,  for  only  under  such  a  government  could 
they  safely  enjoy  their  advantages  and  withstand 
successfully  the  claims  of  democracy.  Under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Russian  soldiery  they  could  freely  ex- 
ploit the  masses  and  quash  all  disturbing  strikes. 
Others  saw  in  the  union  with  Russia'  the  only  pos- 
sibility for  a  great  development  of  Polish  industrial 
life  and  prosperity,  since  Russia  afforded  an  immense 
market  for  the  products  of  Poland.  They  argued 
that  some  day  conditions  in  Russia  would  change, 
political  life  would  become  liberalized  and  Poland 
would  be  granted  autonomy. 

These  arguments  of  the  so-called  "Progressives" 
were  not  sufficently  convincing  to  the  great  major- 
ity who  did  not  propose  to  sell  their  birthright  to 
a  free  and  independent  national  life  for  a  mess  of  pot- 
tage. Unhampered  national  existence,  affording  to 
the  people  an  opportunity  to  work  out  their  own  sal- 
vation meant  more  to  them  than  a  greater  number 
of  smokestacks  in  the  cities  or  the  piling  up  of  im- 
mense fortunes.  They  tolerated  no  compromise  on 
this  point  and  argued  that  the  fears  of  economic 
ruin  in  case  of  a  separation  from  Russia  were  un- 
founded. In  1912  the  representatives  of  all  the  inde- 
pendence parties  of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  and  of 
Galicia  met  and  formed  a  Temporary  Committee  of 


572  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

the  Confederated  Independence  Parties,  known  by 
their  Polish  initials  as  K.  S.  S.  N.,  charged  with  the 
definite  task  of  mapping  out  a  detailed  plan  of  pro- 
cedure in  case  of  a  world  war,  and  of  making  military 
preparations  for  such  a  contingency. 

It  was  the  common  agreement  that  in  the  event 
of  war  between  Russia  and  Austria,  Poland  was  to 
take  an  active  part  against  Russia,  even  if  hated 
Germany  should  join  Austria.  It  was  argued  that 
it  is  impossible  for  Poland  to  remain  inert  or  to 
endeavor  to  fight  two  of  her  adversaries  at  the  same 
time.  Because  Russian  oppression  extended  over 
eighty  per  cent,  of  the  ancient  Polish  Republic,  and 
because  in  case  of  a  set-to  between  the  Central  Powers 
and  Russia  the  latter  would  be  hopelessly  beaten, 
action  against  Russia  was  the  only  course  indicated  by 
the  dictates  of  sound  reasoning  and  by  all  the  past 
experiences  and  traditions  of  the  Polish  nation.  Rus- 
sia's defeat,  it  was  argued,  would  not  only  make  pos- 
sible the  placing  of  the  Polish  Question  on  an  interna- 
tional footing,  but  would  also  place  the  Russian  autoc- 
racy and  its  henchmen  in  a  precarious,  if  not  unten- 
able, position  and  lead  to  internal  reforms  in  Russia. 
Poland  and  humanity  generally  would  then  profit 
doubly. 

In  reaching  this  decision  as  to  the  course  to  pur- 
sue in  case  of  a  clash  between  the  rival  powers,  the 
Poles  were  not  actuated  by  any  motives  of  hate  or 
love  toward  one  or  the  other.  Without  exception 
the  Poles  entertain  nothing  but  the  most  bitter  feel- 
ing toward  the  Prussians  because  of  the  brutal  and 
unjust  treatment  accorded  by  them  to  the  Polish 
people  throughout  history  and  because  of  the  repul- 
sive national  characteristics  of  the  Prussians,  which 
have  alienated  them  from  the  friendship  of  every 
other  nation  as  well.  It  was,  then,  not  sympathy  with 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      573 

Prussia  or  even  Austria  that  led  to  the  adoption  of 
the  policy  of  a  war  with  Russia,  but  a  clearly  visual- 
ized opportunity  to  deal  successfully  with  one  of  the 
formidable  despoilers  of  their  national  heritage  and 
a  chance,  such  as  might  never  occur  again,  of  redeem- 
ing the  lost  sovereignty  over  a  major  part  of  the 
ancient  Polish  domains.  It  was  a  policy  dictated  by 
the  Polish  raison  d'etat  and  founded  on  an  intimate 
knowledge  of  political  and  military  conditions.  That 
it  was  evidently  based  on  sound  premises,  the  events 
during  the  course  of  the  war  have  demonstrated. 
Were  it  not  for  Poland's  active  and  bold  political 
moves  and  the  heroic  deeds  of  the  Legions,  the  act 
of  November  5,  1916,  whereby  the  Central  Powers 
recognized  the  independence  of  the  Kingdom  of  Po- 
land, would  not  have  been  proclaimed ;  and  were  it  not 
for  that  Act  and  the  rapid  organization  of  the  Polish 
State  in  the  midst  of  the  war,  the  Revolutionary  Pro- 
visional Government  of  Russia  would  presumably 
hot  have  declared  itself  for  complete  Polish  inde- 
pendence. The  new  Russia  has  not  declared  the  inde- 
pendence of  any  of  the  other  component  nationalities 
of  the  Russian  Empire. 

By  siding  with  Austria,  which  did  not  hamper 
Polish  national  life,  Poland  gained  a  natural  ally  not 
only  against  Russia  but  against  Germany  as  well. . 
As  one  publicist  expressed  it  "the  alliance  was 
a  sword  against  Russia  and  a  shield  against  Ger- 
many." The  alliance  was  also  of  undoubted  practical 
value  to  both  Austria  and  Hungary.  A  Polish  state, 
composed  of  Galicia  and  the  territories  wrested  from 
Russia  during  the  war,  and  becoming  a  third  member 
of  a  federation  on  an  equal  footing  with  Austria  and 
Hungary,  would  be  very  desirable  to  them  from  every 
point  of  view.  Tt  would  be  gratifying  to  the  reigning 


574  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

dynasty  as  long  as  that  institution  lasted,  and  it 
would  add  prestige  and  strength  to  the  federated 
states  by  additional  territory,  men  and  wealth,  and 
would  rectify  the  difficult,  from  a  military  point  of 
view,  frontier  conditions  which  existed  between  the 
Central  Empires  and  Russia  prior  to  the  war.  It 
would  have  been  welcomed  by  the  German  Austrians 
as  it  would  have  relieved  them  of  the  large  Polish 
representation  from  Galicia  in  the  Viennese  Parlia- 
ment and  it  would  have  been  gladly  received  by  the 
Hungarians,  since  the  separation  of  Galicia  would 
have  reduced  Austria's  relative  strength  with  regard 
to  Hungary.  Above  all,  it  would  have  rendered  futile 
all  German  endeavors  to  draw  into  the  Reichsbund 
the  autochthonously  Germanic  provinces  of  Austria 
and  by  affording  in  the  Polish  State  a  buttress  for  the 
Poles  in  Prussia  it  would  inevitably  have  led  to  a  fer- 
ment in  Prussia  and  to  a  change  in  her  relation  to 
the  Poles.  The  German  government  well  understood 
the  situation  arid  did  its  level  best  to  block  the  efforts 
of  the  Polish  statesmen.  It  regarded  with  disfavor 
the  Austrian  consent  to  the  formation  of  Polish  Le- 
gions and  until  the  manifesto  of  November  5,  1916, 
prohibited  recruiting  into  the  Legions  in  that  part  of 
Poland  which  was  under  German  occupancy. 

Knowing  well  that  in  the  grim  realities  of  life 
only  the  strong  survive  and  that  a  nation  which  is  un- 
prepared to  meej  serious  contingencies  receives  little 
consideration  no  matter  how  rightful  its  course  and 
lofty  its  principles,  thoughtful  Poles  did  their  utmost 
to  arouse  the  people  that  they  might  not  be  caught 
unawares,  and  to  devise  opportunities  for  making 
preparations.  Here  Galicia  proved  to  be  the 
Polish  Piedmont.  It  was  in  Galicia  that  military 
preparedness  began  to  be  organized,  at  first  secretly 
and  then  openly.  Numerous  books  and  pamphlets 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      575 

were  published  bearing  on  war  questions  and  tech- 
nique. Schools  were  started  for  training  Polish  offi- 
cers to  command  the  Polish  army  in  "event  of  war 
with  Russia,  and  the  organizers  were  in  close  touch 
with  the  revolutionary  societies  of  Russian  Poland 
and  Lithuania. 


FIG.   258— PROF.    WLADYSL.AV    L.    JAWORSKI, 
Statesman    and    Scholar 

The  bulk  of  the  army  was  to  be  composed  of  Rus- 
sian Poles  who,  it  was  reckoned,  would  be  available  at 
the  outbreak  of  a  war  on  account  of  the 
The  Supreme       anticipated    hasty    withdrawal    of    the 

National  Com-  .r  J 

mittee  Russian  armies  from  Poland  for  well 

known  strategic  reasons.    This  actually 

occurred.     Because,  however,  of  Germany's  decision 


576  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

to  throw  the  weight  of  her  armies  first  to  the  west  to 
crush,  republican  France,  Russia  was  able  to  come 
back  too  early  to  make,  possible  a  considerable  con- 
scription of  the  Russian  Poles  into  the  Legions 
which  came  into  official  existence  on  August  16,  1914, 
when  the  Supreme  National  Committee,  the  civic 
counterpart  of  the  Legions,  was  organized  in  Cracow 
with  Professor  Wladyslaw  Leopold  Jaworski  as 
President  and  a  membership  of  forty  Galician  depu- 
ties to  the  Parliament  at  Vienna  and  the  Provincial 
Diet  at  Lemberg,  representing  all  political  parties. 

Polish  detachments  took  to  the  field  before  the 
Legions  were  organized.  Six  days  after  the 
declaration  of  war  Joseph  Pilsudski,  a  Lithuanian 
Pole,  following  the  command  of  the  Revolutionary 
National  Government  which  was  set  up  in  Warsaw 
on  August  3rd,  led  his  boys  across  the  frontier  and 
established  headquarters  at  Kielce  in  Russian  Po- 
land, where  his  small  army  was  swelled  to  consider- 
able proportions  in  a  few  days.  There  he  issued  a 
manifesto  which  marks  the  beginning  of  the  new  era 
for  Poland.  It  was  this  deed  and  his  army's  baptism 
of  fire  which  forced  the  issue  and  caused  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Supreme  National  Committee  and  the 
Legions,  of  which  the  Committee  became  the  admin- 
istrative body. 

In  their  manifesto  the  Supreme  National  Com- 
mittee said: 

"In  this  hour  of  bloody  transformation  of  Europe,  we 
may  regain  a  great  deal.  But  we  must  also  sacrifice  much. 
For  he  will  not  win  who  but  passively  waits  the  end  of  the 
game. 

"In  this  hour  the  nation  must  prove  that  -it  lives  and 
wants  to  live ;  that  it  desires  and  knows  how  to  retain  the 
place  assigned  to  it  by  God  and  to  defend  it  before  the  enemy. 

"In  order  to  transform  the  national  Polish  forces  into 
armed  legions,  the  Polish  Parliamentary  Club  and  all  political 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      577 

parties  without  exception  have  unanimously  resolved  to  form 
one  organization. 

"Under  Polish  command  and  in  close  connection  with  the 
chief  direction  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  army,  the  Polish 
Legions  will  enter  the  struggle  in  order  that  they  may  also 
throw  upon  the  scales  of  the  greatest  war  a  deed  worthy  of 
the  Polish  nation,  as  a  condition  and  beginning  of  a  brighter 
future."* 

The  representatives  of  the  secret  military  organ- 
izations of  Russian  Poland,  of  the  People's  Party  and 
of  the  Polish  Socialist  Party  were  present  at  the 


(Painting  by   Julian   Falat) 
FIG.   259 — A  VIEW  OF  CRACOW 


session  and  pledged  their  support  and  subordination 
to  the  newly  formed  Supreme  National  Committee. 
The  Revolutionary  National  Government  which  was 
organized  at  Warsaw  three  days  after  the  declaration 
of  war  and  which  issued  a  call  to  arms,  similarly 
submitted  to  the  newly  established  authority  and  dis- 
banded. 


*  Recueil  de  documents  concernant  la  question  polonaise,   Aout, 
1915,  Switzerland,  1915,  pp.  46-47. 


578  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Meanwhile,  on  August  14th,  Grand  Duke  Nicho- 
las, Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Russian  armies, 
realizing  the  importance  of  political  dis- 
orientation  in  Poland,  issued  his  mani- 
Nichoias  festo,  beautiful  in  style  and  fetching  by 

its  sentiment,  in  which  he  promised  the 
unification  of  Poland  in  territory,  language  and 
religion. 

"Poles ! 

"The  hour  has  struck  when  the  dream  of  your  fathers  and 
forefathers  may  be  realized. 

"A  century  and  a  half  ago  the  living  body  of  Poland  was 
rent  asunder,  but  her  soul  has  not  perished.  She  has  lived  in 
the  hope  that  the  time  will  come  for  the  resurrection  of  the 
Polish  nation  and  its  fraternal  conciliation  with  great  Russia. 

"The  Russian  army  brings  you  glad  tidings  of  this  union. 
May  the  frontiers  which  have  divided  the  Polish  people  be 
broken  down!  May  the  Polish  nation  be  united  under  the 
sceptre  of  the  Russian  Emperor!  Under  this  sceptre  Poland 
will  be  born  anew,  free  in  faith,  in  language  and  in  self-gov- 
ernment. 

"One  thing  Russia  expects  of  you :  an  equal  consideration 
for  the  rights  of  those  nations  with  which  history  has  linked 
you. 

"With  open  heart,  with  hand  fraternally  outstretched, 
great  Russia  comes  to  you.  She  believes  that  the  sword  has 
not  rusted  which  overthrew  the  foe  at  Grunwald. 

"From  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  the  Polar  Sea 
.the  Russian  war-hosts  are  in  motion.  The  morning  star  of  a 
new  life  is  rising  for  you. 

"May  there  shine  resplendent  in  the  dawn  the  sign  of  the 
Cross,  the  symbol  of  the  Passion  and  Resurrection  of  nations." 

The  appeal  served  its  purpose.  The  masses 
in  Russian  Poland,  deprived  for  decades  of  the 
possibilities  of  free  and  thorough  discussion  of 
their  national  problems  and  bullied  by  the  National 
Democrats,  were  led  astray  and  received  the 
manifesto  with  almost  puerile  enthusiasm.  It  was 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      579 

not,  however,  love  of  Russia  or  faith  in  Russian 
promises,  but  hatred  of  Prussia  which  caused  this  out- 
hurst.  And  then,  it  was  reasoned,  by  turning  against 
Russia,  the  Poles  would  have  been  indirectly  turning 
against  France  and  England,  countries  for  which  they 
have  always  entertained  but  admiration  and  respect! 
It  was  confidently  expected  that  France  and  England 
would  soon  issue  guarantees  of  the  Russian  pledges. 
The  shock  over  the  fate  of  brave  Belgium  and  the 
blunt  official  declaration  of  Germany  that  treaties 
are  "scraps  of  paper"  helped  to  swing  the  pendulum. 
Aside  from  emotional  reasons,  the  friendly  atti- 
tude of  a  great  number  of  Poles  toward  Russia 
after  the  manifesto  was  caused  also  by  the  belief  that 
the  Allies  would  soon  overpower  the  Teutonic  Em- 
pires, and  it  would  have  been  suicidal  policy  to  league 
with  the  vanquished,  particularly  when  only  hostile 
feelings  were  entertained  toward  at  least  one  of  them. 
This  reasoning  seemed  to  be  particularly  well 
grounded  after  the  Austrian  defeats  in  the  first 
months  of  the  war,  when  they  had  to  retire  almost 
to  the  doors  of  Cracow.  Hence  the  temporary  mis- 
understanding between  the  Poles  of  the  two  sections 
of  Poland.  Many  of  the  weaker  characters  among 
the  Galician  Poles  began  to  question  the  wisdom  of 
their  original  attachments.  Several  members  of  the 
Supreme  National  Committee,  large  landowners  of 
East  Galicia,  whose  estates  began  to  fall  into  Russian 
hands,  experienced  under  the  circumstances  a  com- 
plete change  of  heart  and  caused  the  disbandment  of 
the  Eastern  Polish  Legion  whose  headquarters  were 
originally  at  Lemberg.  This,  of  course,  led  to  their 
withdrawal  from  the  Committee.  The  National 
Democrats  of  Galicia  whose  representatives  at  first 
joined  the  Committee,  similarly  turned  tippet  when 
the  first  untoward  events  came  on  and  welcomed  the 


580  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

advent  of  the  Russian  troops.  They  had  subsequently 
to  retire  with  the  Russian  armies  in  fear  of  trials  for 
high  treason. 

The  Supreme  National  Committee  bravely 
weathered  many  fierce  political  tempests  and 
although  severely  criticized  in  some  quarters  it  per- 
formed its  principal  duties  with  unflinching  devotion 
and  singleness  of  purpose.  It  rendered  great  service 


FIG.   260— LEON    BILINSKI, 

President    of    the     Polish     Parliamentary    Club,     ex-flnance    minister    of    Austria- 
Hungary,    statesman    and    scholar 

to  the  cause  of  Poland.  In  order  to  unify  the  efforts 
of  the  Committee  with  those  of  the  Polish  Parlia- 
mentary Club,  former  minister  Bilinski,  as  President 
of  the  Parliamentary  Club,  became  ex-officio  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  and  remained  in  that  post  until 
the  dissolution  of  the  Committee  in  1917  when  the 
entire  direction  of  the  Polish  policy  was  taken  over 
by  the  Provisional  Council  of  State. 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      581 

In  spite  of  hard  adversities  the  Polish  Legions 

have  remained  true  to  their  ideals  and  have  fought 

with    proverbial    gallantry.      By    their 

P?  Ciro1wt,h      deeds   they  have  gained   the   complete 

of  the  Polish  ,,  ,  J     .     .        ° 

Legions  confidence  ot  the  Austrian  government 

which  at  first  was  somewhat  dilatory 
and  suspicious,  placing  many  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  their  provisioning  and  equipment.  The  enthusi- 
asm and  readiness  for  infinite  sacrifices  on  the  part 
of  Galicia  for  the  support  of  the  Polish  army  com- 
posed chiefly  of  Russian  Poles,  has  been  truly  re- 
markable and  fully  convincing  as  to  the  earnestness 
of  the  country  and  the  intensity  of  hopes  placed  in 
the  Legions.  Old  men  and  young  boys,  peasants  and 
university  students,  workmen  and  artists,  flocked  by 
tens  of  thousands  to  the  banners  to  fight  for  the  liber- 
ation of  their  country  and  to  uphold  the  glorious 
martial  traditions  of  the  nation.  Foremost  writers, 
like  Sieroszewski,  Strug,  Rydel,  Danilowski  and  Zul- 
awski,  painters  like  Aydukiewicz,  a  man  of  over  sixty, 
actors,  sculptors,  university  professors,  priests,  men 
in  all  walks  of  life  and  of  all  ages  joined  the  Legions. 
Describing  the  devotion  and  enthusiasm  of  the 
people  in  fitting  out  the  Legions,  Count  Louis  Mor- 
stin  says : 

"The  offerings  made  were  truly  touching ;  they  demon- 
strated to  what  degree  of  patriotism  a  people  for  a  century 
vainly  aspiring  to  liberty,  is  able  to  rise.  Domestic  servants 
and  laborers  gave  all  their  savings,  boys  in  the  primary  schools 
and  old  people  living  in  almshouses  offered  the  few  cents  they 
managed  to  spare  with  great  difficulty ;  a  blind  man  who 
earned  his  living  by  playing  a  violin  in  the  streets  came  to  do- 
nate his  single  treasure — the  instrument  by  which  he  earned 
his  daily  bread.  Gold  rings  poured  into  the  treasury  in  such 
numbers  that  one  could  soon  find  no  married  couple  wearing 
this  emblem  of  wedlock;  it  was  considered  a  shame  not  to 
have  offered  them  to  the  military  treasury.  The  ladies  of  the 


582  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


FIG.   261 — WACLAW    SIEROSZEWSKI, 
famous   novelist,   as   officer   of   the   Polish   Legions 


THE-  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      583 

higher  classes  spent  whole  nights  sewing  underwear  for  the 
soldiers  and  worked  like  common  factory  girls.  The  peasants 
of  the  .vicinity  of  Cracow  alone  raised  four  hundred  thousand 
crowns.  The  whole  nation  became  an  immense  workshop,  a 
source  of  inexhaustible  generosity ;  one  thought  and  one  desire 
animated  all  minds :  the  Polish  army. 

"When  one  realizes  the  immense  difficulties  connected  with 
the  creation  of  an  army,  even  among  nations  possessing  un- 
limited resources,  he  can  easily  comprehend  the  enthusiasm 
and  pride  of  a  nation  which  could,  amidst  conditions  so  diffi- 
cult and  within  a  span  of  time  so  short,  equip  and  send  to  the 
firing  line  detachments  of  troops  which  were  capable  of  with- 
standing all  the  rigors  of  modern  warfare."  * 

Among  the  most  active  workers  on  behalf  of  the 
Legions  was  the  venerable  Bishop  Wladyslav  Ban- 
durski  of  Lemberg,  an  ardent  patriot,  whose  unbound- 
ed devotion,  eloquence  and  enthusiasm  have  been  a 
source  of  constant  inspiration.  Within  a  few  months, 
despite  the  two  million  Poles  drafted  into  the  armies 
of  Austria,  Germany  and  Russia,  a  Polish  army  tens 
of  thousands  strong,  equipped  by  the  nation  and  com- 
manded in  the  Polish  language  by  Polish  officers, 
sprang  into  existence. 

In  response  to  a  threat  issued  by  the  Generalis- 
simo of  the  Russian  army  on  August  30,  1914,  that 
the  Polish  volunteers  when  captured  would  not  be 
treated  like  ordinary  war  prisoners,  and  after  several 
were  hanged  by  the  Russians,  the  Austro-Hungarian 
government  on  October  2,  1914,  addressed  a  note  to 
the  neutral  countries  of  the  world  in  which  it  offi- 
cially recognized  the  Polish  Legions  as  a  regular  army 
and  as  a  combatant  to  whom  the  ordinary  rules  of 
warfare  apply  in  accordance  with  established  prac- 
tices and  conventions.  This  note  gave  international 
status  to  the  Legions.  It  must  be  stated  in  this  con- 

*  "La  Legion  Polonaise"  Berne:    Ferd.  Wyss,  1916,  pp.  15-16. 


584  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

nection  that  according  to  the  understanding  reached 
between  the  Supreme  National  Committee  and  the 
Austro-Htmgarian  government  the  Polish  Legions 


FIG.    262— BISHOP    WLADYSLAV    BANDURSKI, 
ardent  patriot  and  spiritual   leader  of  Poland 

could  not  be  and  never  were  employed  against  any  of 
the  belligerents  except  Russia.  In  this  way  the  Poles 
strove  to  emphasize  that  they  were  not  at  war  with 
any  other  country  except  that  of  the  Tsar,  just  as  the 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      585 

army  of  Prince  Joseph  Poniatowski,  fighting  beside 
the  Grande  Armee  of  Napoleon  was  formed  against 
Russia  and  not  against  England,  Russia's  ally  of  a 
century  ago. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  their  organizers,  the 
Polish   Legions   were   a  guarantee  that   the   Polish 
Question  would  come  up  for  solution 
The  intema-        af-  ^e  peace  Congress  which  will  follow 


tionai  status        th    ciosmg  of  the  present  hostilities,  and 

of  the  Polish  .          9.,          ;    *T      «    *A  ^.1 

Question  tnat  !t  wl"  not  ^e  left  to  the  internal 

settlement  of  any  of  the  three  parti- 
tioning states.  This  was  the  chief  motive  in  creating 
the  Polish  army.  By  its  existence  the  Poles  wanted  to 
emphasize  that  they  are  a  distinct  national  entity 
with  a  will  to  live  and  to  shape  freely  its  own  des- 
tinies. They  well  realized  that  the  small  national 
Polish  army  could  not  influence  the  destinies  of  the 
Great  War  one  way  or  another,  but  they  reckoned 
that  the  fact  of  its  existence  would  neutralize  the 
efforts  of  their  enemies  for  an  internal  post-bellum 
settlement  of  the  Polish  Question.  -From  the  very  out- 
set official  and  non-official  Russia  has  made  it  clear 
that  it.  proposes  to  deal  with  the  problem  as  one  of 
purely  internal  concern,  a  position  precisely  contrary 
to  the  uniform  wishes  of  the  Polish  nation.  Discussing 
editorially  this  desire  of  the  Poles,  the  Russian  jour- 
nal "Utro  Rossey"  said  on  January  1,  1915  : 

"It  was  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Russian  armies 
who  issued  the  manifesto  to  the  Poles.  It  was  neither  Gen- 
eral Joffre  nor  General  French.  Neither  France  nor  England 
has  a  decisive  voice  in  the  purely  Slavonic  family  question. 
The  future  councils  of  the  victorious  allies  will  affirm  the  act 
of  unification  of  Poland.  But  no  "congresses"  have  a  right 
to  concern  themselves  with  the  organization  of  Poland  united 
under  the  sceptre  of  the  Russian  tsar." 


586  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Similar  in  substance  have  been  all  the  other  Rus- 
sian utterances.  In  an  interview  at  Rome  Professor 
Milyukoff,  the  leader  of  the  Constitutional  Demo- 
crats, said: 

"To-day  my  party  is  drafting  a  plan  for  Poland  similar  to 
that  adopted  by  Britain  for  Ireland  before  the  war.  The  Poles 
will  be  forced  to  serve  in  the  army  and  will  send  deputies  to 
the  Duma  but  they  will  be  granted  a  large  measure  of  local 
self-government."  * 

The  hopes  of  the  Poles  who  counted  on  the  active 
and  forceful  intervention  of  France  and  England 
have  been  shattered  by  the  various  discouraging  pro- 
nouncements of  eminent  Frenchmen  and  English- 
men. The  greatest  blow,  however,  came  on  January 
12,  1917,  when,  in  their  joint  reply  to  President  Wil- 
son's note  of  December  18,  1916,  referring  to  Poland 
the  Allies  said:  "The  intentions  of  His  Majesty  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  regarding  Poland  have  been  clear- 
ly indicated  in  the  proclamation  which  he  has  just 
addressed  to  his  armies." 

That  the  Russian  government  did  not  seriously 
regard  the  manifesto  of  Grand  Duke  Nicholas  be- 
came evident  early  in  the  war.  For  a 

^on£  t*me  t^ie  man^esto  received  no  im- 
perial  sanction  and  no  plans  for  the 
promised  Polish  autonomy  had  been 
thought  of  until  several  days  after  the  capture  of 
Warsaw  by  the  Germans  in  August,  1915.  Only 
then,  when  the  Russian  armies  were  in  full  and  hasty 
retreat,  in  the  course  of  which  they  turned  the  coun- 
try into  a  veritable  desert  and  drove  millions  of  people 
from  their  homes,  a  joint  committee  of  Russians  and 
Poles  was  appointed  in  Petrograd  to  devise  a  draft 


*  Reported  in   the  daily  press   of  June  9,   1916, 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      587 

of  a  post-bellum  organization  of  Poland.  The  Poles 
felt  keenly  the  mockery  of  this  procedure.  The  ter- 
rible devastation  wrought  by  the  Russians  in  their  re- 
treat and  the  atrocities  committed,  which  probably 
will  some  day  be  told  to  the  world  in  full,  as  well  as 
their  revolting  behavior  in  Galicia  during  the  inva- 
sion, could  hardly  inspire  the  people  with  confidence 
in  the  Tsar's  beneficent  designs  for  the  future  of  Po- 
land. Count  Bobrinsky's  administration  of  Galicia 
will  long  be  remembered  by  the  people  as  a  haunting 
nightmare. 

After  the  high  sounding  declarations  of  the  mani- 
festo, the  Poles  had  a  right  to  expect  consideration 
for  their  national  feelings  during  the  war  at  least. 
Instead,  they  were  abused  and  outraged  at  every 
turn.  Pillage,  assault  and  rape  by  the  soldiery  went 
on  unrestricted.  Respectable  citizens  were  often 
abused  without  cause,  residences  were  searched  and 
even  apparel  and  furniture  appropriated  by  the  offi- 
cers. Many  libraries  and  art  collections  were  seized 
and  moved  to  Russia.  The  schools  and  the  University 
of  Lemberg  were  closed  and  a  campaign  of  Russifica- 
tion  was  inaugurated.  Trainloads  of  Russian  primers 
had  been  brought  from  Russia  to  educate  the  youth  of 
Galicia,  portraits  of  the  Tsar  were  placed  everywhere, 
and  under  the  guidance  of  the  metropolitan  Eulogius 
religious  proselytism  was  carried  on  intensely  among 
the  Ruthenians.  When  the  Russians  were  forced 
to  evacuate  Galicia  they  took  with  them  many  promi- 
nent Poles  as  hostages,  among  others  Dr.  Tadeusz 
Rutowski,  the  highly  respected  mayor  of  the  City  of 
Lemberg,  and  Count  Szeptycki,  the  Greek  Catholic 
metropolitan.  In  Russia  both  of  these  gentlemen 
were  imprisoned  and  subjected  to  ill-treatment.  In 
January,  1917,  arrangements  were  finally  completed 
for  the  exchange  of  Dr.  Rutowski  for  a  prominent 


588  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

Russian  prisoner  of  war,  and  he  returned  home  where 
he  was  received  with  genuine  enthusiasm.  Count 
Szeptycki,  however,  was  less  lucky.  Unless  the  new 
Russian  government  has  released  him,  he  is  still  in  an 
Orthodox  monastery  at  Suzdal  where,  contrary  to 
all  laws  and  conventions,  he  has  been  imprisoned  de- 


FIG.    263— TADEUSZ   RUTOWSKI, 
Mayor  of  the  City  of  Lemberg 

spite  the  fact  that  as  a  civil  prisoner  and  a  Greek 
Catholic  he  should  not  have  been  placed  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Synod  of  the  Russian  Orthodox 
Church. 

The  misrule  of  Galicia   during  the  occupation 
served  to  cool  .the  original  enthusiasm  for  Russia, 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      589 

which  had  been  exhibited  by  certain  elements  in  Po- 
land after  the  publication  of  the  Grand  Duke's  mani- 
festo. When  the  Russian  government,  desirous  of 
offsetting  the  international  status  of  the  Polish  Le- 
gions, resolved  to  organize  counter  legions  with  the 
aid  of  a  Polish  Committee  composed  chiefly  of  Na- 
tional Democratic  leaders,  it  found  no  response  on  the 
part  of  the  country  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the 
Committee.  To  save  appearances,  a  man  of  unenvi- 
able reputation  was  hired  to  undertake  the  task.  He 
whipped  a  large  number  of  thieves  and  other  criminals, 
released  for  the  purpose,  into  a  regiment.  It  was  how- 
ever, too  disgraceful  a  venture  and  the  regiment  was 
soon  disbanded.  Then  another  man  was  engaged, 
also  of  a  questionable  character,  and  the  formation  of 
Polish  counter  legions  was  entrusted  to  him.  He 
rallied  several  hundred  men,  many  from  the  aris- 
tocracy, but  the  whole  enterprise  fell  flat  and  came 
to  a  speedy  end. 

Meanwhile,  the  Teutonic  Eastern  sweep  was 
coming  on  and  early  in  August,  1915,  Warsaw  fell. 
The  proverbially  gay  capital  had  a 
The  Fail  of  grave  and  stern  look  when  it  changed 
Warsaw  and  hands.  Under  the  cover  of  calm,  deep 
die  Dubious  concern  was  in  everybody's  soul.  The 

Policy  of  the  i    j    A  /       -j.1.    n 

Central  Em-  people  were  glad  to  part  with  Russia, 
pires  but  it  was  not  the  Polish  Legions  who 

took  possession  of  the  City.  Another 
ruthless  and  seemingly  invincible  foe  became  the 
master  of  the  heart  of  Poland.  While  Warsaw  was 
self-possessed  and  reserved,  Galicia  and  other  sec- 
tions of  Poland  were  jubilant  and  great  happenings 
were  anticipated.  On  the  6th  of  August  the  "Polish 
Gazette"  published  in  Dombrowa  Gornicza,  a  town  in 
the  coal  and  iron  district  of  Russian  Poland,  had  the 
following  leader: 


590  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

"  'Warsaw  taken !'  This  news,  as  if  an  electric  current, 
sent  a  thrill  through  us  albeit  for  several  days  it  was  already 
known  that  the  Muscovites  would  at  last  be  compelled  to  leave 
the  city.  For  the  first  time  in  eighty-five  years  has  the  North- 
ern raider  withdrawn.  For  over  three  quarters  of  a  century 
the  Muscovite  vampire  has  throttled  Warsaw.  Every  house, 
every  stone  in  the  street  reeks  with  blood  and  with  the  awful 
agony  of  the  victims  of  the  Tsar.  Not  by  thousands,  but  by 
hundreds  of  thousands  do  we  count  Polish  martyrs  who 
perished  in  the  streets,  homes,  dungeons,  the  citadel  and  on 
the  gallows.  The  gendarme  who  arrests ;  the  Cossack  who 
beats  Polish  women  until  they  bleed;  the  secret  police  agent 
who  surcharges  the  atmosphere  with  the  miasms  of  fear,  hid- 
ing and  suspicion ;  and  the  thieving  official — those  are  the 
necessary  accessories  to  a  picture  of  Warsaw  as  it  has  been. 
And  in  spite  of  all  this,  Warsaw  never  became  demoralized. 
Each  departing  generation  always  handed  down  to  its  succes- 
sor the  traditions  of  revolt,  revolution  and  resistance.  Oceans 
of  blood  did  the  Russian  tribe  draw  from  Warsaw,  the  heart 
of  Poland.  The  number  of  victims  never  diminished.  The 
prisons  were  always  full,  the  secret  police  agents  never  too 
many.  Now  the  Northern  bandit  has  fled.  It  is  hard  for  us 
to  think  of  Warsaw  without  the  cynical  face  and  eyes  of  the 
spy,  without  the  rouble-hungry  hands  of  the  bureaucrat-thief. 

"There  are  no  Muscovites  in  Warsaw!  This  joyful  fact 
brings  to  our  minds,  however,  thoughts  fraught  with  serious 
reflections.  We  all  feel  that  a  thing  of  immense  historical 
importance  has  been  accomplished.  The  whole  world  knows 
it.  The  eyes  of  the  world  are  now  fixed  on  our  capital.  We 
wait  thence  for  light;  we  wait  thence  for  brightness  and  sin- 
cerity; we  wait  the  dispersion  of  doubts  which  must  now  be 
dispelled.  At  this  historic  moment  we  must  observe  solemn 
quietness  and  complete  readiness.  The  destinies  of  our  coun- 
try are  now  being  determined.  We  are  awaiting  the  tocsin  of 
the  capital,  we  are  waiting  at  the  same  time  for  an  unequivocal 
call  from  the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy  and  from  the  Ger- 
man Empire.  At  the  moment  when  this  takes  place  the  whole 
nation  will  go  with  the  Legions,  helping  them  toward  the  final 
defeat  of  Russia." 

Bitter,  however,  was  the  disappointment  of  those 
who  expected  that  Germany  and  Austria  would  soon 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAk     Mi 

make  the  anticipated  proffer!  In  quick  succession 
cities  and  fortresses  fell,  and  by  the  end  of  the  year 
the  whole  of  Poland  and  large  areas  of  Lithuania, 
Volhynia  and  Podolia  came  under  the  joint  occu- 
pancy of  the  Teutonic  allies,  but  no  announcement 
concerning  the  status  of  Poland  was  forthcoming. 
For  months  not  a  word  could  be  had  from  Vienna  in 
response  to  the  insistent  inquiries  and  protests  of  the 
Supreme  National  Committee.  Meanwhile,  the 
whole  civil  administration  of  the  conquered  territory 
was  taken  over  by  the  officials  of  the  Central  Powers, 
and  seA'ere  requisitions  were  made. 

The  Germans  were  particularly  inconsiderate  in 
depriving  the  people  of  their  foodstuffs  down  to  the 
bare  bone.  The  Prussian  Colonization  Commission 
which  suspended  its  nefarious  work  during  the  war, 
was  entrusted  with  the  task  of  squeezing  the  maxi- 
mum amount  of  food,  metals  and  coal  out  of  Poland 
and  of  organizing  the  economic  conditions  of  the  oc- 
cupied territory.  The  result  of  their  labors  was  disas- 
trous for  the  country.  They  impoverished  the  people 
to  the  point  of  starvation  and  forced  thousands  of 
workmen  to  go  to  Germany  to  work  in  the  fields  and 
factories.  At  the  same  time  the  Germans  granted  a 
number  of  concessions  to  the  Poles,  such  as  the  right 
to  establish  Polish  schools  and  other  educational  in- 
stitutions, to  open  the  University  and  the  Polytechnic 
Institute,  to  take  over  the  administration  of  justice 
in  the  lower  courts  and  to  organize  home  rule  for 
cities.  They  turned  the  administration  of  the  War- 
saw postal  service  over  to  the  city  authorities  and  left 
a  considerable  amount  of  leeway  to  the  Warsaw  City 
Council  in  organizing  the  police  and  public  health 
work  as  well  as  other  administrative  policies. 

They  imposed,  howrever,  a  severe  censorship  over 
the  press,  directed  by  a  well-known  Prussian  Pole- 


592  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

hater,  George  von  Cleinow.  No  political  gath- 
erings were  allowed  and  many  men  were  imprisoned 
or  sent  to  Germany.  All  communication  between  the 
Poles  under  the  two  occupations  was  made  impossible 
and  the  people  were  restricted  in  their  travel  from 
town  to  town.  The  inhabitants  of  one  county  were 
not  allowed  to  visit  people  in  another  county  without 
urgent  business  and  special  permission.  In  spite  of 
the  asseverations  made  by  Chancellor  Bethmann- 
Hollweg  that  "the  Polish  question  must  and  will  be 
solved  by  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary,"  negotia- 
tions were  going  on  between  the  Central  Powers  and 
the  Russian  government.  And  Poland  was  to  consti- 
tute one  of  the  prizes  to  Russia  for  a  separate  peace. 

While  these  negotiations  were  being  carried  on, 
the  Polish  press  was  completely  muzzled.  Adverse 
criticism  of  the  Tsar  was  not  permitted  and  even  the 
mere  mention  of  the  Legions  was  prohibited,  much 
less  advertisement  for  recruits.  The  German  authori- 
ties stated  that  recruiting  was  forbidden  because 
the  men  were  needed  for  the  economic  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  country.  These  acts  by. Germany  led  to 
the  formation  of  a  secret  military  organization,  in 
close  touch  with  the  Legions  and  with  the  avowed 
aim  of  an  uprising  in  the  event  of  a  separate  peace  be- 
tween the  Central  Empires  and  Russia. 

The  conditions  in  the  Austrian  area  of  occupa- 
tion were  considerably  better.  The  administration 
of  the  territory  was  entrusted  to  Poles  and  the  rights 
of  the  people  were  recognized  and  respected.  The 
requisitions  were  not  as  heavy.  In  Galicia,  however, 
after  the  retreat  of  the  Russians  many  of  the  old 
home-rule  liberties  were  temporarily  suspended  and 
an  Austrian  was  appointed  Governor  General  of  the 
Province.  Since  1866  this  was  the  first  appointment 
of  anyone  but  a  Pole  to  the  position. 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      593 

It  was  a  gloomy  and  disheartening  year  which 
followed  the  fall  of  Warsaw,  and  as  is  usual  in  such 
trying  times,  internal  dissension  arose.  The  Su- 
preme National  Committee,  however,  was  untiring  in 
its  persistence  and  endeavors.  Through  conferences 
with  representatives  of  the  Central  Empires,  by  me- 
morials and  the  press,  it  did  its  utmost  to  bring  about 
a  settlement  of  the  issue.  It  was  pointed  out  to  the 
Central  Empires  that  they  would  have  been  acting 
fully  within  the  bounds  of  international  law  if  they 
allowed  the  Poles  to  set  up  a  government  of  their  own 
before  the  end  of  the  war,  because  Russian  rule  in 
Poland  since  183.1  has  been  based  exclusively  on  the 
fact  that  the  Russian  armies  occupied  the  country. 

Russian  rule  had  no  other  foundation  in  law,  as 
on  February  25,  1831,  the  Polish  Diet  formally  and 
lawfully  declared  the  Russian  Tsar  deprived  of  the 
crown  of  Poland  because  of  his  manifold  and  flagrant 
A'iolations  and  abuses  of  the  constitution  which  was 
guaranteed  by  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  of  1815  and 
sworn  to  by  both  Alexander  I  and  Nicholas  I.  Tsar 
Nicholas  fully  recognized  the  legality  of  this  action 
by  the  Diet,  for  in  his  negotiations  with  the  Polish 
Government  in  1831  on  several  occasions  he  demand- 
ed that  the  Diet^rescind  its  resolution  and  restore  his 
royal  title.  His  demands,  however,  were  never  com- 
plied with.  When  the  Russian  armies  retired  from 
Poland  in  1915  the  nation,  it  was  argued,  was  again 
free  to  establish  its  government  in  accordance  with 
the  provisions  of  the  constitution  which  had  been  sus- 
pended since  1831,  provided  Germany  and  Austria 
were  willing  to  relinquish  the  rights  which  accrued  to 
them  from  the  fact  that  their  armies  were  occupying 
the  country. 


594  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

While  efforts  were  being  made  to  secure  for  Po- 
land the  desired  political  status,  the  immediate  eco- 
nomic, social  and  educational  needs  of 
Polish  Self-        tjie  country  Were  not  neglected.  Citizens' 

Help  During  ,       .         , 

the*  War  committees  sprang  up  all  over  the  land 

to  organize  self-help  and  relief  measures, 
and  with  the  scanty  means  at  their  disposal  they  ac- 
complished marvelous  results.  Although  Poland  has 
a  population  over  three  times  as  large  as  Belgium  and 
has  suffered  infinitely  greater  losses  than  the  little 
kingdom  to  the  West,  yet  probably  not  a  hundredth 
of  the  relief  funds  raised  for  the  sufferers  in  the  pres- 
ent war  has  been  directed  to  Poland.  The  burden  of 
relieving  the  victims  of  the  war  fell  upon  the  country 
itself  and  the  people  bore  it  stoically  and  with  self-ab- 
negation. Those  who  had,  shared  their  possessions 
with  their  less  fortunate  brethren — men  and  women 
gave  their  services  cheerfully  and  without  reservation. 
Poland  will  have  to  thank  only  the  energy  and  spirit 
of  her  own  people  for  what  has  been  accomplished 
through  excellent  organization  and  for  what  has  been 
saved  in  life  and  wealth. 

The  women  played  an  important  part  in  this  work 
of  self-help.  Organized  into  leagues,  they  cared  for 
the  needs  of  the  men  in  the  field  as  well  as  for  their 
families  at  home.  They  maintained  shelters,  public 
kitchens,  homes  for  orphans,  milk  stations,  public 
laundries  and  employment  agencies.  They  worked  as 
nurses  in  the  hospitals  and  cared  for  the  indigent  sick 
in  their  homes.  They  organized  playgrounds  and 
summer  colonies  for  children,  courses  for  illiterates, 
libraries  and  vacation  schools  for  teachers.  They 
helped  in  spreading  the  gospel  of  independence  among 
the  people  by  spoken  word  and  written.  They  edited 
newspapers  and  published  pamphlets  and  books. 
They  assisted  the  quartermasters  of  the  army  and  the 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      595 

civil  commissioners  of  the  National  Supreme  Com- 
mittee in  studying  the  economic  conditions  of  the 
country  and  applying  assistance  where  it  was  most 
needed.  They  trained  teachers  for  the  Polish  ele- 
mentary schools  which  were  organized  throughout 
the  country  as  soon  as  the  Russians  retired.  About 
twenty  such  pedagogical  colleges  were  opened  in 
1915,  and  the  number  of  students  who  applied  sur- 
passed all  the  expectations  of  the  organizers.  Where 
forty  were  expected,  two  hundred  enrolled.  The  edu- 
cation of  the  youth  was  made  a  matter  of  particular 
concern.  The  University  and  Polytechnic  School  of 
Warsaw  were  re-opened  in  the  autumn  of  1915  with 
excellent  faculties  composed  of  prominent  Polish 
scientists  and  scholars.  Numerous  colleges  were  es- 
tablished in  the  principal  cities  in  addition  to  those 
which  had  existed  before  the  war,  and  in  order  to  pro- 
mote high  standards  of  instruction  and  to  discuss  the 
numerous  pedagogical  and  administrative  school 
problems  facing  the  educators,  a  national  convention 
of  teachers  was  held  at  Warsaw  in  January,  1917. 

As    the    nation    by    its    political    maturity    and 

strength  of  organization  and  self-help  exhibited  its 

remarkable  fortitude  and  virility,  so  the 

TJleuHJ;rvSJn       Legions  bv  their  heroism  and  devotion 

of  the  Polish  o.  .    .      ,  ,  .     , 

Legions  to  tne  cause  of  independence  revealed 

once  more  Poland's  readiness  and  de- 
termination to  reach  her  cherished  goal.  Though 
equipped  and  provided  less  adequately  than  the  sol- 
diers of  other  armies,  they  were  fighting  under  the 
banner  of  the  White  Eagle,  in  Polish  uniforms  and  un- 
der Polish  command,  and  they  bore  cheerfully  all  the 
hardships  of  the  Eastern  campaigns.  Their  deeds 
have  brought  back  all  the  martial  glory  of  old  Poland 
-the  conqueror  of  Moscow,  the  challenger  of  mighty 
Sweden  and  the  savior  of  Vienna  when  the  hosts  of 


596  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

the  Crescent  threatened  Christendom.  Whether  m 
the  snow-capped  peaks  of  the  Carpathians  or  on  the 
sun-scorched  plains  of  Bessarabia,  the  Legions  have 
fought  with  such  bravery  as  only  men  dedicated  to  a 


FIG.    264 — TYPE   OF  A  POLISH   LEGIONARY 

great  ideal  can  fight.  Snubbed  at  first  by  the  Ger- 
mans because  of  the  improvised  character  of  their 
army,  they  soon  won  respect  and  earned  the  admira- 
tion of  the  highest  military  commanders.  Because 
of  their  bravery,  the  Poles  were  often  ordered  to  the 
most  dangerous  positions  and  though  exposed  to 
murderous  fire  they  never  faltered.  The  evident  re- 
solve on  the  part  of  the  general  staffs  of  the  Teutonic 
armies  never,  to  mention  the  accomplishments  of  the 
Legions  in  the  daily  war  bulletins  had  at  times  to  be 
abandoned  in  view  of  the  stupendous  feats  performed, 


597 

and  on  several  occasions  "Polish  days"  were  pro- 
claimed by  the  Austrian  supreme  command. 

One  such  day  was  June  13,  1915.  In  the  recently 
published  diary  of  Berthold  Merwin,  an  officer  of  the 
Polish  Legions,  one  can  read  the  description  of  a  Po- 
lish cavalry  charge  which  caused  this  special  mention : 

"Not  only  we  who  lived  through  it  but  all  Poland  will 
remember  this  day  of  glory  and  sorrow.  A  century  ago  Samo- 
Sierra  came  to  be  written  in  letters  of  gold  on  the  pages  of 
the  history  of  Polish  arms,  and  now  our  children  will  learn  the 
history  of  this  day  and  our  bards  will  sing  of  the  charge  upon 
the  heights  of  Rokitna  led  by  Captain  Zbigniew  Dunin- 
Wonsowicz. 

"At  dawn  our  infantry  carried  an  assault  upon  the  heights. 
They  reached  the  outskirts  of  the  village  and  stopped.  As 
long  as  the  Russian  infantry  with  a  large  number  of  machine 
guns  and  cannons,  well  hidden  in  their  trenches,  occupied  the 
crest  of  the  hill,  all  attacks  were  doomed  to  be  drowned  in 
blood. 

"Then  the  cavalry  was  ordered  to  charge  the  hill.  The 
squadron  fell  into  line.  The  horses  whinnied,  on  them  our 
daring  boys.  .  .  and  they  rode  through  the  fields,  four  platoons 
of  them.  Within  three  kilometers  of  the  enemy  they  formed 
a  line,  and  the  trot  gave  way  to  a  gallop,  faster  and  faster, 
wilder  and  wilder...  Like  a  hurricane  they  swept  up  the 
hill — behind  them  a  cloud,  before  them  the  glitter  of  drawn 
swords.  The  enemy  line  gained,  the  first  empty  trenches  taken 
at  a  leap,  and  the'second  line  was  reached. 

"Suddenly  the  thunder  of  the  Muscovite  guns  shook  the 
air — the  horrible  noise  of  machine  gun  and  the  burst  of 
shrapnel.  But  Wonsowicz  with  his  uhlans  never  faltered. 
Here  one  has  fallen,  here  a  horse  is  running  wild  without  a 
rider — here  another  is  rearing  in  fright  and  somebody  has  slid 
into  a  rampart — and  here  are  some  trampled  in  the  wild  onrush 
of  cavalry.  And  still  like  a  scythe  the  machine  guns  mowed 
down  the  ranks  and  the  shrapnel  burst  overhead.  But  now 
the  second  trench  is  taken  and  on  they  sweep.  More  riderless 
horses.  The  glittering,  charging  wave  of  glory  is  over  the 
works  and  then  gone.  The  volleys  quiet  down,  the  rattling 
of  the  machine  guns  stops,  and  the  grey  clouds  of  shrapnel 
smoke  drift  lightly  in  the  air.  A  terrible  moment  of  dead 


598  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

silence,  our  hearts  beating  as  if  trying  to  tear  through  our 
breasts — something  grips  us  by  the  throat,  strangling  and 
choking.  I  looked  at  my  fellow  officers  through  a  mist  and 
did  not  recognize  their  eyes. 

"Is  it  an  apparition  or  a  reality.  .  .  ? 

"Down  the  village  road  ride  they  who  went  through  this 
Gehenna,  bringing  with  them  their  dead  and  wounded. 

"And  the  road  lay  open  for  the  infantry ! 

Two  days  later  at  the  funeral  exercises  of  those 
who  perished  in  the  charge  of  Rokitna  a  surviving 
member  of  the  squadron,  swathed  in  bandages,  made 
the  following  speech: 

"Here  are  our  comrades. . .  Sent  to  death,  they  rode  with 
a  full. realization  of  their  fate,  yet  none  of  them  turned  back 
his  horse.  They  renewed  the  traditions  of  the  Polish  uhlan 
of  a  century  ago.  They  met  with  a  heroic  death.  Seeing  this, 
let  all,  all  our  enemies  know  and  remember  what  the  Pole  is 
able  to  do.  Let  us  hope  that  this  blood  is  not  shed  in  vain,  that 
it  will  turn  the  scale,  already  overbalanced  with  so  many  vic- 
tims, and  that  thanks  to  them  our  national  ideals  will  be  real- 
ized." 

Reading  of  the  infinite  number  of  such  and  simi- 
lar sacrifices  made  in  the  name  of  Poland's  liberty 
and  independence,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  that 
such  a  nation  can  be  longer  hampered  in  the  realiza- 
tion of  its  most  sacred  ideals. 

The  inspiration  of  the  idea  of  a  Polish  military 
force  and  the  most  active  and  indefatigable  worker 
in  this  direction  was  Joseph  Pilsudski, 
Joseph  Pilsud-  the  present  Secretary  of  War  in  the 
ski  and  the  Provisional  Polish  government.  He 
e  firs*-  incarnated  his  idea  in  the  Fighting 
Squad  of  the  Polish  Socialist  Party 
which  was  very  active  in  the  fight  on  Russian  autoc- 
racy during  the  revolution  of  1905-1907. 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      599 

Joseph  Pilsudski  was  born  in  Lithuania  in  1867 
and  is  a  scion  of  an  ancient  princely  family,  distin- 


FIG.    265— JOSEPH   PTLSUDSKI, 
organizer    of    the    Polish    Legions 


guished  for  its  patriotism.  For  its  active  participation 
in  uprisings  the  family  was  deprived  of  many  of  its 
estates.  When  Joseph  was  a  small  boy  his  father  was 


600  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

impoverished  by  the  fire  which  destroyed  his  home 
and  the  adjoining  properties.  His  mother  gave  him 
his  early  education  at  home,  instilling  in  him  exalted 
feelings  of  patriotism.  Later,  when  he  entered  a  Rus- 
sian school,  his  sensitive  nature  revolted  against  the 
abuse  and  insult  heaped  upon  Poland,  her  history  and 
her  people.  In  1885  he  entered  the  University  of 
Kharkov  and  joined  the  student  revolutionary  soci- 
ety. Two  years  later  he  was  arrested  and  exiled  to 
Siberia.  In  a  dying  condition  from  consumption,  he 
was  released  in  1892. 

During  the  years  spent  in  exile  he  acquired  a 
great  deal  of  knowledge  and  worked  out  the  daring 
plan  for  redeeming  his  nation  from  bondage.  He 
preached  his  gospel  in  season  and  out  of  season  and 
enthused  a  great  many  men  and  women  in  all  walks 
of  life.  Believing  that  only  by  an  armed  uprising  could 
Poland  throw  off  her  shackles,  he  devoted  many  years 
of  study  to  military  art,  of  which  he  became  a  master. 
In  Russian  Poland  and  Galicia  he  organized  secret 
military  schools  where  officers  for  the  future  Polish 
army  received  instruction. 

Pilsudski  is  a  born  leader  of  men,  admired  by  all 
who  come  in  contact  with  him.  He  is  worshipped  by 
his  soldiers  who  will  do  anything  at  his  command. 
Everywhere  he'is  esteemed  for  his  high  principles,  ex- 
alted conception  of  duty,  generous  heart,  bravery  and 
modesty.  During  the  course  of  the  present  war  he 
won  great  distinction  as  a  general  and  strategist,  and 
acquired  wide  popularity  among  the  people  as  the 
country's  redeemer.  His  name  has  already  become 
almost  mythical  in  Poland.  When  he  came  to  War- 
saw in  the  fall  of  1916,  great  throngs  were  awaiting 
him  at  the  railroad  station.  He  was  deluged  with 
flowers.  The  horses  of  his  carriage  were  unhitched 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      601 

and  he  was  drawn  through  the  streets  by  the  popu- 
lace. "Elected  by  nobody,  appointed  by  no  one,"  says 
one  writer,  "he  came  as  the  lightning  out  of  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night  and  the  nation  acclaimed  him  as 
their  Chief."  Only  a  few  years  ago  denounced  by 
some  as  a  dangerous  agitator  and  impractical  idealist, 
Pilsudski  is  to-day  the  generally  recognized  leader  of 
Poland. 

It  was  his  popularity  and  the  masterful  stroke  of 
resigning  his  position  as  Brigadier-General  of  the 
Legions  in  the  autumn  of  1916,  which,  probably  more 
than  anything  else,  was  responsible  for  the  recogni- 
tion of  Poland's  independence  on  the  part  of  the  Cen- 
tral Powers.  Seeing  that  all  the  negotiations  of  the 
Supreme  National  Committee  and  other  political  or- 
ganizations were  powerless  to  secure  this  recognition, 
he  determined  to  force  the  issue.  Many  months  prior 
to  this  step  he  discouraged  recruiting  for  the  Legions 
and  a  secret  organization  was  formed  at  his  behest. 
Tt  enlisted  tens  of  thousands  of  well  trained  military 
men,  to  be  used  in  an  uprising  against  Germany 
should  she  bargain  with  Russia  for  a  separate  peace. 

As  a  counterpart  of  Pilsudski's  resignation  from 
active  service  in  the  army  came  the  resignation  of  the 
powerful  Socialist  deputy,  Tgnace  Daszynski,  from  the 
Polish  Parliamentary  Club  at  Vienna.  It  was  a  dra- 
matic way  of  serving  notice  on  the  governments  of  the 
Central  Powers  that  the  Polish  people  had  ceased  to 
believe  in  the  sincerity  of  the  indefinite  promises  made 
on  various  occasions  and  that  they  did  not  propose  to 
be  duped  any  longer  and  to  be  used  as  a  stake  in  a 
possible  separate  peace-bargaining  with  Russia.  It 
served  its  purpose.  The  two  governments  became 
more  willing  to  negotiate.  "These  negotiations  lasted 
a  month  and  involved  journeys  of  the  Polish  depu- 


602  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

tation  both  to  Berlin  and  to  Vienna.  There  was 
no  question  of  German  "Kultur"  deluding  or  deceiv- 
ing the  Polish  envoys.  They  were  too  wide  awake  for 
that.  They  understood  too  well  just  what  they  wanted. 
In  the  speech  made  by  Dr.  Brudzinski,  the  very 
able  Rector  of  the  Warsaw  University,  in  the  name  of 
the  deputation,  he  laid  down  the  following  condi- 


FIG.   266 — IGNACE    DASZYNSKI, 
the    highly    gifted    leader   of   the    Polish    Socialists 

tions :  first,  a  Regent  must  be  nominated;  second,  the 
frontier  between  the  two  zones  of  military  occupa- 
tion must  be  abolished;  third,  a  Polish  State  Council 
must  be  formed  at  once  to  elaborate  a  constitution 
and  to  regulate  the  administration  of  the  State;  and 
fourth,  a  military  department  must  be  brought  into 
being  to  organize  a  Polish  army.  As  to  the  exact 
frontiers  of  the  new  State,  the  deputation  were  willing 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      603 

to  leave  the  delineation  open  until  the  end  of  the  war. 
But  on  every  other  side  they  stood  inflexibly  firm."* 

As  a  result  of  the  negotiations  came  the  mani- 
festo of  November  5th,  read  in  the  name  of  the  two 
emperors    by    the    military    represent- 
The  Prociama-     atives    at   Warsaw   and    Lublin.      The 
.t10"  ofT  p,°-         manifesto  declared  that : 

land  s  Inde- 
pendence, "Inspired  by  firm  confidence  in  a  final 
November  5,  victory  of  their  arms  and  prompted  by  a  desire 
1916  to  lead 'the  Polish  territorities,  wrested  by  their 
armies  under  heavy  sacrifices  from  Russian 
domination,  toward  a  happy  future,  His  Majesty  the  German 
Emperor  and  His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
and  Apostolic  King  of  Hungary  have  resolved  to  form  of 
these  territories  an  independent  State  with  a  hereditary 
monarchy  and  a  constitutional  government.  The  exact  fron- 
tiers of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  will  be  outlined  later.  The  new 
Kingdom  will  receive  the  guarantees  needed  for  the  free 
development  of  its  own  forces  by  a  union  with  the  two  allied 
Powers.  The  glorious  traditions  of  the  Polish  armies  of  the 
past  and  the  memory  of  the  brave  Polish  comrades  in  arms  in 
the  great  war  of  our  days  shall  continue  to  live  in  your  own 
national  army.  The  organization,  instruction  and  command 
of  this  army  will  be  arranged  by  common  agreement. 

"The  allied  monarchs  express  the  confident  hope  that  Po- 
lish wishes  for  the  evolution  of  a  Polish  State  and  for  the  na- 
tional development  of  a  Polish  kingdom  will  now  be  fulfilled, 
taking  due  consideration  of  the  general  political  conditions 
prevailing  in  Europe,  and  of  the  welfare  and  the  safety  of 
their  own  countries  and  nations. 

"The  great  realm  which  the  western  neighbors  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Poland  will  have  on  their  eastern  frontier  will  be 
a  free  and  happy  State,  enjoying  its  own  national  life,  and  they 
will  welcome  with  joy  the  birth  and  prosperous  development 
of  this  State." 

The  proclamation  was  received  with  great  en- 
thusiasm in  Poland  but  it  failed  to  include  certain  of 


*J.  H.  Harley  "The  Polish  Review,"  Geo.  Allen  &  Unwin,  Ltd., 
London,  Vol.  1,  No.  1.,  January,  1917,  p.  12. 


604 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


the  points  insisted  upon  by  the  Poles.  This  probably 
explains  the  reserve  of  Poland's  official  reply  to  it. 
When  Governor  General  von  Beseler  completed  the 
reading  of  the  manifesto  to  the  large  assembly  which 
met  in  the  old  Royal  Palace  at  Warsaw,  Dr.  Joseph 
Brudzinski,  then  President,  of  the  City  Council  of 
Warsaw  and  Rector  of  the  University,  said  on  behalf 
of  Poland : 


FIG.    267— THE    ROYAL,    PALACE    AT    WARSAW 

"We  receive  this  great  act  of  the  two  monarchs,  which 
recognizes  our  imprescriptible  rights  to  an  independent  state 
existence,  with  the  faith  that  it  will  soon  be  realized  in  a 
friendly  and  purposeful  spirit.  As  one  of  the  fundamental 
guarantees  we  consider  the  appointment  of  a  Regent  who  shall 
be  the  symbol  of  the  Polish  state,  and  the  organization  of  a 
Council  of  State  which  shall  act  as  a  provisional  government 
until  the  Polish  King  shall  become  the  head  of  a  finally  or- 
ganized Polish  State  with  well  defined  boundaries.  We  be- 
lieve that  the  community  of  interests  of  the  Central  Powers 
with  those  of  the  Polish  State  will  create  harmonious  neigh- 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      605 

borly  relations  and  will  ensure  favorable  conditions  for  all  the 
nations  concerned.  Will  Your  Excellency  convey  to  the  two 
magnanimous  monarchs  expressions  of  our  faith  in  the  most 
successful  realization  of  their  will  and  of  our  gratitude  that  is 
due  to  them.  Long  live  free  independent  Poland !"  * 

Strikingly  apparent  in  this  dignified  speech  by 
Dr.  Brudzinski  is  the  lack  of  an  overabundance  of  ex- 
pressions of  gratefulness  and  the  insistence  upon  a 
speedy  and  effective  realization  of  the  grant.  The 
officially  admitted  German  "scrap  of  paper"  view  of 
treaties  is  too  well  known  in  Poland  for  anyone  to  be 
carried  away  with  promises  until  they  receive  actual 
substantiation. 

The  first  few  weeks  following  the  proclamation 
justified  the  existing  apprehensions.  There  was  con- 
siderable open  opposition  to  it  in  many 

'^^T1^011"  quarters  in  Germany.  Nothing  was  done 
al  Polish  Gov-  \_  r  T?  j 

ernment  about  the  appointment  of  a  Regent  and 

no  immediate  plans  were  laid  for  the 
formation  of  a  State  Council  and  the  drafting  of  a  con- 
stitution. Subsequently,  when  a  plan  was  presented  on 
the  part  of  the  German  government  for  the  organ- 
ization of  the  State  Council  and  for  raising  an  army, 
man}'-  of  its  features  were  promptly  disapproved  by 
the  Poles. 

At  one  time  there  was  a  rumor  current  about  the 
Hapsburg  Archduke,  Karl  Stefan  being  proposed  for 
the  regency.  The  Archduke  had  long  been  regarded 
in  certain  Polish  circles  as  the  candidate  for  the  royal 
office  in  Poland  should  the  independence  of  the  coun- 
try be  re-established.  He  was  reported  as  possessing 
strong  Polish  attachments.  Two  of  his  daughters 
were  married  to  Poles  and  the  Archduke  himself  had 
acquired  an  estate  in  Galicia,  entertained  friendly 

*  "Glos    Warszawy"    ("Warsaw's    Voice,"    a   daily),    November   5, 
1916. 


606 


relations  with  his  Polish  neighbors  and  spoke  the 
Polish  language.  The  mention  of  Karl  Stefan's  name 
came  to  have  peculiar  significance  in  connection  with 
the  announcement  made  by  the  Austrian  Emperor 
simultaneously  with  the  proclamation  of  Poland's 
independence,  that  it  was  his  wish  to  grant  complete 
autonomy  to  Galicia  "at  the  moment  when  the  new 
Polish  state  came  into  existence."  This  was  inter- 
preted as  a  preliminary  step  toward  the  cession  of 
Galicia  to  the  new  State.  The  governments  of  the 
Central  Empires  well  realize  that  the  existence  of  an 
independent  Poland  without  Galicia  and  also  without 
an  outlet  to  the  sea,  which  can  be  afforded  only  by  the' 
cession  of  the  Prussian  holdings  of  Polish  territory, 
would  be  an  anomaly,  and  that  disregard  of  this  in- 
tense and  natural  aspiration  of  the  Poles  for  complete 
consolidation  would  only  defer  the  equitable  and  ra- 
tional settlement  of  the  Polish  Question. 

The  rumor  proved  to  be  a  rumor  only.  Evidently 
no  agreement  could  be  reached  between  Berlin  and 
Vienna  and,  as  a  result,  no  Regent  was  appointed. 
The  proposal  that  the  Council  of  State  be  presided 
over  during  the  course  of  the  war  by  the  German 
Governor  General  was  evidently  made  to  test  out  the 
temper  of  the  country,  for  it  was  withdrawn  in  the 
face  of  the  unanimous  opposition  which  arose.  An- 
other serious  clash  came  over  the  question  of  the  or- 
ganization of  the  army.  The  Central  Powers  pro- 
posed that  recruiting  stations  be  set  up  immediately 
all  over  Poland  to  raise  an  army.  Pilsudski  and  the 
majority  of  the  political  leaders  of  the  country  ob- 
jected to  such  a  procedure,  pointing  out  that  Poland 
alone  and  only  through  a  properly  and  legally  chosen 
Diet  can  decide  this  question. 

The  Polish  demands  in  this  as  well  as  in  other 
matters  were  finally  granted  by  the  Central  Powers. 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      607 

A  Polish  Provisional  Regent,  known  as  the  Marshal 
of  the  Crown,  was  appointed  in  the  person  of  Waclav 
Niemoyowski,  a  grandson  of  Bonawentura  Niemoy- 
owski,  the  last  president  of  the  Polish  government  of 
1831.  This  choice  was  made  to  emphasize  the  il- 
legality of  the  annexation  of  the  Congressional  King- 
dom by  Russia  in  1831  and  to  recognize  the  status  of 
Poland  as  it  existed  from  1815  to  1831  by  virtue  of 
the  Treaty  of  Vienna.  Pending  the  convocation  of 
the  Diet,  a  Council  of  State  was  organized,  composed 
of  twenty-five  representatives  from  all  parts  of  the 
country.  Fifteen  representatives  were  chosen  from 
the  part  of  Poland  occupied  by  Germany  and  ten  from 
the  part  occupied  by  Austria.  All  political  parties, 
religious  creeds  and  social  classes  are  represented. 
The  State  Council  is  presided  over  by  the  Marshal  of 
the  Crown,  and  constitutes  the  provisional  govern- 
ment of  the  country.  Germany  and  Austria  each 
have  ex-officio  representatives  in  the  Council. 

On  January  15, 1917,  the  Council  met  for  the  first 
time  and  adopted  rules  and  by-laws.  It  ap- 
pointed a  number  of  committees  and  created  eight 
executive  departments.  The  heads  were  selected 
from  the  membership  of  the  Council.  The  following 
are  the  departments:  War,  Treasury,  Political  Af- 
fairs, Interior,  Social  Economy,  Labor,  Justice,  and 
Public  Education  and  Creeds.  Pilsudski  became  the 
head  of  the  War  Department,  Michael  Lempicki,  the 
gifted  ex-deputy  to  the  Russian  Duma,  was  put  in 
charge  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  Count 
Rostworowski  heads  the  Department  of  Political 
Affairs  and  a  Socialist  veteran,  Mr.  Kunowski,  became 
the  chief  of  the  Department  of  Labor.  Other  depart- 
ments have  equally  able  and  experienced  administra- 
tors. Each  department  has  an  advisory  committee 


608  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

composed  in  part  of  members  of  the  State  Council 
and  in  part  of  outside  experts.  The  advisory  body  on 
religious  matters  consists  of  two  Roman  Catholics, 
two  Protestants  and  one  Jew. 

The  Council  issued  an  appeal  to  the  nation,  in 
which  it  promised  to  arrange  for  a  convocation  of  a 
legislative  assembly  in  the  near  future,  to  prepare  a 
draft  of  a  constitution  "based  on  the  principle  of  civic 
equality  of  all  citizens  and  adapted  to  modern  needs," 
to  establish  a  strong  government  and  to  organize  the 
finances  of  the  State.  The  Council  considers  it  its 
duty  to  stimulate  the  economic  upbuilding  of  the 
country  and  .to  reconstruct  the  ruined  towns  and 
villages.  In  the  opinion  of  the  Council  "the  existence 
of  an  army  is  the  first  condition  of  independence," 
and  it  hopes  to  create  a  large,  well-trained  and  rigidly 
disciplined  military  force. 

Pending  the  convocation  of  the  Diet,  however, 
it  will  not  introduce  universal  service  but  will  rely 
on  voluntary  enlistment.  By  a  decree  of  November 
26,  1916,  the  Central  Powers  placed  credits  at 
the  service  of  the  State  Council  and  gave  full  author- 
ity to  the  Council  to  raise  funds  by  either  taxation 
or  loans.* 

The  Polish  Legions,  which  were  released  by  the 
Austrian  Emperor  from  their  former  oath  of  alle- 
giance, swore  fealty  to  the  Provisional  Polish  Govern- 
ment and  became  the  nucleus  of  the  Polish  army. 
They  have  been  stationed  in  the  various  cities  to  re- 
place the  troops  of  the  Central  Empires,  which  had 
hitherto  garrisoned  the  country.  Similarly,  all  politi- 
cal, civic.and  religious  bodies  in  Poland  pledged  them- 
selves to  support  the  Provisional  Government.  Over- 
coming one  by  one  the  numerous  difficulties  put  in 


*  "Le  Moniteur  Polonais,"  Lausanne,  February  15,  1917,  p.  50. 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      609 

the  way  by  the  Central  Empires  and  by  the  exigencies 
of  the  war,  through  a  determined  and  united  effort 
Poland  is  emerging  from  this  chaos  and  holocaust  an 
apparently  independent  political  State.  Its  perma- 
nence depends,  however,  on  the  defeat  of  German 
autocracy  and  imperialism. 

For  the  last  hundred  and  fifty  years  it  has  been 

Poland's  ill  luck  to  have  her  brightest  opportunities 

ruined  by  an  adverse  turn  of  events. 

Trh!uSciUr0u        Almost   invariably   the   causes   were   a 

of  the  Polish          *      .  ,  -     , 

Question  lack  °*  rea^  interest  on  the  part  of  the 

western  nations  or  their  preoccupation 
with  internal  problems  or  wars,  and  the  unshaken 
solidarity  of  the  autocracies  of  Russia  and  Prussia. 
Fortunately,  the  present  conditions  are  entirely 
different.  The  great  war  that  is  being  waged  now,  in- 
volving almost  the  whole  world,  has  the  redemption 
of  oppressed  nationalities  for  one  of  its  aims.  The 
fullest,  noblest  and  most  sincere  expression  of  this 
ideal  was  voiced  before  the  forum  of  the  world  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States  in  his  historic  address 
to  the  Senate  on  January  22,  1917,  which  happened 
to  be  delivered  on  the  day  of  the  anniversary  of  the 
last  Polish  uprising  and  in  the  centennial  year  of  Kos- 
ciuszko's  death.  While  expounding  the  high  humani- 
tarian ideals  of  the  Republic,  the  President  said 
he  takes  it  for  granted  "that  statesmen  every- 
where are  agreed  that  there  should  be  a  united, 
independent  and  autonomous  Poland."  The  moral 
effect  of  this  pronouncement  by  the  Chief  of 
this  great  nation  cannot  be  overestimated.  Presi- 
dent Wilson  has  rendered  to  Poland  such  service 
that  his  name  will  ever  be  gratefully  remem- 
bered in  the  annals  of  Polish  history.  The  Poles, 
proverbially  loyal  and  appreciative,  will  never  forget 
that  in  the  hour  of  their  supreme  trial  they  had  the 


610  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

powerful  moral  support  of  the  head  of  this  glorious 
Republic.  The  provisional  State  Council  of  Poland 
as  well  as  other  bodies  sent  to  President  Wilson  ex- 
pressions of  their  deepest  gratitude  and  respect  for 
"this  wise  and  noble  understanding  of  the  rights  of 
the  Polish  people."  The  students'  fraternities  and 
other  associations  organized  joyful  demonstrations 
before  the  American  consulate  at  Warsaw.  The  par- 
ticipation of  the  United  States  in  the  war,  which  as- 
sures the  triumph  of  justice  and  democracy  over  law- 
lessness and  autocracy  and  which  gives  to  this  coun- 
try a  voice  in  the  councils  of  the  nations  at  the  close 
of  hostilities,  assures  to  Poland  a  powerful,  righteous 
and  high-minded  ally. 

There  is  now  one  more  propitious  circumstance 
tending  toward  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  Polish 
Question,  which  never  existed  before.  The  blood- 
thirsty, rapacious  and  imperialistic  Russian  autocracy 
is  no  more,  and  the  Russian  nation  through  its 
honorable  provisional  government  has  declared 
itself  in  favor  of  Poland's  independence.  In  an  offi- 
cial proclamation,  the  provisional  government  an- 
nounced that  it  wishes  Poland  to  decide  for  herself 
the  form  of  government  she  desires  and  takes  it  for 
granted  that  the  decision  will  be  for  "a  new  independ- 
ent Poland  formed  of  all  the  three  now  separate 
parts."*  The  fact  that  the  foundation  of  an  inde- 
pendent Polish  State  has  already  been  laid,  coupled 
with  the  weight  of  the  pronouncement  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  has  no  doubt  greatly  im- 
pressed the  Russian  statesmen  and  prompted  this 
auspicious  declaration  of  New  Russia,  for  it  was 
only  several  months  ago  that  Mr.  Milyukov,  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Provisional 
Russian  Government,  said:  "It  can  be  definitely 

*  Reported  in  the  daily  press  of  March  30th,  1917. 


FIG.   268— WOODROW  WILSON, 
President  of  the  United   States 


612  THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 

stated  that  Russia  cannot  tolerate  the  idea  of  an  in- 
dependent Poland,  even  as  a  buffer  state  between 
Russia  and  Germany."  * 

Following  the  recent  official  Russian  declaration 
in  favor  of  Polish  independence,  the  Polish  deputies  in 
the  Duma  resigned,  recognizing  that  they  ceased  to 
represent  districts  forming  a  part  of  the  Russian 
Empire. 

The  Polish  Question  has  never  before  been  so 
near  its  full  and  satisfactory  solution.  The  Poles  never 
doubted  that  it  must  be  solved  satisfactorily,  even  in 
the  darkest  moments  of  their  history.  They  knew 
that  "Poland,  with  a  land  heritage  of  three-fourths 
of  a  million  square  kilometers,  with  a  historic  past 
one  thousand  years  old,  with  a  rich  civilization,  with 
a  beautiful  language  and  literature,  with  an  annual 
economic  production  amounting  to  several  billions, 
with  a  robust  and  virile  population  of  twenty-five 
million  Poles,  of  whom  almost  two  millions  have  been 
called  to  arms  in  this  war — is  not  a  fragment,  that  it 
is  a  great  nation,  one  of  the  few  great  nations  of 
Europe  and  of  the  world."**  They  knew  that  their 
right  to  their  heritage  is  imprescriptible  and  that  they 
are  entitled  to  a  sincere  consideration  of  their  case  on 
the  part  of  the  great  democracies  of  the  world. 

They  knew  that  a  nation  which  in  its  ethno- 
graphic boundaries  alone  is  the  seventh  nation  of 
Europe  cannot  be  wiped  out  forever.  Only  Russia, 
Germany,  France,  Austria,  England  and  Italy  have 
populations  in  excess  of  ethnographic  Poland.  The 
Poles  were  convinced  that  only  an  independent  Po- 
land was  a  Condition  for  the  permanent  peace  of 
Europe  and  ior  the  restoration  of  a  proper  balance  of 


*"The    Independent,"    New    York,    September   25,    1916. 
**  "Uwagi,"  I,  Geneva,  1916,  p.  11. 


THE  POLISH  QUESTION  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR      613 

power,  upset  by  the  partitions,  of  which  Talleyrand 
said,  "le  partage  de  la  Pologne  etait  pire  qu'un  crime, 
c'etait  une  betise."  They  were  convinced  that  only 
an  independent  Polish  state  could  check  the  unhealthy 
imperialistic  rivalries  of  Pan-Slavism  which  spelled 
Russian  domination,  and  of  Pan-Germanism  which 
was  equivalent  to  the  Prussian  mailed  fist. 

Likewise,  they  knew  that  an  independent  Polish 
state  will  be  the  only  satisfactory  solution  of  the 
existing  military  frontier  anomalies  of  the  three  parti- 
tioning states.  Before  the  war,  Poland  formed  a  prom- 
ontory thrust,  as  it  were,  into  Germany  and  Austria- 
Hungary,  and  only  the  middle  course  of  the  Vistula 
was  in  Russian  hands.  In  case  of  war  no  offensive 
could  be  started  by  Russia  under  the  circumstances, 
as  both  her  flanks  immediately  became  exposed.  This 
danger  had  long  been  recognized  by  the  Russian  mili- 
tary authorities.  Only  the  interposition  of  an  inde- 
pendent Polish  state  between  Russia  and  the  other 
two  countries  can  allay  all  unhealthy  rivalry  and 
bring  permanent  peace  to  all  the  countries  con- 
cerned. Free  and  republican  Russia  working  out 
her  own  great  future  behind  the  most  advantageous 
strategic  line  liberates  Lithuania,  White  Russia  and 
other  sections  of  Ruthenia.  These  countries,  all 
or  some  of  them,  may  at  their  own  free  will  again 
enter  into  a  political  confederacy  with  Poland,  for  the 
common  cultural  and  economic  advantages  of  the 
peoples  concerned. 

Despite  all  the  persecutions  of  the  Russian 
government,  the  Polish  language  and  Polish  civiliza- 
tion are  still  predominant  in  Lithuania  and  in  White 
Russia  and  a  strong  bond  of  kinship  persists.  Kos- 
ciuszko  and  Mickiewicz  were  Lithuanian  Poles.  So  is 
Joseph  Pilsudski.  Thousands  of  the  most  patriotic 
and  active  Poles  were  born  and  raised  in  the  border 


614 


THE  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  POLAND 


lands  of  the  old  Republic.  A  large  number  of 
the  Polish  legionaries  hail  from  there.  Because 
of  greater  oppression  the  Poles  from  the  out- 
lying territories  are  possessed,  perhaps,  of  greater 
moral  force,  grit  and  determination  than  the 
Poles  of  ethnographic  Poland.  Indeed,  no  finer 
flower  can  bloom  out  of  the  carnage  of  the  present 
war  than  a  reconstructed  and  united,  free  and  inde- 
pendent Poland,  once  more  confederated  with  Lithu- 
ania and  Ruthenia  "as  the  equal  with  the  equal  and 
the  free  with  the  free." 

"  Gli  uomini  liberi  sono  fratelli." 


615 

Key  to  the  Pronunciation  of  Polish  Names. 

A  is  always  pronounced  as  a  in  father. 

C  is  always  pronounced  as  ts.  hence  Slowacki  is  Slo-vat-ski, 
Potocki  is  Po-tot-ski,  Waclaw  is  Vat-slav. 

E  is  always  pronounced  as  e  in  bet  or  met. 

G  is  always  pronounced  as  g  in  go,  hence  Gerson  is  Guerson. 

H  is  never  silent. 

I    is  always  pronounced  as  ee  in  bee,  hence  Izbica  is  Eez-bee-tsa. 

J  is  always  pronounced  as  y  in  yes,  hence  Jagiello  is  Ya-guel-lo, 
Jadwiga  is  Yad-vee-ga,  Jaworski  is  Ya-vor-ski. 

O  is  always  pronounced  as  o  in  order  or  orchard. 

U  is  always  pronounced  as  oo  in  root,  hence  Ujejski  is  Oo-yeay- 
ski,  Uchanski  is  Oo-han-ski. 

W  is  always  pronounced  as  v,  hence  Warna  is  Varna,  Wilno  is 
Vilno.' 

Y  is  always  pronounced  as  i  as  in  din. 

Certain  combinations  of  consonants  have  definite  sound 
values,  like  the  combination  of  sh  and  ch  in  English. 

Cz  in  Polish  is  equivalent  to  the  English  ch  in  church,  much,  suchj- 
etc.,  hence  Gzeslaw  is   Che-slav,   Mickiewicz  is  Meets-kie- 
veech. 

Ch  is  practically  h,  hence  Chelm  is  pronounced  like  Helm,  Chod- 
kiewicz  is  Hod-kie-veech. 

Sz  is  equivalent  to  the  English  sh  in  mush  or  rush,  hence  Szawle 
reads  as  Shav-le,  Warszawa  (Warsaw)  is  pronounced 
Var-shah-vah. 

Rz  is  equivalent  to  z  in  azure,  hence  Przemysl  is  Pzhe-misl. 

An  apostrophe  over  a  consonant  softens  the  sound,  hence 
n  is  pronounced  as  n  in  canon,  s  is  pronounced  almost  like  sh, 
and  c  is  almost  equivalent  to  ch.  An  apostrophe  over  an  6  turns 
the  pronunciation  of  the  letter  into  double  o  in  English. 

In  Polish  words  the  accent  always  falls  on  the  penult,  i.  e.,  on 
the  syllable  preceding  the  last,  hence  Lokie'-tek,  Kosciusz'-ko, 
Pilsud'-ski. 


617 


INDEX 


Abbeys  in  Poland 12-14 

Abraham  of  Zbonz,  Leader  or  a 
Confederacy  In  the  Reign  of 

Wladyslav    III 92 

Agricultural  Academy  at  Dublany  537 

Agricultural   Society 472-473,   476 

Closing  of,    1861 479 

Albrecht,  Hohenzollern — Anspach, 
Grand  Master  of  the  Order  of 

the    Cross    131-133 

Alexander,  King  of  Poland,  1501- 

1506     106,   123-127 

Alexander  I,  Tsar  of  Russia,  369- 
370,  374-375,  386-387,  389,  398, 
403,  405-406,  408-411,  413-415, 

417,     420,     471,     482-484 

Altranstaedt,    Peace    at,    1706 281 

Andrushov,  Agreement  with  Mus- 
covy, at  1667 260-269 

Altmark,    Truce    of,    1629 188 

Amurad,    Turkish    Sultan 93 

.Anna    Aldona,     wife    of    Kazimir 

the    Great    68 

Arctowski,   Henryk,  Scientist 539 

Arians,  Polish  Religious  Sect 255 

Banishment     of,     1658 256 

Askenazy,  Simon,  quoted.  393,  403,  561 

Asnyk,  Adam,  poet 511 

AsQuith,    British    Prime    Minister, 

quoted     522 

August     II     (1697-1733),     King  of 

Poland     276-281,  28328? 

August    III    (1733-1763),    King    of 

Poland    288-296 

Austrian     Occupation     of    Poland, 

1915-1916     592,   607 

Austrian   Succession,  War  of.. 295-296 
Aydukiewicz,  painter 581 


Babinski,  Scientist   539 

Bacciarelli,   painter    323 

Eadeni,  minister •. . .   540 

Bakchiseray   (Crimea),  Treaty  of, 

1681 269 

llandurski,   Wladyslav,    Bishop  of 

Lemberg     583-584 

Bank    of    Poland    413-471 

Bar,    Fortress    of 133 

Bar   Confederacy,    1768-1772,    304- 

308.   311 
I'arker,  J,  Ellis,  quoted.. 357,  397,  488 

Barss,    Polish    lawyer    328,   361 

Farzykowski,    Stanislav    434 

Basel,   Council  of,   1431-1449 96 

Batory,    Stefan,    King   of    Poland, 

1574-1586 167,   170-177 


Bebel,    August,    German   Socialist, 

quoted    519 

Beck,  J.  Prof.,  University  of  Lem- 
berg    561 

Bern,  Joseph,  General,  441,  460,  468-469 

Benedict   XII,    Pope    53 

Benningsen,  Russian  General 375 

Beresteczko  on   the  Styr, 

Battle    at,    1651 246 

Berg,  Count,  Russian  Governor- 
General  of  Poland 493 

Berlin,  Agreement  at,  1719. ..  .285-286 
Berthier,  French  Minister  of  War  366 
Beseler,    Von,    German    Governor- 
General  of  Poland   604 

Bessarabia,   Recognition  of  Polish 

Sovereignty,    1396     71 

Bethmann-Hollweg,  German  Chan- 
cellor, quoted 522 

Biala  Cerkiev,  Peace  of,   1651 246 

Bielski,     Martin,     Historian 150 

Bilinski,    Leon,    Polish    Statesman 

and    Scholar    540,  580 

Bismarck,  Prince,  Prussian  States- 
man   488,  523,  523 

Bloch,   Jan,   banker   561 

Bobrinsky,  Count,  Russian  Gov- 
ernor of  Galicia 587 

Bobrzynski,  Prof.,  quoted 234 

"Bogarodzica,"    early   War   Song.     82 

Boguslawski,  Woyciech,  Founder 
of  the  first  theatre  in  Poland, 
1765 326 

Bohemia,     Conquest    by    Boleslav 

the   Brave 16 

Revolution  of  1415   90 

Bohemian  Brotherhood  (Re- 
ligious)   139-140 

Boleslav    the    Bold    or    Generous, 

1058-1079    24-25 

Boleslav  the  Brave,  982-1025  A.  D. 

16-21 

Boleslav  of  Mazovia 94 

Boleslav  the  Wrymouthed  ((1102- 

1138)  27,  30,  32,  42-44 

Bona  Sforza,  Queen  of  Poland, 

Wife  of  Zygmunt  I..  129,  153,  270 

Boniface  VIII,  Pope 49 

Boyko,  Jacob,  Peasant  Leader  of 

Galicia    521 

Brandenburg,   43,   44,   49,   160,   188, 

263-254,   268 
Elector     of,     crowned    king     in 

Prussia,    1701 278-279 

Brandes,  George,  quoted 449,  456 

Branicki,  Francis  Xavier,  306,  319, 

329,   342-343 


618 


INDEX 


Branickl,    John    Clement,    Hetman   296 

Breslau  (Wroclaw),  Commercial 

City  36,  61 

Brougham,  Lord,  English  States- 
man   460-461 

Brudzinski,  Dr.  Joseph,  Rector  of 

Warsaw  University. .  602,  604,  605 

Buczacz,    Treaty   of,    1672 26S 

Budny,  Simon,  Author  of  Biblical 

Studies  256 

Butrymowicz,    Political    Writer.  .  .    328 

Calinski,      Sawa,      Cossack,      Bar 

Confederate    306 

Calvinism   in  Poland 139 

Campo    Formio    Treaty,     1797....    364 

Castellans    15 

Castlereagh,    Lord,   quoted    397 

Catherine  Hapsburg,  third  Wife  of 

Zygmunt  II  August 151,  158 

Catherine  II,  Empress  of  Russia, 
296,  298-302,  311-314,  320,  329- 

331,   342-344,   355,   368,   499 
Catholic    Union,    Closing    by    Rus- 
sian Government,   1909 551 

Cecora,  Battle  of,  1620 187 

Championnet,    French    General    in 

Napoleonic  Wars 364-365 

Charles  VI,  King  of  Austria 286 

Charles     X     Gustavus,     King     of 

Sweden   249-255 

Charles  XII,  King  of  Sweden. 278-283 

Chelm     59 

Made    Separate    Province,    1912 

by  the  Russian  Government..   555 
Chlopicki,   Joseph,    General,    Com- 
mander-in-Chief      of      Polish 
Armies,  3o5,  378,  423,  428,  429, 

432-434 
Chmielnickl,    Bohdan,    Leader    of 

Cossacks    239-248,   256-257 

Chocim,    Battle    at,    1673 264 

Chodklewicz,   Jan  Karol,   Hetman  184 
Chopin,    Frederick,    Polish    Com- 
poser    457-458 

Christianity,  Conversion  of  People 

to,    (963)    12 

Chrzanowski,    Defender   of   Trem- 

bowla    560 

Chuquet,    French    Historian 353 

Church,    Struggle    with    State 
During   Reign    of   Zygmunt   the 

Old     137-138 

During    Reign    of    Zygmunt    II 

August    151-152 

During  Reign  of  Stefan   Batory  174 
During   Reign   of   Zygmunt   III.    179 

Ciolek   (Vitellio).   Polish   Scientist, 

XlVth    Century 63 


Cities  in  Poland,  Development  107-122 

Decline   of    157.    214-216 

Reforms  Brought  About  by  the 

Four  Years'  Diet 335-336 

Cleinow,      von,      Georg,      Prussian 

Censor  of  Poland 592 

Clement  XIV,  Pope 315 

Clergy,  89-91,  137-152,  189,  210-213,522 
College    of    Physicians    and    Sur- 
geons         472 

Collegium    Nobilium     293-294 

Colloquia,   Councils  of  the  Prince 

35,  100 
Commendoni,  John  Francis,  Papal 

Nuncio    151 

Confederated     Independence     Par- 
ties of  Poland 571-572 

Conrad,   Prince  of  Mazovia 45 

Conrad,  Joseph,  Novelist 485 

Constance,    Council   of,    1415. ..  .90-104 
Constantine,  Grand  Duke,  Brother 
of  Tsar  Alexander  I,   405-406, 
409,     411,     414-415,     420,     422, 

424-425,   430-431,   434 
Constantine,  Grand  Duke,  Brother 

of  Tsar  Alexander  II 484-486 

Constitution  (Polish),  192-223,  294, 
319,  321,  336-342,  403-405,  408- 

409-417 

Conti,    Francois   Louis   de,    Candi- 
date   to    the    Polish    Throne, 

1697   276 

Convocation   Diet   of   1573 166 

Under  Wladyslav  IV 224 

Of    1764 265 

Copernicus  (Nicholas)   77,  147-148 

Cossacks    135,    206- 

207,     236-248,     256-260,     263,     282 
Courland,      Swedish      Occupation, 

279,   281,   288-289 

Occupation  by  Muscovy,  1737...  295 
Cowl  Confederacy,  1382-1384 .. .164-165 
Cracow 

Abolition      of      Serfdom,      1848, 

465-466 

Academy  of  Sciences  at,  1364,  62,  537 
Annexation  of,  in  999  A.D.  ...  16 

Annexation    by    Austria 355 

Capture   by   Prussia,    1784 353 

Capture  by  Russia 312 

Capture  by  Sweden   ."50 

City  Council  of,  1536   142 

City  Court  Established  at,  1356  60 
Conquest  by  Prince  Ponialowski  384 
End  of  the  Republic,  1848 .  .463-466 
German  Population  in  Rebellion 

Against  Polish  Prince 50 

Kosciuszko  Hill   399-400 

Kosciuszko's  Manifesto,   1794...    349 


INDEX 


619 


Prerogatives  of  the  Grand  Duke     31 

A  Principality  of  Poland 30 

Representation    in    Diet 228 

Republic,    1815     398 

Slaughter       of       the       Galician 

Gentry,  1846   465 

Supreme     National     Committee, 

1914 576 

Treaty  of,   1525 133 

University 71-79,  142-145,   573 

Crownlands,    Restitution    of,    1562, 

156-157 
Cudnow    (Volhynia),    Vctory    over 

Muscovites,   1661    257 

Czarniecki,    Stefan,    Hetman,    250- 

252,  255,   257 

Czar^oryski,  Adam,  Prince. ...  369, 
371,  374,  387;  389,  403,  406-410 
420,  426,  429,  431,  433,  460-461 

Czartoryski,  August,  Prince 298 

Czartoryski,     Wladyslav,     Prince, 

son  of  Adam 488 

Czartoryski   Family,    294-302,    308,    328 

Czenstochowa 252 

Battle  of,  1773  312 

Czernihov     260 

Czystochlebski,      Simon      Marcius, 

Pedagogue 150 

Danllowski,    Gustav,    Novelist    . . .    581 
Daszynski,  Ignace,  Socialist  Lead- 
er     601-602 

Deebitch,   Russian   Field  Marshal, 

434,  436,  440 

Dekabrist  Revolution  in   Russia..   420 
Dekert,   John,    President   of  War- 
saw   328,  335 

Dembinski,       General,       in       War 

against    Russia,    1831 440,   468 

Demetrius     (the    False)     Tsar    of 

Muscovy 185 

Democratic    Society     (Polish), 

formed  in   France 460-461,  464 

Devastation  of  Poland   586 

Dickstein,  Samuel,  Mathematician  561 
Dissidents    in    Poland,     152,     166, 

301-303,   320 
Dlugosz,  Jan,  Polish  Historian,   7, 

104,  150 

DmowskI,  Roman,  Leader  of  the 
National  Democratic  Party 

521,    558 

Dombrowski,  Jan  Henryk,  Organ- 
izer of  the  Polish  Legions  of 
the  Napoleonic  Era,  353,  359- 

368,,    372,    388,   393 

Domeyko,  Polish  Geologist 538-539 

Doroszenko,  Leader  of  Cossacks.  .   260 
Drucki-Lubecki,    Prince 387 


Druzbacka,  Elizabeth,  Writer 293 

Duma  (Russian)  554-559,  612 

Dumb  Diet,  First,  1717 285,  300 

Second,  1768 303-304,  319 

Dumouriez,  French  General 308 

Dunayewski,  Bishop  of  Cracow 

and  Cardinal 464 

Dunayewski,  Austrian  Minister  of 

Finance  540 

Dwernlcki,  Joseph,  General  in 

War  with  Russia,  1831 434 

DzialyJiski,  Count 373 

Dzierzanowski,  Bar  Confederate. .  308 

Dziewanna,  Goddess  of  Spring- 10 

Dzikow,  Confederacy  of,  1734....  £39 

Education   In   Poland 551-552,   595 

Educational  Commission 315-319 

Eleanor,    Queen    of    Poland,    Wife 

of    Michael    Wisniowiecki 262 

Emigration      (Polish),      359,      441, 

458-461,    463,   483 
Engels,  German  Socialist  Writer. .    519 

Enghien  (d1),  Duke,  French  Can- 
didate to  the  Throne  of  Po- 
land   259-261 

Esthonia 158,  180,  184 

Etreicher,   T.,   Prof.,   quoted 146 


Feldman,  Wilhelm,  Polish  Publi- 
cist       561 

Feldstein,  Herman,  quoted 566 

Ferdinand,   Austrian  Archduke...    382 

Fersen,    Russian    General    353 

Filipowicz,  Titus,  Socialist  Writer  518 
Flemming,  Saxon  Field  Marshal  27* 
Four  Years'  Diet,  1788-1792,  332- 

342,   345 
Francis    I,    Emperor    of    Austria,  463 

Frederick  IV,   Danish  King 27" 

Frederick      August,      of      Saxony, 

Duke  of  Warsaw 377-395 

Freemasonry  in  Poland,   414,   418,  420 

Friederich   Barbarossa    31 

Friederich  II,  German  Emperor. .  46 
Friederich  II,  the  Great,  King  of 

Prussia   300,   308-312,   330 

Friederich  Wilhelm  II  of  Prussia.. 334 
Friederich  Wilhelm  III,  King  of 

Prussia 401,  463 

Friederich   Wilhelm    rvv    King   of 

Prussia 466 


620 


INDEX 


Galicia 

Abolition  of  serfdom.   1848.  .465-466 

Austrian  Rule  in 402-403 

Conquest  of,   by   the   Armies   of 
the    Duchy    of    Warsaw,    1809 

382-384 

Home    Rule    of,    1866,    528,    540-541   . 
Literature,  Art  and  Sciences  . . .   537 

Organic  Development 532-537 

Representation  in  Austrian  Par- 
liament, 1848    469 

Russian    Administration    during 

the  War 687 

Ruthenian  Problem   in 541-545 

Slaughter  of  Galician  Gentry  by 

the  peasants,   1846    465 

Gallus,  Chronicle  of  the  XII  Cen- 
tury        57 

Gapon,   Russian  Priest   547 

Garibaldi    474,  483 

Gdansk  (Danzig)   233,  345,   377 

Gedymin,  Ruler  of  Lithuania,  1315- 

1341 68 

George  of  Sanok,   Polish   Human- 
ist       103 

German  Settlements  in  Poland. .  35-39 
German     Occupation     of     Poland, 

1915     591-592,607 

Gibbons,  H.  A.,  quoted VI 

Glinski,    Michael,    Prince 129 

"Globus  Jagellonicus"   144-145 

Glogow  (Glogau),  Defense  of,  1109     43 

'•Glos  Warszawy"  quoted 605 

Gnesen    (Gniezno) 6,  21 

Golitisin,   Russian  General 383 

Golomb   Confederacy,    1672 264 

Goluchowskl,  Agenor,  Count,.. 528,  540 

Goplo,   Lake  of 6-7 

Gorchakoff,  Prince,  Russian  Vice- 
roy of  Poland 471-472,  477.  481 

GoSlickl,  Bishop  of  Posen 103 

Grabiec,    J.,   quoted 417 

Gregory  VII  Hildebrand,  Pope 25 

Gregory  IX,  Pope 46 

Grey,  Lord,  Statesman. ...  399,  460-461 
Great  Poland,   (Major  Polonia),  a 

Principality,    30,  99 

Confederacy    281 

Gregory  XVI,   Pope 444 

Grochov,    Battle   of,    1831 434,   436 

Grodno,   Treaty  of,   1432    86 

Diet  of  1793 346,  349 

Grody 9,  37 

Grottger,   Arthur,   Painter 511 

Grudzinska,   Joan 415 

Grudzinski,  Charles  250 

Grunwald,  Battle  of,  1410 82-83 

Grzymultowskl,  Agreement,   1686.   274 
Gustavus       Adolphus,       King      of 

Sweden   187-188 


H.    K.    T 625 

Hadziacz,  Agreement  at,  1658 256 

Handelsman,  M.,  quoted 380 

Hapsburg,  Ernest,  Candidate  to 
the  Throne  of  Poland,  1573, 

167,  180 
Hapsburgs,    Relations   with  Zyg- 

munt   III    179-180 

Harley,  J.  H.,  quoted VI,  S01-603 

Hauke,  Joseph,  Commander  of  the 
Polish  Revolutionary  Forces, 

1863 494 

Henry  II  of  Bavaria,  German  Em- 
peror    19 

Henry  III,  German  Emperor 22 

Henry  V,   German  Emperor 43 

Henry    Probus,    Duke    of   Cracow, 

1289-1290    40 

Hill,    David    Jayne,    quoted 356-357 

Hohenzollern,     Louis,     Elector    of 

Brandenburg    273 

Holland,     Alliance     with     Prussia 

and  Great   Britain 332 

Loans  made  to  Poland   334 

Holy  League  against  Turkey 273 

Honorius   III,   Pope 45 

Horodlo,  Treaty  of,  1413 83 

Hosius,    Bishop   of   Warmia 151 

Humanism  in  Poland,  XV  Century 

102-106 

Hungary,  War  with,   1132-1135...     44 
Union    with    Hungary    for    the 
Liberation      of      the      Balkan 

Slavs,  1443 92-93 

Part  of,  taken  by  Austria 278 

Hunyadi,  John,  Hungarian  Pa- 
triot  92-93,  101 

Hussitism    in    Poland    91-92 

Igelstrom,    Russian    Ambassador,.    349 

Incompatibilia,  Law,  1504 127 

Independence,  Poland's,  Proclama- 
tion of,  November  5,  1916,  Ne- 
gotiations   601-602 

Act     of     the     Central     Empires  603 

Official   Reply  of  Poland 604-605 

Innocent  X,  Pope   239 

Innocent  XI,  Pope 269 

Ivan  the  Terrible,  Tsar  of  Mus- 
covy   151,  157-160,  167,  176 

Jadwiga,    1384-1399    66-68 

Jadzwings,   Early  Settlements....       1 
Conquest  by  Casimir  the  Just..      45 
Jagmin,     Organizer    of    a    Polish 

Legion    in    Turkey 532 

Jagiello,  Wladyslav,  1386-1434  ..  .68-92 
Jan     of    Stobnica,     Prof,     of    the 

Jagiellon    University 146 


INDEX 


621 


Jan    I   Olbracht,    King   of   Poland 

(1492-1501)    106-123 

Jan  II  Kasimir,  1648-1688,  King  of 

Poland    242-261 

Jandolwicz,   Father  Mark 306 

Janicki,  Klemens,  Poet-Laureate.   146 
Janko    of    Charkov,    Polish    His- 
torian    of  the  XIV  Century..      57 
Jaworski,    Prof.    Wladyslav    Leo- 
pold     565,  576 

redlnia  Act,  1430 89 

Jerzmanowskl,  Paul,  Colonel 393 

Jesuits  in  Poland   174 

Dissolution     of     the     Order. 315 

Jews 

Autonomy  in  Internal  Affairs..    221 

Courts 204 

Early  Immigration  to  Poland..      40 
Forming  of  Jewish  Regiment  in 

the  Polish  Revolution  of  1794  352 
Given  full  Rights  of  Citizenship 
by    Polish    Council    of    State, 

1861     479 

Jews  in  Poland  After  the  Revo- 
lution of  1905   559-567 

Limitation  of  Rights  by  Wislica 

Statutes   99 

Polish  Boycott  of  1912 564-565 

Protection  by  Kazimir  the  Great     59 
Protection  by  Statute  of  Kalisz     40 

Restriction  upon   221 

Jez,   Thomas  Theodore,   Pseud,  of 

Zygmunt   Milkowski    620 

John  XV,   Pope 24-25 

John,  King  of  Sweden 167 

Joselowicz,    Berek,    Colonel,    Com- 
mander Under  Kosciuszko  352,  561 
Joseph    II,    Emperor    of    Austria, 

308,   310,   330 
Jundzill,   Prof.,   of  the  University 

of  Wilno 318 

K.     S.     S.     N 571-572 

Kachowsky,    Russian    General....   343 

Kalisz    40,     61 

Kamienietz  Podolski,   Polish  For- 
tress   263,   278 

Kaniow,    Conference   at,    1787....    331 
Karamzin,      Russian      Historian, 

quoted     409 

Kara  Mustafa,   Grand  Vizier   270,  273 
Karl    Stefan,    Austrian    Archduke 

605-606 

Karlowice,    Peace    at,    1698 278 

Kasprowicz,  Jan,   Poet 512 

Kaunitz,    Austrian   Statesman    . . .    312 
Kazimir   the    Great,    Polish   King, 

1333-1370      53-63 


Kazimir    Jagiellonczyk,    King    of 

Poland,    1447-1492     94-101 

Kazimir  the  Just  (1177-1194),  31- 

34,     45 

Kazimir  the  Restorer,1040-1058. . .  23 
Kettler,  Ferdinand,  Duke  of  Cour- 

land     289-295 

Kettler,  Gothard  Von 158-159 

Kieff 19,  163,  260,   274 

Kilinski,   Jan,   Leader  of  Warsaw 

Populace  in  Kosciuszko's  Time  351 

Klaczko,    Julian,    Writer    561 

Klonowicz,  Sebastian,  Writer 146 

Kniaziewicz,      Brigadier      General 

364-366,   374 
Knights  of  the  Cross,  45,  49-50,  53, 

158-159 
Knights  of  the  Sword,   45,   85,   89, 

158-159 

Kochanowski,     Jan,     Poet 149 

Konarski,  Stanislav,  Jurist. .  .293-294 
Koniecpolski,  Stanislav,  Hetman 

188,   230 

Konopka,    General    37? 

Kollontay,  Hugo 316,  327-328 

Konarski,    Simon,    Revolutionist..   464 

Konopnicka,     Marya,     Poetess 511 

Kordecki    262 

Korsak,  Samuel,  Patriot 315 

Korwin,  Matthew,  of  Hungary. . . .  101 
Korzeniowski,  Joseph,  Writer.  .484-485 

Korybut,  Zygmunt 91 

Korytowski,  Minister  of  Finance..  640 
Kosciuszko,  Tadeusz,  344,  349,  351, 

353,  364,  368,  372,  399,  460-461,   613 

Kossakowski,  Joseph,  Bishop,  329, 

343,   352 

Kossakcwski,    Simon 343,    349,352 

Kostanecki,   Chemist   539 

Koszyce,    Covenant   of,    1374 66,  87 

Privilege   of    193 

Kozietulski,  Jan  Leon  Hipolit,  378-379 
Krasicki,  Ignatius,  Bishop,  Poet..  326 

Krasinski,   Adam,   Bishop 305 

Krasinski,    Michael    305 

Krasinski,  Vincent,  Count,  General 

378,   421,   431 
Krasinski,     Zygmunt,     Poet,     446- 

447,   454-458,  460 
Kraszewski,      Joseph      Ignace, 

Writer 505-507 

Kraushar,  Alexander,  Historian  . .  661 
Krauz,  Kasimir,  Socialist  Writer  518 
Krechetnikoff,  Russian  General..  343 

Kremienetz,  Lyceum 443 

Kromer,   Martin,  Historian 160 


622 


INDEX 


Kronenberg,  Baron,  Polish  Banker  561 
Kropotkln,    Peter,    Prince,    quoted 

491-493,    513 

Krukowiecki,  Jan,   Count 440-441 

Kruszwica,    Town   of 6 

Krysiak  Case    542-543 

Kujawy     49,     55 

Kukiel,    M.,    quoted,    362-363,    378,   394 
Kunowski,     W.,     Member    of    the 

Provisional   State   Council....    607 
Kurnatowski,    General    431 


Lada,      Goddess     of     Order     and 

Beauty    10 

Lafayette,  Marquis 436 

Lamartine,  French  Poet 459 

Lambert,    Charles,    Count,   Viceroy 

of    Poland     481 

Land   Owners'   Credit  Association, 

1825   413 

Lanskoy,  Russian  Senator.  ...  390,  405 
Laski,  Jan,  Archbishop  of  Gnesen  136 
Laski,  Jan,  the  Younger,  Religious 

Reformer     140 

Laskowski,    Scientist    539 

Lauer,    Bernard,   quoted 566 

Lebrun,   French  Artist 323 

Ledochowski,  Stanislav,  General..    284 

Ledochowski,  Cardinal   523 

Legions,    Polish,    361-368,    372-379, 

388-395,  467,  470,  532,  573-576, 

579,  581-585,  595-598,   608 

Legnano,    Battle   of 365 

Lelewel,   Joachim,   Historian,    318, 

429,  434,  460 

Lemberg  (Lwfiw)    38 

University  of    537 

Polytechnical  School  at   537 

Lempicki,  Michael,  Member  of  the 

Provisional    State    Council....    607 

Lenczyca,    Council    of,    1180 31 

Leoben,     Truce    at,     1797 364 

Leszek  the  Dark,  Duke  of  Cracow, 

1278-1288    40 

Leszczynski,     Stanislav,     King    of 

Poland      (1704-1710),      281-283 

287,     289.     291-292 

Letts,  Early  Settlements 1 

Lewicki,   Prof.   A.,   quoted 341 

Liberum  Veto,  397,  300-301,  303,  340 
Liebknecht,  German  Socialist 

Writer 519 

Lieven,   Count,   Russian   Ambassa- 
dor   to     England     460-461 

Likowski,    Bishop,    quoted    4:45 

Limanowski,      Boleslav,      Socialist 

Writer     518 


Lisoli,   Austrian   Ambassador    ....    258 
Literature    (Polish),    146-150,    446- 

458,   505-512,   562 

Lithuania,  1,  46,  68-71,  77-80,  160- 
163,  253,  260,  278-279,  439,  481- 
482,     489-493,     4-94-500,     613-614 

Litwaks    562-563 

Litwinski,  L.,  quoted 73 

Livonia    (Inflanty),    159,    187,    260, 

281,    286,    489 

Lizard    Union     98 

L6dz    515 

Longueville,  Saint  Paul,  Pretender 

to    the    Throne    of    Poland.  ...  262 
Lorraine,   Duke  of,   Austrian  Can- 
didate   to   the    Throne   of   Po- 
land    265-270 

Louis  XIV,    King  of   France,    261- 

263,     265,     268-270 

Louis  XV,  King  of  France 286 

Louis    Phillippe,    King    of    France 

437,   460 

Louis     of    Wurtemberg     342-343 

Lubecki,    Xavier,    Prince,    Finance 
•    Minister   of  the  Congressional 

Kingdom    369,   412,   420 

Lubienski,     Wladyslav,      Primate, 

297,    382 

Lublin,  Union  of,   1569 161-163,   256 

Diet  at    281,    481 

Lubomirski,     George,     Marshal    of 

the  Crown    25 J-260 

Lubomirski,    Theodore,    Woyevoda 

of    Cracow     287 

Ludwig,    Emperor    of    Germany. ..  .53 
Ludwig,    King    of    Poland,    1370- 

1382,    King    of    Hungary 64-66 

Lukasinski,  Valerian,  Major, 
Founder  of  the  Patriotic  Soci- 
ety of  Warsaw 418-422,  431 

Lun6ville,   Peace  at,   1801,   366,   368-369 
Lutics,  Slavic  Tribe  on  the  Baltic, 
Conquest    of,    by    Boleslav    the 

Wrymouthed 43 

Lutsk,    Battle    of,    1431 85 

Lyszczynski,    Kasimir    275 

Macieyowice,    Battle    at,    1794...      353 
Madalinski,      Brigadier      General, 

under    Kosciuszko     349 

Madeyski,    Minister    540 

Mahmed    IV,    of    Turkey    260 

Malachowski,  Stanislav,  States- 
man  328,  332-333,  373,  381 

Malborg,    Capital    of    the    Knights 

of    the  .Cross 50 

Mantua,  Surrender  of  365 

Marchlewskl,     Chemist 539 


INDEX 


623 


Marie  Antoinette,   Austrian  Arch- 
duchess         273 

Marie  Louise  de  Gonzague,  Second 

Wife  of  Wladyslav  IV 239,   265 

Maria  Theresa,  Austrian  Empress 

308,   311 

Marzanna,  Goddess  of  Death 10 

Massalski,    Bishop    315,    319,   352 

Mateyko,  Jan,  Painter 511 

Matthew  of  Miechow,  Medical  Sci- 
entist         77 

Matuszewicz,    Polish    Minister....    388 
Maximillian,    Brother  of  Emperor 

Rudolph  II 178 

Mazepa,  Hetman  of  the  Cossacks,  282 
Mazovia,     a     Principality     of     Po- 
land  30,  45,   46,   53,   131,   253 

Mazurs,   Early   Settlements    6 

Mecklenburg,      Conquest      of,      by 

Boleslav  the  Wrymouthed.  ...      43 

Merwin,  Berthold,  quoted 597 

Metternich,     Prince,     Austrian 

Statesman 391,  399,  402 

Michael,   Grand  Duke  of  Russia..    439 

Meyet,  Leopold,  Writer 561 

Mickiewicz,    Adam,    Polish    Poet, 
319.  366,  446-451,  460,  466-467, 

562,  570,  613 

Mielnik    Privilege,    1501 126 

Mieroslawski,  Ludwik 464-467,  483 

Mieszko   I,    Prince,    960-982   A.    D. 

12-16 

Mikulicz-Radeckl      539 

Military    Organization    of    Poland, 

Secret     592,   600 

Milkowski,  Z.    See:  Jez,  T.  T. 
Milyukov,    Paul,    Attitude   Toward 

Polish   Question    586,   610 

Mlodzieyowski,    Bishop    315 

Mochnacki,   Maurice,   Patriot,    423, 

430-431,   460 
Modjeska,  Helena,  Actress,  quoted  500 

Modlin    441 

Modrzewski,    Andrzej    Frycz,    Po- 
litical   Writer    146 

Moldavia,    Recognition    of    Polish 

Sovereignty.  .71,  102,  274,  278,   310 

Mondet,  French  General 384 

"Moniteur  Polonais,"  quoted 608 

Moniuszko,   Stanislav,   Composer..    509 

Montbrun,     French     General 378 

Montelupi,  Sebastian   116 

Morawskl,  Bar  Confederate, 306 

Morawski,    Theophile    434 

Morstin,    Count   Louis,    quoted....    581 
Morflll,  W.  R.,  quoted,  168-169,  437-438 

Morsztyn,   Zbigniew,   Writer 256 

Muenchengraetz,   meeting  of  Em- 
perors at 463 


Miinnich,  Russian  Field  Marshal..    289 
Mukhanoff,  Russian  Administrator 

of     Poland 471,   477 

Murat,  French  Field  Marshal 373 

Muravioff,   Russian    (Governor)    of 

Poland .  .493,  498-499 

Muscovy,      Wars      with      Poland: 

1522   133 

1606    185-186 

1654-1656    248 

1658-1667    256-257 

13  Year  Truce  with  Poland,  1667   260 
War,    1711    283 


Naplerski,      Kostka,      Leader      of 

Peasants'  Uprising   246 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,   361-362,   364, 

366-368,  372-380,   382-394,  585 

Napoleon,   Code  of 379-382 

Napoleon  III 470,   474,   488 

Naruszewicz,  Adam,  Bishop,  His- 
torian    326 

National    Democratic    Party,    521, 

557-559,  561-566,  578,  579,  589 

National   Workmen's   Union 558 

Neapolitan    Sums    270 

Neminem  Captivabimus,  Nisi  Jure 

Victum  (Law  of  1430),  89,  336,  408 

Nencki,   Marcell,   Scientist 539 

Neuburg,  Duke  of 265 

Neustadt    Conference,     1770 310 

Nicholas    I,    Tsar    of    Russia,    415, 

421-424,   432-433,   461-463,   471,   593 
Nicholas    II,    Tsar    of    Russia....    546 
Nicholas,     Russian     Grand     Duke 
and      Generalissimo      of      the 

Army — Manifesto  578,  586 

Nicholas  VI,  Pope 96 

Niemcewicz,  Julian  Ursyn,  His- 
torian   429,  461 

Niemoyowski,     Bonawentura,    441, 

458-459 

Niemoyowski,   Vincent    433 

Niemoyowski,  Waclaw,  Provisional 
Marshal  of  the  Crown,  Grand- 
son of  Bonawentura  Niemo- 
yowski    607 

Niemieza,  Treaty  of,  1656 254 

Nieszawa,   Statutes  of,   1454 99 

Nihil   Novi    (Law   of  1505) 127,   195 

Nissa    Conference,    1769 310 

Nobility  of  Poland,  86-87,  129,  208- 

210,   250,   279,    289 

Northern  War,  1700-1721   279-283 

Novosiltsoff,    Russian    Plenipoten- 
tiary,   405,    408,    411,    417,    420,   423 
Nusbaum,    Prof.    Joseph 561 


624 


INDEX 


Obertin,    Victory   at,    1531  ........   133 

Oginski,    Michael    Kasimir,   Prince 

Lithuanian     Grand     Hetman, 

322,   361,    369,   387 
Oginski,  Confederacy  Against  Sa- 

Piehas    ...................  278-279 

OleSnicki,     Zbigniew,      Bishop     of 

Cracow  ...........  90-92,  96-97,  99 

Oliva,  Peace  of,   1660  ----  255,    257,   280 

Olszowski,    Bishop    ..............    262 

Opalinski,    Christopher    ..........    250 

Order  of  the  Cross,    45-46,    50,    59, 

78-86,    98-101,   127 
Order    of    the    Sword     .  .  ,  .......      45 

Orloff,  Russian  Admiral  ..........   308 

Orzechowski,    Stanislaw,    Writer..    146 
Orzeszkowa,   Eliza,    Novelist,    507- 

508,    562 
Oscik,     George  ..................   172 

Ossolinski,    George,    Chancellor...    241 
Ostrolenka,  Battle  at,  1794....  349,  439 

Ostrorog,    Jan,    Senator  ......  103,  137 

Ostrowski,    Bishop    ..............    315 

Otto    I    of    Saxony  ...............      12 

Otto   III,    German   Emperor  ......      16 

Otwinowski,   Erazm,  Writer  ......   256 


P-     P.     S  ......................    518 

Pac    Family     ................  259,265 

Palmerston,    Lord  ----  .  .......  437,  460 

Pan-Germanism  .................    613 

Pan-Slavism      ...............  558,   613 

Panin,    Russian   Statesman  .......    311 

Paris   Peace  Conference,   1856....   470 

Parliamentarism  in  Poland,  of  Be- 

ginnings    ..............  9f     31,  35 

Paskiewich,  Russian  General,  427, 

440-441,   444,   461 
Patkul    .........................   278 

Patriotic    Club    ..............  430,   432 

Paul   of  Brudzev,    Rector  of  Cra- 

cow  University    .............   104 

Paul   I,    Tsar   of   Russia,    355,    364, 

368-369 
Peasant    Party    in     Galicla  ......   621 

Peasants    in    Poland,    99,    106-108, 
175-176,   216-219,   246,   349-351, 

402,   465-466,   491-494 
People's   Party  ...........  517-521,    577 

Pereyaslavl,  Treaty  of,  1654  ......   248 

PSrier,   Casimir   .................   458 

Perun,  God  of  Storms  ............     10 

Peter  of  Kolomea  ...............    139 

Peter,  Tsar  of  Russia,  278-279,  281-290 
Pgtiet,  French  Minister  of  War..  361 
Petryllo,  Moldavian  Hospodar  ____  133 


Philaret   Fraternity 419 

Philomath    Fraternity     419 

Piast  Dynasty... 7,  31,  64,  193 

Pilsudski,     Joseph,     576,     598-601, 

606,    607,    613 

Pius  VII,   Pope 413 

Pius    IX,    Pope 467,    488,    497-498 

Plater,    Emily,    Countess    439 

Plehve,    Russian    Premier 546 

Plock    38 

Podhayce,   Battle  at,   1698 278 

Podiebrad,    George     101 

Podlasie     163,  494 

Podolia   .....55,   263,  378,  489 

Podoski,  Gabriel,  Primate 302,  308 

Polanie,    Early    Settlements 5,7 

Polanov,   Peace  of  1634 230 

"Polish  Gazette,"  daily,  quoted...    590 
"Polish   League"    in  Switzerland,.   520 
Polish  Parliamentary  Club  at  Vi- 
enna      541,   580 

Polish  Question 

International  Status  of 585 

Attitude  of  Russia 585,  586 

Attitude     of     Allies 586 

Polish    School    Mother 551-552 

Polish    Socialist    Party,    547,    549, 

577,  598 

Poltava,    Battle    of,    1709 282 

Polytechnic    Institute    of   Warsaw 

591,  595 

Pomerania   (Pomorze)    7,     27 

Conquest  by  Boleslav  the  Wry- 
mouthed,     1109 42 

Conquest     by     Knights     of    the 

Cross     49-50 

Poniatowski,    Joseph,    Prince,    342, 
344,  370,  373,  382,  384,  387-388, 

390-395,   585 
Poniatowski,     Michael,     Primate 

King's  Brother 330,  352 

Poniatowski,      Stanislav      August 

(1764-1795),   282,   292,   296,   298-355 
Ponifiski,    Adam    Lodzia,    314,319, 

329,   353 

Poplawski,   Jan,  Publicist   521 

Possevino,  Antonio 176 

Posner,   S.,   quoted    515 

Potemkin,   Russian  Statesman....    331 
Potocki,   Felix,   Hetman,    278,    329,    343 

Potocki,    Ignacy    328 

Potocki,  Joseph  521 

Potocki,  Nicholas,  Field  Hetman..   237 
Potocki,   Stanislav  Kostka,  Minis- 
ter of  Education,  328,  380,  413-414 


INDEX 


625 


Poznan    (Posen).    6,    12,    397,    401- 

402,    466,   468,    469,    521-527 

Praga,   Slaughter  of,   1794 353 

Prague,    Convention    at 39 

Prazmowski,  Primate   264 

Provisional  Polish  Government  of 

1916-1917    605-609 

Prus,  Boleslav,  Pseud,  of  Alexan- 
der Glowacki,  Writer 507-508 

Prussia,  1,  45,  98,  131-132,  160,  163, 
278-279,  286,  290-291,  295,  300, 
308-309,  313-314,  332-334,346, 
349,  352-355,  358,  372,  375,  392, 

397,  401-402,   591 

Przemysl    59 

Przemyslav,  1295-1296   47-48 

Przybyszewski,    Stanislav,    Writer  512 

Przyluski,   James,   Jurist    150 

Ptolemy,   Cracow  Edition  of,   1512   145 
Pulaski,    Joseph,    Leader    of    the 

Bar  Confederacy 305 

Pulaski,  Kasimir   305,   308 

Pulawy  370,  484,  548 

Puzyrewski,       Russian       General, 

quoted     426 


Reymont,  Wladyslav,  Writer 512 

Reytan,  Thaddeus,  Patriot 315 

Richelieu,  Cardinal 231-232 

Rokitna,     Charge     of,     by    Polish 

Uhlans    597 

Romanoff,  Michael,  Tsar  of  Mus- 
covy    186 

Rostworowski,  Count  W.,  Member 
of  the  Provisional  State  Coun- 
cil    607 

Roumania     71 

Rudzki 639 

Rugen,    Island   of,    10,    11,    27,    43,     44 
Rumiantseff,   Russian  General ....   308 

Russian  Revolution    610 

Rutowski,      Tadeusz,      Mayor      of 

Lemberg    587,    588 

Ruthenia,   55,   59,  160-163,   188-189, 

190-191,    481,    541-545,    613-614 
Rydel,  Lucyan,  Poet  and  Dramat- 
ist        581 

Rymkiewicz,    General    365 

Rzewuski,    Severin,    303,    329,    342-343 

Rzewuski,    Simon    329 

Rzewuski,  Waclaw,  Field  Hetman  303 


Raclawice,    Battle    at,    1794 349 

Radegast    (Ancient    Deity),    Pro- 
tector of  Merchants  and  Guests     10 
Radom    Confederacy,    1767. ..  .302-303 

Radzieyowski,    Jerome    249 

Radziwill,  Antoni,  Prince,  First 
Governor  General  of  the 

Duchy  of  Posen 401 

Radziwill,  Barbara,  Queen  of  Po- 
land, Wife  of  Zygmunt  II  Au- 
gust    153 

Radziwill,  Charles,  Prince 298,   302 

Radziwill,    Janus    247,   250 

Radziwill,    Michael,     Prince,     330, 

434,    436 
Rakoczy,  Hungarian  Commander.    255 

Ramsay,    Russian    General    487 

Rapperswil,  St.  Gallen,  Switzer- 
land, Polish  Museum 520 

Raszyn,    Battle    of,     1809 382 

Red  Russia  65 

Reds    (Political  Party  in   Poland) 

473-477,  481,  485-486,   493 
Reformation    (Protestant)    ....137-152 
Reichenbach,   Convention   of,   1790  337 
Repnin,    Russian    Ambassador    to 
Revolutionary     National     Govern- 
ment   of    1915     577 

Rey.  Nicholas,   Satirist   146-147 

Poland   301,   303,   306 


St.  Otto,   the  Mission  of,  to  Pom- 

erania    43-44 

St.  Peter's  Pence,  Annual  Tax —      25 
Samogitia,   see  Zmudz 

Samo-Sierra,  1808   378-379 

Sandomir 30,   151,  280-282 

Sapieha,  Kasimir  Nestor 332 

Sapieha,    Leon,    First   Marshal    of 

the  Galician  Diet 532 

Sarbiewski,  Matthew,  Poet-Laurete  102 

Saragossa,  Siege  of 378 

Sare,    Dr.    Joseph,    Vice-President 

of  the  City  of  Cracow 566 

"School    Mother" 

Organized    in    Galicia,    1882 507 

In  Kingdom  of  Poland,  1905 552 

Schwarzenberg,  Commander  of  the 

Austrian  Army 390 

Sciegenmy,    Father    464 

Seklucyan,  Jan,  Representative  of 

Luther  in  Poland   139 

Senate,  Formation  of 100,  199 

Seniorate  (Polish  Laws  of  Inheri- 
tance)      26 

Sergius,   Russian   Grand   Duke....    546 
Shooyski,    Basil,    Russian    Tsar..   185 

Sicirtski,  Wladyslaw 247 

Siegmund,   King  of  Bohemia. ..  .90-91 

Siemaszko,  Uniate  Bishop  445 

Sieniawski,    Adam,    Hetman 283 

Sienkiewicz,   Henryk    508-509 


626 


INDEX 


Sieroszewskl,      Waclav,      Novelist, 

512,   581,   582 

Sievers,  Count,  Bussian  Ambassa- 
dor      346-349 

Siewlersk   260 

Silesia,  Principality  of  Poland,  30, 

53,    101,    295,   527 
Simkhovitch,    Prof.    Vladimir    G., 

quoted     461-462 

Skarga,  Peter  181-183 

Sklodowska  Curie,  Marie,  Chemist  539 
Skrzynecki,  Jan,  General,  393,  434, 

436,   440 

Slaves    in    Poland    9,   57 

Slavs   1,  5,  10-11 

Slowackl,    Juljusz,    Poet,    446-447, 

451-454,   460 

Smolensk    133,    260,   280 

Smolensk!,    W.,    quoted    253,    290- 

291,   413 

Smolka,  Francis 484,   529 

Sniadecki,  Andrew,  Scientist  ....  318 
Sniadecki,  Jan,  Mathematician...  316 
Sobienki,  Alexander,  Son  of  the 

King    281 

Sobleski,  James,  Son  of  the  King 

273-274,  276,   281 
Sobieski,     Jan,     King    of    Poland 

(1674-1696),    259-261,    263-275 

Socialism    in   Poland 518-521 

Society  of  the  Friends  of  Science  443 
Society  of  Elementary  Education  318 
"Sodalitas  Literaria  Vistulana"  at 

Cracow,    1489    102 

Sokolnicki,   Michael 365,   388,   394 

Sokolowski,  Prof.  August,  quoted, 

180,   226,   275,   312,   373,   442 
"Sokols"    (Nests  of  Falcons)    ....    534 
Soltyk,    Kayetan,    Bishop   of   Cra- 
cow        303 

Soltys 39   58 

Sowinska,    Funeral   of   Mme 475 

Sowinski,    General    441 

Spytek    of    Melsztyn,     Leader    of 
Confederacy   in   the   Reign   of 

Wladyslav  III 92 

Stackelberg,   Russian   Ambassador 

at  Warsaw   323 

Staff,    Leopold,    Poet    512 

Starosta   8 

Staszyc,  Stanislav,  Statesman,  316, 

327-328,   380 

State  Council,  Provisional,  of  Po- 
land    605-610 

Statute  of  Tolerance,  1562 151 

Sternbach,    Prof 561 

Stettin,     City     of     43 

Stoczek,    Battle   at,    1831 427 


Stolypin,  Russian  Premier 556 

Strangways,  Fox,  quoted   368 

Strug,  Andrew,  Novelist 581 

Strug,   Joseph,   Physician    150 

Sturmdorf,    Agreement   at,    1635..    233 

Strzelecki,   Polish   Explorer 539 

Stwosz,  Vit,  Sculptor   112-113 

Sudermania,    Duke    of    183 

Sulkowski,     Joseph      361,   393 

Supreme  National  Committee,  580, 

591,   593 
fcuvorov,    Russian    Field    Marshal, 

312,   353,   365 
Sweden,   187-188,   231-233,   249-255, 

278-283 
Swiatowit       (Indra)       the      Slavic 

Zeus 10-11 

Swidrygiello,       Grand       Duke      of 

Lithuania,    1430-1432    85 

Swientochowski,    Alexander,    Pub- 
licist      507-508 

Szaniawski,  Minister  of  Education  414 

Szczygiel,   Bar  Confederate 306 

Szegedin,  Peace  at,  1444   93 

Szela,  Jacob   465 

Szeptycki,    Count,    Greek    Catholic 

Metropolitan  of  Galicia.  .  .  587,   588 
Pzymonowicz,     S.     Poet 146 

Talko-Hryncewicz,   Prof,   quoted..        4 
Talleyrand,  French  Statesman,  399,   613 

Targowica  Confederacy 343-346 

Tarlo,    Adam    289 

Tarnowski,  Jan,  Grand  Hetman  of 

of    the    Crown     133 

Tarnowski,   St.,  quoted    76 

Tartars,    35-36,    127,    133-135,    248, 

260-261 

Tetmayer,    Kazimir,    Poet     512 

Thirty    Years'    War    186 

Thorn    (Torun)    100,    345,    377 

"Three   Black    Eagles,"    Union    of, 

1732     286 

Tilsit,    Treaty   of,    1807    375 

Towianski,     Andrew,     Philosopher 

450,   453 

Traugutt,     Romuald     493-494 

Travendal,  Peace  at,  1700 279 

Trembecki,    Stanislav,    Poet 326 

Tromba,    Nicholas,    Archbishop   of 

Gnesen    90 

Turkey,  101,  186-187,  230,  239,  260, 

263-265,    268-274,    277-278,    283 

308,    310-311,    330-332,    470 

Tyniec,    Battle  of,    1773    312 

Tyzenhaus,     Anthony,     Patron     of 

Industries    321 


INDEX 


627 


t'chanski,  Archbishop,  First  In- 

terrex  164 

Ufero-Flnnish  Peoples,  Early  Set- 
tlements    1-2 

Ukraine,  133-135,  234-236,  248, 
257,  260,  263,  268-269.  274,  278, 

282,  470 

Ulrich  von  Jungingen,  Master  of 

the  Order  of  the  Cross 80 

Uniate  Church,  257,  281-282,  444- 

446,  548 


Valois,  Henry,  King  of  Poland  167-169 

Varna,  Battle  of,  1444 94 

Vienna,    Battle   of,    1683    270-273 

Agreement  at,   1772    311 

Congress  of,   1815,   395,   417,   420, 

593,    607 

Volhynia   55,   71,  163,   489 

Voyciech  of  Brudzev,   Astronomer 

76-77 

Waclaw,    King    of    Bohemia    and 

of  Poland    48 

Wallace,     Sir     Donald    Mackenzie, 

quoted    159 

Wallachia 71,    127,    274,    278,   310 

War  Relief   694 

Warsaw, 

163,  166,  174,  214,  279,  284-285, 
292,  299,  314,  345,  351,  353, 
355,  368,  375-395,  381,  382-384, 
388-390,  418-422,  443,  479,  485, 
503,  514-517,  547,  553,  567,  586, 

589,   591 

Warsaw  University,    413,    480,    547, 

553,   591.   595 
V/awrzecki,  Dictator,  Successor  of 

Kosciuszko    360 

Wawrzyniak,    Father    523 

Welles,  God  of  Cattle 10 

West    Russia 163,    313-314 

Westphalia,    Peace    of,    1648 249 

White    Hill,    Battle    of,    1620 187 

White    Russia 489,    613 

Whites     (Political     Party     in     Po- 
land)     473-474,  481-482,   486 

Wiec   (Popular  Assembly) 9 

Wielawa,    Agreement  at,    1657....    254 
Wielopolski,  Alexander,  Margrave, 

474-475,   478-487 

Wieluri,    Edict    of,    1424 91 

Wilhelm   II   German   Emperor. .  .  .    525 

Wilno     344,     351,     353,     498-499 

Wilno  UniversHy,  317-318,  416-417, 

420,   443 

Wilson,   Woodrow    609-610 

WiSlica    Statute,    1347,    57,    58,    63,     99 


Wisniowiecki,    Jeremiah. .  237,    241-243 

Wifiniowiecki,  Michael  Korybut, 
King  of  Poland  (1669-1673) 

262-265 

Witold,  Duke  of  Lithuania,  79-82, 

84-85,  91 

Wladyslav   Herman    (1070-1102)    25-26 

Wladyslav  Jagiello,  King  of  Po- 
land   68-91 

Wladyslav  III,  King  of  Poland, 

1434-1444  89-91 

Wladyslav  Lokietek,  Prince  of 

Great  Poland,  1306-1333. .  .49-53 

Wladyslav,  King  of  Hungary  and 

Bohemia  122 

Wladyslav  IV,  King  of  Poland, 

1632-1648 224,  230-234,  236-248 

Wodzicki,  Stanislav,  Count,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Cracow  Republic  400 

Wohl,  Treasurer  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary Government,  1863  ....  561 

W'ola    (Suburb    of   Warsaw) 441 

Wolin,  Establishment  of  Bishopric 

at,  in  Pomerania,  1130  44 

Women  of  Poland,  Work  of,  Dur- 
ing War  594 

Woyt 38 

Wybicki,  Joseph,  patriot,  303,  361,   372 

Wyhowski,  John,  Leader  of  the 

Cossacks 256 

Wyslouch,  Leader,  Peasant  Party 

of  Galicia  521 

Wysocki,    Peter    422-423,   468 

Wyspianski,  Stanislav,  Poet  and 

Painter  511-512,  537 


Zakopane  (Mountain  Resort) 533 

Zaliwski,    Colonel 463 

Zaluski,  Andrew,  Bishop  and  Pub- 
licist        292 

Zaluski,  Joseph,  Bishop  and  Pub- 
licist   292,   303 

Zaluski    Public    Library    291-292 

Zamoyski,  Andrew,  Count,  Leader 
of  Nobility,  323,  472-473,  478- 

479,   481 

Zamoyski,  Jan,  Chancellor 173,   178 

Zan,  Thomas,  Leader  of  the  Wilno 

University   Students    419-420 

Zaremba,    Bar    Confederate 308 

Zawisza,    Patriot     463 

Zayonczek,  Joseph,  Viceroy  of  Po- 
land    372,   410-411,    417 

Zborowski,  Peter 131 

Zborowski,  Samuel 172 

Zebrzydowski,     Leader    of    Rebel- 
lion          184 

Zegocki,  Christopher   251 


628 


INDEX 


Zeromski,     Stefan,     Novelist.  .446,   512 

Zimorowicz,   Poet    146 

Zmudz    (Samogitia)    ...1,   80,    192, .494 
Z61kiewski,  Stanislav,  Hetman,  185-187 

Zoravno,    Peace   of,    1676 268 

Zulawski,     Jerzy,     Dramatist,     512 

513-581 


Zygmunt  I  (1506-1548),  the  Old, 

King  of  Poland  127-152 

Zygmunt  II  August  (1548-1572), 

King  of  Poland .151-164 

Zygmunt  III,  1687-1632,  King  of 

Poland  177-191 

Zygmunt,  Grand  Duke  of  Lithu- 
ania    86 


A     000  689  823     3 


SUPPLIED     B 

SEVEM 


IOX  12— NEW  YORK  riri 


